--- Page 1 --- a Occupation & the Culture of U.S. Imperialism Military - - A. TRIEN NDA MARY --- Page 2 --- A K C I --- Page 3 --- GENDER AMERICAN CULTURE Coeditors Thadious M. Davis Linda K. Kerber Editorial Advisory Board Nancy Cott Cathy N. Davidson Jane Sherron De Hart Sara Evans Mary Kelley Annette Kolodny Wendy Martin Nell Irvin Painter Janice Radway Barbara Sicherman --- Page 4 --- A K C Military Occupation and the Culture ofU.S. Imperialism, 1915-1940 MARY A. RENDA The University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill London --- Page 5 --- The University of North Carolina Press Alli rights reserved Set in New Baskerville and Franklin Gothic by Keystone Typesetting, Inc. Manufactured in the United States of America The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Renda, MaryA. Taking Haiti : military occupation and the culture of U.S. imperialism, 1915-1940 / Mary A. Renda. p. cm. Includesbibliographical references(p. ) andi index. ISBN 0-8078-2028-6 (cloth: alk. paper) ISBN 0-8078-4938-3 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Haiti i-I History-American occupation, 1915-1934- 2. Haiti History- 1934-1986.3. United States - Armed Forces - Haiti History. 4.Haiti- - Relations - United States.5. United StatesRelations-1 Haiti. I. Title. F1927.R56 2001 972-94'05-de21 00-048926 08 07 06 05 04 6 5 4 3 2 --- Page 6 --- To my parents, Lucy P Avenoso Renda and RosarioJ. Renda --- Page 7 --- --- Page 8 --- CONTENTS Acknowledgments xi Note on Usage xvii Prologue 3 Chapter 1. Introduction IO PART I. OCCUPATION Chapter 2. Haiti and the Marines 39 Chapter 3. Paternalism 89 Chapter 4- Moral Breakdown 131 PART II. AFTERMATH Chapter 5. Haiti'sAppeal 185 Chapter 6. Mapping Memoryand Desire 229 Chapter 7. Race, Revolution, and National Identity 261 Conclusion 301 Notes 309 Bibliography 365 Index 391 --- Page 9 --- --- Page 10 --- FIGURES AND MAPS FIGURES 1. "The Missionary," a cartoon by Private Paul Woyshner 14 2. Dartiguenave, center, and his cabinet, flanked by marines 32 3. Portrait of Homer L. Overley, 1920 40 4- Homer L. Overleyand fellow marines pose in the field 41 5. Postcard sent home from Haiti by F. W.Schmidt 57 6. Marines in barracks, Port-au-Prince 68 7. Marines at leisure in Haiti 71 8. Marine with Haitian woman 87 9. Smedley Butler with his family 102 10. "A Civilian before Military training and after" 12I 1 1. Caco leader: Valerius Pierre 152 12. Unidentified Caco leader 153 13.Marines with prisoner 157 14- Faustin Wirkus with Haitian man 168 15. Faustin Wirkus with Haitian woman 169 16. Herman Hanneken and William Button 172 17- The body of Charlemagne Péralte 174 18. Charles Gilpin as the Emperor, Jones 199 19.Aaron Douglas, Untitled. Illustration for The Emperor Jones 201 20. Aaron Douglas, Forest Fear. Illustration for The Emperor Jones 202 21. Puppet production of The Emperor Jones 208 22. Captain John Houston Craige posing with drums 214 28. Mahlon Blaine'scover for Black Majesty 218 24. Colombian Line, "Cruise the West Indies" 219 169 16. Herman Hanneken and William Button 172 17- The body of Charlemagne Péralte 174 18. Charles Gilpin as the Emperor, Jones 199 19.Aaron Douglas, Untitled. Illustration for The Emperor Jones 201 20. Aaron Douglas, Forest Fear. Illustration for The Emperor Jones 202 21. Puppet production of The Emperor Jones 208 22. Captain John Houston Craige posing with drums 214 28. Mahlon Blaine'scover for Black Majesty 218 24. Colombian Line, "Cruise the West Indies" 219 --- Page 11 --- 25. Scenic wallpaper, "A Visit to King Christophe" 220 26.Scenic wallpaper, panels 5-8 221 27. U.S. Marine Corps Travel Series, Citadel of Christophe 222 28. Arthur B. Jacques's portrait of"a typical country woman" 235 29-J Jacob Lawrence, "General Toussaint L'Ouverture" 279 30.. Augusta Savage, La Citadelle Freedom 280 MAPS 1. Distances to Haiti 2 2. Haiti 38 3. The remapping of Haiti 139 X FIGURES AND MAPS --- Page 12 --- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS know, but whose work has made mine My first thanks go to those I do not I feel a special for I am indebted to a vast array of working people. from day to possible Mount Holyoke College running gratitude to those who keep walked off their jobs in solidarity who day and to those at Yale University student there. ButI student employees when I was a graduate with graduate and women who wired my computer, also wish to acknowledge the men clothes, picked the fruit I ate at crafted my reading table, cut and sewed my cleaned the offices sandwiches with lettuce and tomato, lunch, layered my and handled the acid that and libraries in which I worked on this book, the batteries that set my microcassette tapes spinning. who powered thank by name at least some of the many people Happily, I can bailed Holly Sharac typed my first tape-recorded prose, assisted me directly. and helped me in a out of a fix or two while I was focused on writing, me five years. Ellen Carey assembled meticuthousand other ways over the past time flat. Calyn Arnold put lous footnotes out of my rough scratches in no books, and saved me brought me piles of obscure together my bibliography, Dawn Larder, Rhea Cabin, and Florerrors. Pat Serio, from innumerable times, through their labors. Thomas also smoothed my way, at different of ence me from falling into the depths Ivy Tillman's spirit and humor kept Cynthia Legare, and a host computer-novice despair. Ivy, Aimé DeGrenier, computer help and folks at the Mount Holyoke College of smart patient and some treacherous operations, desk walked me through many simple - and at least once the rescue lost sections of the manuscript helped me entire manuscript. Theyare my e-heroes. the help of many skilled and Icould not have done this work without refer archivists. Special thanks to the circulation, generous librarians and College Library, the staffs at the Mount Holyoke ence, and interlibraryloan: Yale's Sterling Memorial Library; to Frost Library at Amherst College, and Graboske, and Leo J DoughMichael Miller, Amy Cantin, Frederick, Jat the J Historical Center; and to Barry Zerby erty III, at the Marine Corps assistance in my search for illustraNational Archives. For their gracious Tritobia Benjamin, tions, I would like to thank Opal Baker, Eileen, Johnson, and Kevin Morrow. ous librarians and College Library, the staffs at the Mount Holyoke ence, and interlibraryloan: Yale's Sterling Memorial Library; to Frost Library at Amherst College, and Graboske, and Leo J DoughMichael Miller, Amy Cantin, Frederick, Jat the J Historical Center; and to Barry Zerby erty III, at the Marine Corps assistance in my search for illustraNational Archives. For their gracious Tritobia Benjamin, tions, I would like to thank Opal Baker, Eileen, Johnson, and Kevin Morrow. --- Page 13 --- of various kinds made this book possiMaterial and practical assistance Yale University, and the ble. Thanks to the American Historical Association, for the dissertation for financial assistance Woodrow Wilson Foundation, and research grants from Amherst phase of this work. Faculty fellowships follow on a broad Holyoke College enabled me to up College and Mount the United States. Ayear'sleave from of research leads in Haiti and in that was range myself in this project in a way teaching allowed me to immerse advice and assisof my analysis. For helpful essential for the development I thank Jeremy King, Gail tance when my hands could no longer type, Michael Hussin. For his Hornstein, Peter Berek, Megan Kerr, and especially Ithank Lewis Bateman. For their guidance encouragement over many) years, Ron Maner, process, I thank Alison Waldenberg, through the publishing and especially Mark Simpson-Vos. David Perry, Kate Torrey, Pam Upton, for his Press, and thanks to Brian MacDonald Thanks to all the folks at UNC careful attention to the details. mentors, and advisers. to thank my teachers, It gives me great pleasure this and offered valuable David Brion Davis showed enthusiasm for project and David Brion Davis from the outset. Hazel Carby, Nancy Cott, guidance which the book grew, and their readings helped read the dissertation from da Costa read Caribbean history me make the book much stronger. Emelia when I was first defining the with me and gave me the gift of conversation of my own educa- .Ihave also had the good fortune, at various stages project. learn from William Cronon, David Montgomery, tion, to work with and Jo Buhle, and the late WilDemos,, Joan Scott, Elizabeth Weed, Mary, fashion John learned from each of them helped me my liam McLoughlin. What I of very talented public to history. I was also inspired by a group approach Robert Geise and Linda Rosenthal. high school history teachers, including Creole I have had the privilege of of Haiti and of Haitian As a student Marc Prou, Lionel Hogu, with another very talented set of teachers. Franworking Lyonel Primé, and Renote Jean Yvon Lamour, Lunine PierresJerome, as teachers of Creole at offered their enormous talent and inspiration çois Institute at the University of Massachusetts, the Haitian Creole Summer and complexity of Creole, in 1996. For showing me the beauty Boston, Haiti in ways that would have otherwise and enabling me to understand Mèsi anpil anpil. Thanks also been lost to me, I am most grateful to them. their home to Rameau and her daughter, who opened to Madame Josette I was only beginning to conversed with me in a language me and patiently sharing her considerThanks to Elizabeth McAlister for generously learn. able knowledge with me. ACKXOWLENCMENTS xii ole Summer and complexity of Creole, in 1996. For showing me the beauty Boston, Haiti in ways that would have otherwise and enabling me to understand Mèsi anpil anpil. Thanks also been lost to me, I am most grateful to them. their home to Rameau and her daughter, who opened to Madame Josette I was only beginning to conversed with me in a language me and patiently sharing her considerThanks to Elizabeth McAlister for generously learn. able knowledge with me. ACKXOWLENCMENTS xii --- Page 14 --- has been an invaluable For over ten years, the Haitian StudiesAesociation and worked through my resource for me as I have carried out my research book. I am most grateful first for the dissertation and then for the ideas, Carol Berotte Joseph, Gerdes Fleurant, to Marc Prou, Leslie Desmangles, members of the HSA board and Carol F. Coates, Alix Cantave, and other conferences and for both for their work on the annual staff over the years, of Haitian history and with me about various aspects their conversations Benson for her encouragement and for culture. Thanks also to LeGrace Obin. I am grateful also attention the paintings of Philomé bringing to my who shared their work and their lives to the many conference participants whom I learned more than I can say. and from and assisted me while I was in Haiti. Warm Many people welcomed me who invited me to Hinche, hosted me thanks to Father Romel Eustache, men and women in and introduced me to many generous while I was there, LaPierre and other residents at the rectory town. Thanksalso to Father Yves for a time. I wish to express my in Hinche who shared their home with me Father William Smart, for Roger Gaillard, Suzy Castor, and heartfelt respect talk with me about Haitian history. I and to thank them for taking time to with me about the who was willing to speak am deeply grateful to everyone the first time I Tcharly Pierre served as my guide occupation of 1915-34and traveled with me to Cap was in Haiti. He assisted me in Port-au-Prince deal. For his intelligent and Hinche. He also taught me a great Haîtien I thank him. Thanks also to Richard assistance, caring, and generosity, for his material support for my work in Port-au-Prince. Morse of this book and earlier I have had the opportunity to present parts in various settings. I am grateful to Marie-Denise versions of my argument Haiti: Voices/I Images/I ReflecShelton for bringing me to the conference, Kristin Thanks also to Hoganson, tions, at the Claremont Collegesin 1993conference Yukiko Hanawa, and all those who organized Paul Kramer, talks, and invited me to give papers at various panels and worksin-progress the Organization of of this work. The - American Studies Association, Center, stages Women's Studies Research American Historians, the Five College Seminar have provided imand the Five College Social History Research Thanks to the many people contexts for working through my ideas. in these setportant and made helpful comments who asked thoughtful questions Filene for his formal comments on tings. In particular, thanks to Peter at the right Lisa Brawley for asking the right question one paper, and to I thank Judith, Jackson Fossett and time. For sharing their research with me, Jennie Smith. xiii AGKXOWLEDEMENTS , stages Women's Studies Research American Historians, the Five College Seminar have provided imand the Five College Social History Research Thanks to the many people contexts for working through my ideas. in these setportant and made helpful comments who asked thoughtful questions Filene for his formal comments on tings. In particular, thanks to Peter at the right Lisa Brawley for asking the right question one paper, and to I thank Judith, Jackson Fossett and time. For sharing their research with me, Jennie Smith. xiii AGKXOWLEDEMENTS --- Page 15 --- It has been my great pleasure and oneer Valley with such privilege to live and work in the Pia rich community of committed partment of Women's and Gender Studies scholars. The Deintellectually exciting at Amherst College provided an atmosphere, and in that tant new turns. Thanks to Amrita context the book took imporcolleagues. I had the Basu, Margaret Hunt, and to all my WAGS miller; great good fortune to team teach for her friendship and for her with Kristen BuMichèle Barale keen mind, I feel happily indebted. pushed me to explore the I thank her for this excellent queer dimensions of my topic; and other members advice. I am grateful to Frank of the History Couvares women's reading Department at Amherst. A group was a boon for me when I first five-college Judith Frank, Amy Kaplan, Elizabeth arrived, Thanks to Sanchez-Eppler, Brenda Young, Nina Gerassi-Navarro, Karen and since. Bright, and Kathy Peiss for good Thanks to Five Colleges, Inc., and conversation, then setts for various other to the University of Massachufive-college opportunities to meet, converse, and work with other colleagues. At Mount Holyoke College, and American studies my colleagues in history, women's studies, have encouraged and am indebted to Elizabeth supported me in crucial ways. I Young and Eugenia Herbert for their veryhelpful readings of significant careful and to have the portions of the book. I was fortunate also opportunity to circulate Chapter 3 to my studies; their generous and colleagues in American critical time. I am thoughtful reception spurred on my at a grateful to Joe Ellis for his writing and for passing consistent interest in work along one after another my idea. Conversations with helpful reference, article, book, Amy Kaplan, Holly Karen Barad, Rupal Oza, and Hanson, Nina Gerassi-Navarro, many of the ideas many others helped me formulate and refine expressed in this book. Much Czitrom for his generous appreciation to Daniel all my colleagues in the encouragement and wise counsel. And thanks to challenging History Department for being willing to conversations about what engage in Thanks also to the various "history" is and how we approach it. ity Fellows from visiting faculty members and Five whom I have had the College Minoryears. opportunity to learn over the past five For their friendship and assistance to thank Serene at various stages of this work, I wish Jones, Leslie Frane, Adrienne ert Riger, Susan Johnson, Reeve Donald, Jill Lepore, RobNancy Schnog, and Huston, Barbara Savage, Lisa Calyn Arnold. For Cartwright, sometimes over long holding me in their loving embrace, too hard distancesand. many years, and even to make it to a big event, I wish when I was working "family of origin" and to thank my wonderfully my "family". of friends - too large xiv numerous to name. Bob ACEROWLENCNENTS Frane, Adrienne ert Riger, Susan Johnson, Reeve Donald, Jill Lepore, RobNancy Schnog, and Huston, Barbara Savage, Lisa Calyn Arnold. For Cartwright, sometimes over long holding me in their loving embrace, too hard distancesand. many years, and even to make it to a big event, I wish when I was working "family of origin" and to thank my wonderfully my "family". of friends - too large xiv numerous to name. Bob ACEROWLENCNENTS --- Page 16 --- assistance have also cheered me on and provided practical and Iris Leopold Vernon-Jones, Anna May Seaver, in various ways. Tracy Washington, Amy Anita Simansky, Barbara Charles Tebbets, Nancy Robertson, Dan Simpson, success I significantly to whatever Love, and many others have contributed Harold GarreteGoodyear Preston Smith, and may have. Michelle Stephens, sharing in work that is close spirits and made me hopeful by have buoyed my work on this project both intellecheart.] Jane Levey contributed to my to my Her death in April 1999 was a difficult tuallyand personally over manyyears. toits end, helped sustain me. blow. But her life, right the (long) final emotional, and moral support, especiallyin For physical, Carol Cohen,J Judith Frank, to Becca Leopold, stretch, I am deeply grateful Eunice Torres, Debo Powers, Russ Elizabeth Garland, and Holly Hanson. Peter ElArmentano, Eileen Nemzer, Vernon:Jones, Zoe Perry, Jeannette the most arduous phases Sheeksa also sustained me through bow, and Jennie me revel in my love of writing. of the work and at the same time helped word of this book over the Chief reveler Lisa Drake heardjust about every to delete. that I eventually had the wherewithal phone-and many more decision to back me up on this Somewhere along the line, she made a that decision grateful for the many ways project, and I am enormously all manner of loving materialized. Lynn Yanis and John Maher provided library runs, research to spurofthe-moment assistance. From substantive enabled me to maintain my bailouts to hot dinners, they from computer this fabulous crew for keeping me afloat. stride. Loving thanks to Gail Bederman and Emily I wish to express my deep appreciation to at a relatively rough who read the manuscript in its entirety Rosenberg, as good were it not for theirt thoughtful stage. This book would not be nearly They were able to comments on the manuscript in progress. and probing for, and if I have attained it in some measure, envision what I was reaching Showalter also generously read they must surely take some credit. Dennis I thank him. For readings of for which and commented on the manuscript, advice and criticism, I thank Revarious chapters and offering important Peter Szabo, and Lynn Kunzel, Kathy Peiss,, Judith Frank, Serene Jones, I don't gina their as well as for their feedback. Yanis. I am grateful for friendship she has been my most steady intellecknow how to thank Amy Kaplan, for friend, she read every chapter A keen reader and a caring tual companion. her for all that work, but also for knowing at least once. I am grateful to on the line. Of course,I hold back advice, and when to lay criticism when to for any errors. take complete responsibility for all that Becca LeoClosest to home, words fail me. My appreciation and a steady comcontributed to this work -as a fellow historian pold has XV ACKXOWLEDGMENTS my most steady intellecknow how to thank Amy Kaplan, for friend, she read every chapter A keen reader and a caring tual companion. her for all that work, but also for knowing at least once. I am grateful to on the line. Of course,I hold back advice, and when to lay criticism when to for any errors. take complete responsibility for all that Becca LeoClosest to home, words fail me. My appreciation and a steady comcontributed to this work -as a fellow historian pold has XV ACKXOWLEDGMENTS --- Page 17 --- panion - seems frankly inexpressible. Thank you, Becca, and not least for the wisdom in your wisecracks. And finally, I dedicate this book to my parents, with love and deepest gratitude for all they have taught me and done for me. They have a long history of fighting to make things right in the world, and theyare still at it, to my great good fortune and the world's. xvi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- Page 18 --- NOTE ON USAGE that the United States I use the term "U.S. American" to acknowledge the posed by but not all of America and to address problem constitutes part of the Americas. Not only in the United the word "American" for students the word is used to designate States, but also in some parts of Latin America, Yet, Latin Americans and things in, of, or from the United States. of nomenpeople embodied in this gesture rightly call attention to the imperialism in this book because the ambiclature. These matters are especially pointed the name "America" with the term "American" and with guities associated here. The slippage between various are part of the story being recounted efficacy for various people of these terms turns out to have had political uses in, of, or from the United States. the term "North Amerito this challenge has been to use One response in its erasure of the can"in lieu ofA American. Yet, this too seems problematic Canada alone or America, whether that is seen to include rest of North the two terms "American" and Mexico as well. I have chosen to intersperse calls for the more * using the latter especially where clarity "U.S.American, to use the historprecise designation. At other points it seems important that were at term in order to capture the ambiguities ically "appropriate" For contrasting work both in its casual use and in its strategic deployment. El continente de siete controversy, see Arciniegas, views of this long-standing 'America' - and *Americans. colores: and Bemis, --- Page 19 --- --- Page 20 --- A K C I --- Page 21 --- of d8 R S 0 3 QUVASNIA A o a & O O 4 - a C à 8 U a a ui - A 5 V a c. E - t & & A a Z a w t l a f S * J a N A O E OX M3M PARA Ve z a U O n 19 --- --- Page 20 --- A K C I --- Page 21 --- of d8 R S 0 3 QUVASNIA A o a & O O 4 - a C à 8 U a a ui - A 5 V a c. E - t & & A a Z a w t l a f S * J a N A O E OX M3M PARA Ve z a U O n E q a / SUTAL * a e M A U AROEL C T IPON d à yel I S à p a I e d a 6 3 - ae REW O a en A U > on e - no - = S < 1 r a < C U Ens P 0 Mip P # o --- Page 22 --- PROLOGUE "Join the Marines and See the World" screamed Wilkes-Barre. Within the of the enlistment posters in Pennsylvania space ten days one young man from the was "seeing the world," not as a mere soldier, collieries of thousand or one-hundred thousand a bayonet in a force of a bayonets by which fighting forces are numbered - but as an arbiter of life and death. FAUSTIN WIRKUS Now and then the people of the United States no longer merely citizens of a should be reminded that they are republic but also citizens of an out from its native continent to include empire which reaches from New York or various isthmuses and islands far away Chicago or San Francisco, from Iowa or same time they should be reminded that Oregon. And at the no means been subdued ancient human moods and ideas have by scientific throughout the American empire to the temper which is supposed to administer the modern, rational, the government and influence customs of the people. CARL, VAN DOREN How does a man imagine himself when he is about arbiter of life and death? to pull a As an an As trigger? he is a white man, agent acting on behalf of a rational state? If setting his sights on a black does he conjure as the muscles in man, what image of himself uniform, pointing his his hand tighten? If he is a man in gun at a bandit, what stories, what fragments of selfhood training drills, what adventure comesinto focus? Ifiti is come before his mind'seye: as his States 1918, and he is a private or a target Marine Corps - sergeant in the United routing out rebels from the Germans from the fields of France Haitian hills rather than For Faustin who does he think he is? Wirkus, as for other American States military occupation of Haiti men carrying out the United questions between 1915 and 1934, such presented themselves even as subjective calculations of military they were elided in the leaders. Hero? strategic man a distinctive concentration Cowboy? Outlaw? Outcast? For each of memories, ments of culture conscious and experiences, images, fragwhite man, an unconscious - coalesced to form a American, a soldier. Those self, a responsible for the deployment tof ? Wirkus, as for other American States military occupation of Haiti men carrying out the United questions between 1915 and 1934, such presented themselves even as subjective calculations of military they were elided in the leaders. Hero? strategic man a distinctive concentration Cowboy? Outlaw? Outcast? For each of memories, ments of culture conscious and experiences, images, fragwhite man, an unconscious - coalesced to form a American, a soldier. Those self, a responsible for the deployment tof --- Page 23 --- they had provided would could only hope that the military training the official troops selves, these soldiers, into line with be sufficient to bring these each "bayonet" of the occupation. On the ground, goals and strategies his relation to the nation he was sent to would have to work out for himself the whose shores the empire he was on hand to build, and people represent, he had breached. a sergeant when he when he entered the Marine Corpsin 1917, A private few dozen U.S. marines who laid down his arms, Faustin Wirkus was one ofa Wirkus told his story to a left a record of his musings on such matters. First, if from William Seabrook. And a story it was, as straight journalist named collieries of Pennsylvania joins the MaConrad: an ordinary boy from the crowned king of a Voodoo rines, lands in the tropics, and ends up being surrounding it with his island. Seabrook made a pretty penny on the story, beliefsi in his ofHaitian religious practices and popular own fanciful laccount Island.' A few years later, perhaps seeing the travel narrative, The Magic another journalist, Taney possibility of his own pot of gold, Wirkus engaged The White King of La which he called Dudley, to produce his own account, Gonave.: 2 of their experiences Like Wirkus, a handful of marines wrote memoirs sensationalized, such as Some were unmistakably during the occupation. books about Haiti, Black Bagdad and Captain John Houston Craige's two Smedley Butler and Cousins.3 Military leaders such as generals Cannibal memoirs, often striking a Puller featured Haiti in their published of Chesty like Homer Overley sensational note. 4 Other marines, Corporal similarly Miller, of Germantown, PennsylYeoman, Indiana, and Lieutenant Adolph or after returning reflections, either on site vania, produced more personal intentions at all, home. 5 Yet others, who may have had no introspective official records. 6 Taken themselves in company diaries and other revealed clues about the subjective experience of together, these accounts provide us understand for the men who carried it out. They help the occupation in occupied Haiti. In particular, they how U.S. American culture operated the violence of imperialism. illustrate the cultural processes that shaped Faustin Wirkus's own memRead side by side with these other accounts, U.S. imperialism in a rich record of the discourses that shaped home. 5 Yet others, who may have had no introspective official records. 6 Taken themselves in company diaries and other revealed clues about the subjective experience of together, these accounts provide us understand for the men who carried it out. They help the occupation in occupied Haiti. In particular, they how U.S. American culture operated the violence of imperialism. illustrate the cultural processes that shaped Faustin Wirkus's own memRead side by side with these other accounts, U.S. imperialism in a rich record of the discourses that shaped oir provides Wirkus, "the white king of La Gonave,' must Haiti. Yet, the story of Faustin of Haiti and Haitian also be read in relation to other popular accounts yields during and after the occupation. Thisjuxtaposition culture published about the uses of U.S. American additional insights. It tells us not only United States. It helps but also about the uses of Haiti iin the culture in Haiti other U.S. Americans how, once the empire was established, us understand PROLOGUE --- Page 24 --- once the violence of themselves in relation to it. For, came to imagine the literature of empire would invite others imperialism had done its work, as it was popuThe story of Faustin Wirkus, especially to such imaginings. Island, became one significant vehilarized by William Seabrook's The Magic cle by which that invitation was issued. invited his readers to write Quite literally, in fact, William Seabrook address for He included in his book a mailing to Wirkus on La Gonave. serving as a lieutenant in the rethe Marine Corps sergeant, who was then 7 Among those who formed Haitian constabulary or Gendarmerie.? Penncently schoolboys from York, responded to the invitation were twenty-eight between her young whose teacher, sensing room for identification of sylvania, boy turned king, had read to them portions chargesand this Pennsylvania wrote William Dize, a the same as you, the book. "I am a Pennsylvanian sorted out his connections to the Gordon Haverstock also ninth grader." from Pittston [and] : . I belong to the lieutenant: "I don't live SO far away images of Africa and 9 Donald Pifer seemed to draw on popular Boy Scouts. he tried to imagine what it would made his racial identification explicit, as how you like it down Wirkus's shoes: "I would like to know be like to be in animals there? I think that you would get there as king.Are there many wild to talk to but I guess lonesome down there without any white people very this time.' >10 And Paul Redman evinced ethnological youz are used to that by about some of the native customs with his inquiry: "Please tell us curiosity how they live. Do they seem to be making any progressand what they eat and what is their chief export?"1 all boys in the industrial class at In these letters, Helen Miller's students, record of High School, left a partial but intriguing the Hannah Penn, Junior Wirkus in Haiti. Undoubtedly, with the story of Faustin their engagement assignment for their to write their letters as a required they were compelled fulfilled that requirement in their English class with Miss Miller, but they and as workingidentified with Wirkus as Pennsylvanians own ways. Many between the institution that structured class boys. Some drew connections of their own daily lives, from his life, the Marine Corps, and the institutions and corps. 12 Many football to the Boy Scouts and the drum bugle school and to write to Wirkus, as William showed their excitement over the opportunity "13 A few, I would get the honor to write to a king. Dize did: "I never thought he felt: "I guessit Fonny, hinted at the loneliness they imagined like Dwight letter from a United States school boy.' seems like a dream to receive a alone in their enthusiastic reHelen Miller's young students were not on the book, Island. Popular reviewers heaped praise sponse to The Magic the rigor of Seabrook's reviewer, who questioned and even an academic PROLOGUE showed their excitement over the opportunity "13 A few, I would get the honor to write to a king. Dize did: "I never thought he felt: "I guessit Fonny, hinted at the loneliness they imagined like Dwight letter from a United States school boy.' seems like a dream to receive a alone in their enthusiastic reHelen Miller's young students were not on the book, Island. Popular reviewers heaped praise sponse to The Magic the rigor of Seabrook's reviewer, who questioned and even an academic PROLOGUE --- Page 25 --- entertaining. >15 Sepromoted the narrative as "exceptionally approach, as its featured book for January 1929, lected by the Literary Guild to serve of diverse readers in the Seabrook's S fanciful account lit up the imagination fanciful tales of Voodoo States. It inspired some to write their own United such tales to radio and film. For magic and encouraged others to transfer for Helen Miller'ss students, and radio audiences, as adult readers, filmgoers, fascinating images of a mysterious the book and its spin-offs introduced They rewithin the bounds of American empire. culture located curiously vast enough to encomminded U.S. citizens that they were part of an empire pass "ancient human moods." Columbia University and a Carl Van Doren, a professor of literature at The Magic Guild's editorial board, thus praised member of the Literary of the American empire. *16 Ina work "in the literature Island: as a significant Benedict Anderson has called the Van Doren was interested in what a sense, of the nation. 17 He knew that literature had imagined political community mental images of the national comcrucial role to play in fostering shared themselves. He knew, too, that the munity with which citizens identified shifted. At the turn of the century nature of that national community had and its implications for leaders had furiously debated empire U.S. political empire was no longer a matter the nation; in 1929, Van Doren suggested, of 18 Empire was but rather a simple fact and a point pride.' for debate, it was to be unambiguously emsynonymous with American greatness; braced. Literature now had to do its part. came to be. interested in how the empire Van Doren was not particularly of the citizen, Citizenship, the consciousness: and imagination It simply was. Van elided the with the facts. Yet, Doren'sapproach had merely to catch up into being and that sustained it. relations of power that brought the empire Faustin Wirkus confirm, suggested, and as the memoirsofi men like AsIhave: included the violence of imperialthe relations of power underlying empire Moreover, the that enabled that violence. ism and the cultural processes in which Van Doren of cultural criticism and cultural production very act Guild's editorial board was part of the engaged as a member of the Literary Through the vehicle relations that underwrote the empire. matrix of power called for the cultivation of an imperial of the Literary Guild, Van Doren the international relathat would support consciousness, a consciousness that constituted American greatness. tions of power cultural intervention on behalf of When we look closely at Van Doren's helped to produce the citizenship, we begin to see how his writing The imperial it erased the very process of empire building. idea of empire even as within Van Doren's discourse was a machinery of ideological production PROLOGUE --- Page 26 --- and cultural - that estabhistorical, geographical, series of dichotomies U.S. imperialism. These dilished a clear framework for understanding the citizen, and the emenabled Van Doren to craft the nation, chotomies U.S. innocence in the matter of imperial pire in such a way as to reaffirm of the republic and the violence. They also affirmed the unitary origin commuculture over time, even as the imagined consistency of American We have already glimpsed nity of the nation came to encompass the empire. historical - that between which I have labeled the first of these dichotomies, of the United States once and empire. . These dilished a clear framework for understanding the citizen, and the emenabled Van Doren to craft the nation, chotomies U.S. innocence in the matter of imperial pire in such a way as to reaffirm of the republic and the violence. They also affirmed the unitary origin commuculture over time, even as the imagined consistency of American We have already glimpsed nity of the nation came to encompass the empire. historical - that between which I have labeled the first of these dichotomies, of the United States once and empire. For Van Doren, the people was republic but no more, and the new empire were "merely citizens of a republic, wholly distinct from what had come before. "merely citizens of a rethe people of the United States were never Yet, itself was, from the first, constructed public. s On the contrary, the republic Indian wars established its settlement and out of empire insofar as colonial "expansion" chamof westward foundation.' 19 Moreover, proponents very nineteenth century before a host of negative pioned imperialism in the between accrued to that term. Van Doren's neat opposition connotations of empire building from the long republic and empire erased all traces drawn and redrawn as which the boundaries of the nation were process by more and more of the North the scope of federal power encompassed the most glaring chronoAmerican continent. It may be worth highlighting between the rein Van Doren's historical opposition and logical inconsistency Oklahoma, New Mexico, public of old and the newly dawning empire. "merely" part of the Van Doren considered Arizona, which presumably after the all admitted to statehood in the twentieth century, republic, were Meanwhile, Hawaii, United States began to secure overseas possessions. Islands, and Panama, Puerto Rico, Haiti, the Virgin Guam, the Philippines, constituted, for Van Doren, a and protectorates other tropical acquisitions of future statehood for Hawaii newand wholly distinct empire. The question within the framework of this inconceivable or Puerto Rico was conveniently dichotomy characterization of American empire created Second, then, Van Doren's the nation on its native continent opposition between a neat geographical That some of those islands were not and the empire overseas and "far away. his tidy Florida and Louisiana did not disturb opposiSO very far at all from its native continent were, of Van Doren's markers for the nation on tion. he have sought to keep conveall northern cities and states. Might course, ambiguities of the South, with its proximity niently out ofview the troubling and oft the Southwest, with its the Caribbean, and with its legacy of slavery, to influence? Yet, here was a geographical sleight Mexican origins and cultural PROLOGUE --- Page 27 --- invoked Hait'snearness to Florida: "only of hand, for elsewhere Van Doren s1 Seabrook had arrived hundred miles from the Florida coast, he wrote, the six well seem one of the remotest corners of at "what to his readers may of a place SO near and yet SO world. 21 Indeed, it was the very paradox Haiti could be deliciously intriguing. For Van Doren, remote that seemed sO Florida coast" and yet "far away" from "only six hundred miles from the the North. Thus, 2 which somehow seemed to reside peculiarlyint "America,' address the ambiguity of imperial Van Doren used North and South to were far from what If they were both near and far, certainly they of naholdings. Van Doren bolstered the fiction defined the nation. In these ways, of U.S. influence and while heralding the expansion tional self-consistency greatness. deliciously intriguing. For Van Doren, remote that seemed sO Florida coast" and yet "far away" from "only six hundred miles from the the North. Thus, 2 which somehow seemed to reside peculiarlyint "America,' address the ambiguity of imperial Van Doren used North and South to were far from what If they were both near and far, certainly they of naholdings. Van Doren bolstered the fiction defined the nation. In these ways, of U.S. influence and while heralding the expansion tional self-consistency greatness. between "the modern, Finally, Van Doren asserted a cultural dichotomy "ancient human of the United States and the rational, scientific temper" been subdued"i in Haitiand other moodsand ideas which have by no means crucial for Van Doren's of the empire. The cultural dichotomy was parts of citizenship in an empire, as an attentive assertion of the significance citizen of the Hannah Penn might well have recognized. "I am a unschoolboy Adam Wertz to Faustin Wirkus, knowing, Junior High School," wrote and privileges and came with conferred rights doubtedly, that citizenship citizens of empire could not, then, duties and obligations." 22 Van Doren's broadened of the empire, with its recently encompass all the inhabitants whose customs showed a modboundaries. Citizens of empire were those which to meet the obligations of citizenship, ern, rational temper, an ability conferred by the made them worthy of the rights and privileges in turn nearby, they remained safely in the nation. Thus, if the sites of empire were union the obvious fact other, barred from admission to the by realm of the could grow. The nation was safely of their primitive temper. The empire intact. discourse on imperial citizenship reA careful reading of Van Doren's when troubles the nation. Specifically, veals some of the ways that empire imperial holdings, and of national control encompasses the circumference about national identity and citwhen that fact is acknowledged, questions the case at the turn of the izenship are likely to emerge. This was certainly Constitution should follow when U.S. leaders debated whether the of century Puerto Rico and the Philippines. As a question the flag to such places as the U.S. Congress resolved this political representation and civil rights, Act of 19172 and other at least to its own satisfaction, in the Jones affinity, question, and cultural legislative measures.Asa question of fsubjectiveidentity: in such cultural arenas however, it would have to be worked out repeatedly PROLOGUE --- Page 28 --- individual lives of citizens like William Dize as the Literary Guild and in the answer these questions Faustin Wirkus. Nor would all U.S. Americans and Doren relied in part on regional points of referthe same way. While Van others turned to the tropes of to resolve the contradictions of empire, ence somewhat similar ends. Yet others gender, race, and sexuality to arrive at indeed from the imperial themselves in very different places, far found consciousness Van Doren prescribed. himselfw when he is about question, How does a man imagine My opening How do self-described thus turns out to have a corollary: to pull a trigger? when they read about the remotest cor- "Americans" imagine themselves did U.S. American men think they ners of the world? More specifically, who United States themHaiti, and how did the people of the imagine were in there? These are read about their nation's occupation selves when they and identity that, I would argue, can questions about subjective experience oft the operation be answered historically. They require an investigation only of Haiti and its aftermath in the of culture in the first U.S. occupation in the pages of this United States. The fruits of that investigation, presented of empire of the cultural and material dynamic book, suggest something gives rise to physical Culture, embedded in individual experience, building. i, and how did the people of the imagine were in there? These are read about their nation's occupation selves when they and identity that, I would argue, can questions about subjective experience oft the operation be answered historically. They require an investigation only of Haiti and its aftermath in the of culture in the first U.S. occupation in the pages of this United States. The fruits of that investigation, presented of empire of the cultural and material dynamic book, suggest something gives rise to physical Culture, embedded in individual experience, building. Acts of violence, in turn, underwrite violence and other material practices. In other words, this book argues the further elaboration ofimperial culture. as Edward Said and requires stories as well as guns, not only that empire is a more intimate relationship than others have shown, but also that there in the making of between stories and gunsi we have generally acknowledged American empire. 23 PROLOGUE --- Page 29 --- INTRODUCTION and subsequently held the United States invaded Haiti in July 1915 The under milination in the Western Hemisphere second oldest independent While in Haiti, marines installed a pupfor nineteen years. of tary occupation at gunpoint, denied freedom pet president, dissolved the legislature the Caribbean nation - one more speech, and forced a new constitution on U.S. officials investment. With the help of the marines, favorable to foreign control of Haitian finances, and imposed seized the customshouses, took administration of Haitian debt.' standards of efficiency on the their own (called Cacos) who for Meanwhile, marines waged war against insurgents and imarmed resistance in the countryside, several years maintained an even more fierce Haisystem of forced labor that engendered posed a brutal more than 3,000 Haitians were official U.S. estimates, tian resistance. By accounting reveals that the killed during this period; a more thorough also reorganized and death toll may have reached 11,500.27 The occupation the new military. Now called the Gendarmerie, strengthened the Haitian marines and molded in the image of military organization was officered by the Marine Corps." arm of the state created to An occupation is, in one sense, a temporary those tasks were to bring series of tasks. In this case, carry out a specific U.S. control overHaitiwith regard Haiti, to secure about political stabilityin Caribbean, and to integrate Haiti more U.S. interests in the to strategic capitalist economy. Of course, supporters effectively into the international that these goals for it, proposed and those responsible of the occupation, for Haiti. They pointed, for example, would also bring about specific gains of roads, Medical Corps and to the construction to the work of the Navy under the marines' supervision." bridges, buildings, and telephone systems to create an infraU.S. policy makers indeed sought With these changes, economic development and modstructure to serve as the foundation for , and to integrate Haiti more U.S. interests in the to strategic capitalist economy. Of course, supporters effectively into the international that these goals for it, proposed and those responsible of the occupation, for Haiti. They pointed, for example, would also bring about specific gains of roads, Medical Corps and to the construction to the work of the Navy under the marines' supervision." bridges, buildings, and telephone systems to create an infraU.S. policy makers indeed sought With these changes, economic development and modstructure to serve as the foundation for --- Page 30 --- the hope that on this basis a new Haitian ernization. They also professed democracy would flourish. Washington's script cross-cultural dynamics complicated On the ground, of the Haitian elite initially cooperated for the occupation. Some members helpful, but even viewing their presence: as potentially with the U.S. military, and of government in long suspicious of foreign powers other Haitians, Many Haitians adopted a watchgeneral, were less eager to play their parts. were the invading blan (or blancs, as foreigners ful stance in relation to resistance, while the in varied forms of everyday called), some engaging sector of the population, Cacos, initially representing a small but significant racism of many their armed rebellion. In time, the unabashed mounted and the brutality of the officers and enlisted men, outright Marine Corps galvanized to carry out building projects, forced labor system implemented 5 Far from laying the in to the U.S. presence." the population opposition natcrialimpronements for the hoped-for advent of democracy, of groundwork served to increase the efficiency and communication in transportation and gendarmes in command the occupation as a police state, with marines of every district of the country." constitutes an infamous but This extended breach of Haitian sovereignty of military in Haitian history. In contrast, as an exercise crucial chapter has earned little more than a footpower and imperial will, the occupation level, the relative weight accounts of U.S. history. On one note in standard historical narratives seems to regiven to the occupation in these national between the two imbalances of size, power, and influence flect objective had an obviousandfarnations.. At first glance, it apeandasdheecapaitenl effect on the United States. on Haiti, but little discernible and reaching impact of marines fought, labored, made Whereas a relatively small number in 1915.muchl largernumbersoft's themselvesathome in Haitibeginningi Verdun, and Meuse-Argonne. and died at Belleau Wood, troops soon fought turned the tide against the Cacos by capturIn 1919, the year a few marines Péralte, news was breaking ing and killing the rebel leader, Charlemagne of Nations at Versailles, over elsewhere. Woodrow Wilson forged the League and the workers went on strike, race riots racked the nation, 41 million U.S. In the 1920S, while in Haiti U.S. Senate finally approved woman suffrage. business leaders and enlisted men baseball; stateside, officers played polo and mass media emerged as a new force pioneered the modern corporation, that the real stuff of U.S. history U.S.American culture. In short, it seems in within U.S. borders and in Europe, not during those years was taking shape should the first occupation of Haiti in a small Caribbean nation. How, then, of U.S. history? the United States figure in the larger picture by INTRODUCTION --- Page 31 --- of Haiti that began in This book contends that the military occupation in which the sideshow. It was one of several important arenas 1915 was no ventures in the first through overseas imperial United States was remade of imperialism were twentieth century. The transformations third of the China, the Philippines, and also effected in Puerto Rico, Cuba, Nicaragua, and teraround the globe. 8 Foreign interventions dozens of other places and built on one another seizures overlapped in time and personnel ritorial control and influence. Taken together, to refine the techniques of imperial cultural departures in the formed a solid overseas foundation for new and they intervention also had its own particular character United States. ures in the first through overseas imperial United States was remade of imperialism were twentieth century. The transformations third of the China, the Philippines, and also effected in Puerto Rico, Cuba, Nicaragua, and teraround the globe. 8 Foreign interventions dozens of other places and built on one another seizures overlapped in time and personnel ritorial control and influence. Taken together, to refine the techniques of imperial cultural departures in the formed a solid overseas foundation for new and they intervention also had its own particular character United States. Each Likeotherswho contributed uniquely to the remaking ofU.S.America. thus Haitians interacted with U.S. citizens were the focus of U.S. imperial efforts, history that out of their own indigenous and institutions in a manner grew to the matrix of an culture, thus contributing in unexpected ways and emerging U.S. imperial culture." version of a stripped-down Myopening sketch of the occupation presents: distorts a and 1934- In its brevity, it inevitably events in Haiti between 1915 of diplomacy historical record. The picture gunboat much more complex little, for example, about how drawn in those first few paragraphs conveys role in Haiti and says nothing U.S. marines and sailors understood their them. Neither does the occupation changed about Choxthcrinoheweariat businessmen, bankit tell about the train ofl U.S. Americans - congressmen, journalists, artists, activists, anthropologists, ers, bureaucrats, diplomats, Haiti during and just after the -who traipsed through and missionariesto look at who went to Haiti, occupation, for good and ill. When we begin and talked about interacted with Haitians, and how they wrote how they of the and of American what they saw and heard, a new picture occupation, culture, comesinto view. then, on the marines who My account of the occupation will center, in was a coordiThei intervention that began 1915 implemented U.S. policy. marines were a crucial part of the nated attempt to transform Haiti, and unlike Gatling guns and established to carry out this task. Yet, them their machinery themselves were men who brought with heavy artillery, marines They could not simply be placed in own ideas, desires, fears, and ambitions. of out U.S. rule. be into the project carrying Haiti; they had to conscripted value of obedience to the chain of To be sure, the fundamental military forces-also for the creation of efficient fighting command - necessary officers in line. Still, the exigencies helped to keep enlisted men and junior various ranks, to exercise land marines, at of operating in a foreign required then, did the occupation position judgment as well as to follow orders. How, INTRODUCTION --- Page 32 --- and how did they, in turn, negotiate their U.S. American men in Haiti, How did they respond to the nation they were sent to occupy? relationship relation to Haiti? that to fix them in a particular to the forces attempted cultural mechanisms by Paternalist discourse was one of the primary out U.S. conscripted men into the project of carrying which the occupation found in evidence left by marines of rule. The traces of paternalism can be its imporPrivate Paul Woyshner expressed varied ranks and experiences. in which a marine wags his for the Marines Magazine, tance in a cartoon "Listen, Son!" (Figure 1).10 Serfinger at a recalcitrant Haiti, admonishing detailed memoir of Haiti, in Faustin Wirkus emphasized it in his our geant of "being father and big brother to : which he described the strain in the cultural conscription Haitian friends. occupation found in evidence left by marines of rule. The traces of paternalism can be its imporPrivate Paul Woyshner expressed varied ranks and experiences. in which a marine wags his for the Marines Magazine, tance in a cartoon "Listen, Son!" (Figure 1).10 Serfinger at a recalcitrant Haiti, admonishing detailed memoir of Haiti, in Faustin Wirkus emphasized it in his our geant of "being father and big brother to : which he described the strain in the cultural conscription Haitian friends. >11 Yet, the role of paternalism the testimony of in Haiti is perhaps most vividly illustrated by of marines the Butler before a special Senate conmiteeinestigating General Smedley in the opening years of the occuoccupation in 1921 and 1922.A1 key player with the fact that we were Butler claimed, "We were all embued [sic] the viewpation, that belonged to minors. That was the trustees of a huge estate wards and that we were took, that the Haitians were our point I personally to be turned to make for them a rich and productive property, endeavoring saw fit.' "12 These examples over to them at such a time as our government infused marines' accounts show some of the ways that paternalist discourse that paternalism their work in Haiti. They also suggest the possibility of and experience of the occupation they helped to shape their understanding were sent to carry out.' 13 the of paternalist conclusions may be drawn from prevalence Yet what Surely, the Marine Corps as an images in marines' selfrepresentations? would have wanted to show theminstitution and marines as individuals seriously as a selves in the best light. Can we take such selfrepresentations: answered this analysis? U.S. historians have generally basis for historical tradition has seen interventionist paterquestion in one ofs several ways. One in this tradition point to the reality. Historians writing nalism as a genuine to bring to Haiti: hosmarines attempted social and material improvements telecommunications and SO forth. pitals, roads, bridges, public buildings, admit, but should not domiViolence was part of the picture, they readily of what was intended to be a constructive enterprise, nate our perception in one historian's words, "deterundertaken by U.S. Americans who were, 14 Another tradition a sense of community in the tropics." mined to implant rule and has pointed to economic or the violence of U.S. has emphasized was little more than a transstrategic motives. In this version, paternalism such rhetoric, it is of rhetoric. Historians must see through parent veneer INTRODUCTION --- Page 33 --- SON! LISTEN UNTO YOUR BROTHERS 4., DO HAVEM DO YOUD AS SAVVY - P: UNTO YOU. a à a US LARINE A - N / ANER Paul Woyshner published "The Missionary, 77 a cartoon by Private and Figure I. April 1917- Courtesy of History in the Marines Magazine, U.S. Marine Corps, Washington, D.C. Museums Division, . Historians must see through parent veneer INTRODUCTION --- Page 33 --- SON! LISTEN UNTO YOUR BROTHERS 4., DO HAVEM DO YOUD AS SAVVY - P: UNTO YOU. a à a US LARINE A - N / ANER Paul Woyshner published "The Missionary, 77 a cartoon by Private and Figure I. April 1917- Courtesy of History in the Marines Magazine, U.S. Marine Corps, Washington, D.C. Museums Division, --- Page 34 --- the truth of violence and imperialism in U.S.-occupied supposed, to get at middle course, identifying paterHaiti.15, At least one historian has taken a coercive and racist intervention.' factor in a largely nalism as a mitigating a mitigating factor, or a transTreating paternalism as an obvious good, to notice its through, 79 historians have failed parent veneer to be "seen Paternalas an element of U.S. foreign policy. importance and complexity after the fact in order to pretty up laid on ism was not merely ajustification constellation of meanings, It was, instead, a whole American wrongdoing. and direct U.S. relations with images, ideas, and values that helped to shape of auPaternalism was an assertion former European colonial possessions. the of a father's in metaphor thority, superiority, and control expressed domination, a relation of with his children. It was a form of relationship reference to paternal care and guidance, power, masked as benevolent byits and discipline. 17 In by norms of paternal authority but structured equally in to violence, but should not be seen opposition this sense, paternalism cultural vehicles for it. rather as one among several in Haiti depended on such of U.S. foreign policy The implementation on the USS Washington and cultural vehicles as thoroughly as it depended United 18 Paternalism, we might say, was the cultural flagshipofthe Tennessee. purposes, including, but not States in Haiti. It served practical military force. As such, it must be the identity of the invading limited to, announcing technology. To that end, we must understood as thoroughly as any military out of which paterattention to the cultural terms and categories turn our which it functioned. nalism was constructed and through the building blocks of paterMost obviously, age, class, and race provided twentieth, the valence of nalism. From the eighteenth century to the early in relation to shifted as the discourse of paternalism developed these terms class formations, and novel racial idechanging family structures, emerging in the United States inologies. The institutional origins of paternalism in which an estabthe master craftsman's workshop, cluded, for example, men to the ways of his trade.' lished artisan apprenticed boys and younger its most and the Indian reservation were perhaps Yet the slave plantation In those contexts, age came to function significant institutional crucibles.201 subordination. Later, white, nativeand mechanism for racial as a metaphor figured themselves as fathers to a born men in business and government moved overseas its immigrant work force.21 Finally, as paternalism racialized further elaborated. racial and class codes were was also structured but less obvious ways, paternalism In crucial perhaps father was (and remains) a gendered by gender and sexuality. Just as the associated with men, invoked gendered meanings figure, SO paternalism INTRODUCTION came to function significant institutional crucibles.201 subordination. Later, white, nativeand mechanism for racial as a metaphor figured themselves as fathers to a born men in business and government moved overseas its immigrant work force.21 Finally, as paternalism racialized further elaborated. racial and class codes were was also structured but less obvious ways, paternalism In crucial perhaps father was (and remains) a gendered by gender and sexuality. Just as the associated with men, invoked gendered meanings figure, SO paternalism INTRODUCTION --- Page 35 --- women, and families to naturalize and normalize constructed male and female bodies the authority it asserted. It particular and positioned men and ways. Moreover, paternalism women in terms of racialized (and constructed a given social space in class-specific) codes of U.S. American workingmen, for masculinity: : and femininity. dustrial example, rejected paternalism as a patronizing denial of turn-ofthecentury invoked sexual discourses manhood.22 Paternalism inmobilized on various levels as well. In a variant we might call the discourse relation to Haiti, it linked legitimacy, of paternity, which heritage, and identity to norms of female explicitly Smedley Butler's sexuality. States provides characterization of Haitians as wards of the one among many possible United ofr meanings embedded in U.S. entrypointsinto the complex web term "wards" " called paternalism toward Haiti. Butler'si use of on a Progressive Era social the orphaned by parental death, narrative of children under the formal abandonment, or neglect-who must be taken guardianship of the state. nor washe the last to characterize Butler's phrasing was not new, the course of the Haiti as an orphan nation.25 Indeed, over occupation paternalist discourse nation orphaned by parental constructed Haiti as a father who abandoned Haiti neglect, sometimes figuring France as the and Africa as the raising her single mother illegitimate child alone. Wilhelm incapable of sionary who labored in Haiti in the F. Jordan, an evangelical missive social narrative early 1920S, extended Butler's along these lines, figuring progresinvoked norms of female Haitiasav wayward girl.) Jordan disciplineand sexuality to emphasize the absence of theimportance ofthe U.S. proper the withdrawal of the presencein Haiti. Hewrote, "after French, left entirely to road to ruin, resting only herself, Haiti started on the tionary uprisings, occasionally from a mad orgy of civil wars, revoluassassinations, and murders, until occupation of the country by Uncle recently stopped by the Sam's marines." "24 history was a story of demise, inevitable For Jordan, Haiti's due to the absence of for young girls "on the road to ruin" proper domestic influences. cal upheaval as "a mad orgy of civil Casting social and politiwith sexual impropriety, wars, Jordan conflated political unrest encoding both in a vague but illegitimacy. suggestive image of These examples indicate some of the reigning discourse of the complexity of paternalism as the tioned U.S. American occupation. The cultural framework that men as would-be father posiverse implications for the figures in Haiti carried disexuality, Those and other ongoing negotiation of race, class, gender, and which cultural categories became the threads paternalist discourse wove its story of out of and of Haiti's dire need for a American care and guidance stern disciplinary hand. Adding further to this INTRODUCTION itimacy. suggestive image of These examples indicate some of the reigning discourse of the complexity of paternalism as the tioned U.S. American occupation. The cultural framework that men as would-be father posiverse implications for the figures in Haiti carried disexuality, Those and other ongoing negotiation of race, class, gender, and which cultural categories became the threads paternalist discourse wove its story of out of and of Haiti's dire need for a American care and guidance stern disciplinary hand. Adding further to this INTRODUCTION --- Page 36 --- To discourse of was internally contradictory. complexity, the paternalism narrative seemed on paternalism's cite an example of special importance, between Haiti and America (one one level to establish clear boundaries while on another level in need, the other ready to answer that need), nation nations connected by a family relation, if it blurred those boundaries (two variously with paternalone). U.S.. American men grappled onlya an adoptive convenient inconsistencies. ism's sometimes troubling, sometimes discourse of paternalism and between the dominant The relationship marines was further complicated and actions ofindividual the perspectives was not the only discourse obvious fact that paternalism by the perhaps Other forms of racism and operating in the social space of the occupation. did other narratives of competed for marines' attention, as racial awareness of U.S. power and its goals were availgender and sexuality. Other accounts Haiti and the Haitian people. as were other discourses on able to marines, soil would force U.S. coming face to face with Haitians on Haitian Haitian Indeed, cultural realities. American men to confront countless unexpected and in social embedded in architecture historical discourses, for example, volumes, held out alternative interpretations practices as well as in printed Haiti offered marines relation to the United States. Ultimately, of Haiti's resources that became the basis for (and others) a rich, new set of cultural and Americanness. A articulating new ways of understanding race, gender; Americans, Haiinteraction between Haitians and U.S. full account of the the of this book, but Haiti's tian culture and U.S. culture, is beyond scope of their role in the occupation must complicate impact on marines' sense frameworks U.S. Americans brought to simple reading of the cultural any Haiti. the discourse of the that was reigning Clearly then, to say paternalism for the full range ofU.S.m marines' occupation is not to say thatit can account which discourses shape huand actions. Indeed, the process by utterances can be profound, but it I call cultural conscription, man actors, a process both the internal contradictions of the be seamless. In Haiti, can never discursive terrain on which it operdominant discourse and the crowded individual marines. For the hold paternalism could have on ated challenged with one voice to its these and other reasons, marines did not respond discourses that athow they did respond to the imperatives. Determining negotiated the them, and how, in particular, they tempted to conscript the discourse even as it shaped them, challenges of paternalism, shaping of the central problems of this book. constitutes one in Haiti contributes to our of the marines' experience Such an analysis in several important ways. It helps us see understanding of the occupation INTRODUCTION --- Page 37 --- were not limited to a set of cultural dimensions of the occupation that the or to a set of lies that attitudes that shaped policy makers' perspectives culture was integral to the justified violence after the fact. The operation of insofar as the and economic project of the occupation of military, political, the successful cultural conscription success of that project depended on that begins with out. An analysis of the occupation the troops sent to carryit with the of Haitians, of the marines, and not experience the experience account of U.S. --- were not limited to a set of cultural dimensions of the occupation that the or to a set of lies that attitudes that shaped policy makers' perspectives culture was integral to the justified violence after the fact. The operation of insofar as the and economic project of the occupation of military, political, the successful cultural conscription success of that project depended on that begins with out. An analysis of the occupation the troops sent to carryit with the of Haitians, of the marines, and not experience the experience account of U.S. imperito offer any kind of comprehensive cannot pretend the ways that marines were culturally alism in Haiti. But understanding will help us unconscripted, and the ways they resisted such conscription, and what U.S. in Haiti between 1915 and 1934 derstand what happened American culture had to do with that. cultural minefield of the An analysis of the way marines negotiated the on U.S. the impact of the occupation occupation also helps us understand marines in Haiti were engagedi lin a American culture. Thisis SO because the and about the with the nation at large about the occupation conversation contributed in unique ways to this national U.S. role in the world. Marines visiting journalists, travel conversation. In Haiti, they hosted and guided talked and and other visitors; back in the States, many writers, missionaries, others to find about their experiences, on occasion encouraging some wrote 25 A few marines, like Faustin Wirkus, out more about "the Black Republic. Haitian toursof duty, and one,A.J. sensational memoirsabout their penned pulp fiction author. 26 Burks, became a best-selling only interlocutors, and paterYet the marines were not the occupation's a mechanism directed at men in uniform. It was equally nalism was not only for that matter, Haitians other U.S. Americans-and, for conscripting Moreover, marines were not of establishing U.S. empire. into the project in their own ways. Outside the only ones to answer the call of paternalism men and African Americans and European Americans, the armed services, and critics of U.S. popular writers and missionaries, supporters of the women, of Haitiand weighed in with their own interpretations foreign policy these commentators and cultural there. Like the marines, U.S. presence discourse and rejected othproducers accepted some aspects of paternalist in the process. Their sometimes forging new versions of Americanness their ers, on the occupation per se, but goal was not necessarily to comment with one or more of contributions to U.S. American culture began creative the cultural shards deposited by it. marines, others also introWhile some of those shards were deposited by Writing in support into American culture. duced Haiti and the occupation that the invasion was a some journalists made plain of the occupation, INTRODUCTION --- Page 38 --- violence of the Haitian mob that was said to necessary response to the Guillaume Sam and paraded his head have butchered President Vilbrun narrative, they to the paternalist about Port-au-Prince on a staff.27 Adhering to date and the uncivilized nature of Haitian political processes stressed moral In the first five the military occupation as a imperative. portrayed critical voices challenged their accounts;, Jane years of the occupation, few W. E. B. Du Bois of the Crisis, and Addams and the Women's Peace Party, the very few exceptions Fort-Whiteman of the Messengerwere: among Lovett to the wisdom of paternalism." that proved the rule of Facquiescence in force, and with them came In 1920 the occupation's critics emerged Weldon Johnson, poet, of attention to Haiti. That year,. James new levels National Association for the Advancenovelist, and field secretary of the and wrote a scathing critique (NAACP), visited Haiti ment of Colored People Haiti,' 1 Johnson also for the Nation. Women's Peace Party, the very few exceptions Fort-Whiteman of the Messengerwere: among Lovett to the wisdom of paternalism." that proved the rule of Facquiescence in force, and with them came In 1920 the occupation's critics emerged Weldon Johnson, poet, of attention to Haiti. That year,. James new levels National Association for the Advancenovelist, and field secretary of the and wrote a scathing critique (NAACP), visited Haiti ment of Colored People Haiti,' 1 Johnson also for the Nation. In "SelE-Determining of the occupation attention on the dignity of the Haitian peasattempted to focus American Haitian, and, most of all, the the cultural achievement of the educated ant, 29 Johnson later boasted that, grandeur of Haitian history and heritage. "a new and personal contacts, he had encouraged through his writings to Haiti contributed to interest in Haiti. 30 Indeed, his connection literary Vandercook, William Seabrook, Langston the work of Eugene O'Neill,John writers continued to deniHughes, Mercer Cook, and others,31 While some Haitian reliorigins and to peddle damning lies about grate Haiti's African held elements of to suspect that Haiti's Africanness gion, others began industrial civilization. cultural wealth lacking in their own pale exotic of both traditions created Haiti as an object Ironically, writers in and the late 1930S, culture. Between the early 1920S desire within.American radio dramas, short stories, Americans featured Haiti in stage plays, U.S. sculpture, dance, and even on wallnovels, travel books, paintings, songs, Haiti in stories on subjects ranging Popular magazines presented sensational paper." 33 In 1929 William Seabrook's from politics to homemaking:" Literary Guild selection and a travel narrative, The Magic Island, became a "Katie In the next decade and half, Ethel Merman sang national best seller. in Voodoo Land, Orson Welles's 11 Edna Taft wrote A Puritan Went to Haiti," featured Haitian characters and settings, popular radio show, The Shadow, Zombieand IWalked with a Zombie.a served up films like White and Hollywood Tait in the New Yorker began this way: "SudIn 1934 a short story by Agnes those decisions come to you: a few denly I had to go to Haiti. You knowhow in a a line or two in a book, or a picture steamship words heard at a party, realize that you have to go to Haiti. 35 folder, and all at once you about it, company to Haiti,' 99 or at least had to write Among those who "had to go INTRODUCTION --- Page 39 --- American artists and intellectuals. In were a number of prominent African Hughes, Arna Bonand 1930S, Arthur Schomburg, Langston the 1920S Lawrence, Zora Neale Hurston, and othKatherine Dunham,, Jacob temps, culture and history for their work. ers mined the riches of Haitian United States must be understood, The impact of the occupation on the it precipiwith reference to the rich and varied cultural engagement then, visited, or read about Haiti found tated. U.S. Americans who presided over, and their own lives as they opportunities to reimagine their own nation Haitian history and to be reflected by and refracted through of U.S. hisappeared the occupation as an integral part culture. To comprehend these varied audiences, how it tory, we must understand how it engaged discern it from the them, and, to the extent we can attempted to position the cultural landscape it helped available evidence, how they negotiated bring into view. U.S. Americans-indeed, to To understand) how the occupation engaged be useful to clarify the understand how the occupation did anything g-it may of this term. aitian history and to be reflected by and refracted through of U.S. hisappeared the occupation as an integral part culture. To comprehend these varied audiences, how it tory, we must understand how it engaged discern it from the them, and, to the extent we can attempted to position the cultural landscape it helped available evidence, how they negotiated bring into view. U.S. Americans-indeed, to To understand) how the occupation engaged be useful to clarify the understand how the occupation did anything g-it may of this term. Most obviously, the occupation various senses in which we use Haiti and in the history of U.S. was an event in the history of 1915-34 refer to "the occupation, we are referring, foreign policy. Often, when we At other times, we are reway, to this event in all its complexity. in a general military endeavor undertaken by cerferring to an action, a diplomatic and the armed State Department, tain branches of the U.S. government-thes the of the U.S. similar vein, the term may refer to policy services. In a was also an institution, a in Haiti. Yet again, the occupation arm of the U.S. government In this sense, we use the term to refer to an power structure. created for specific purposes. To government, a temporary state apparatus seemed to be vested in the power of the occupation some contemporaries, official, such as High or diplomatic the person of a particular militaryofficer We, too, may at times seem to Commissioner] John Russell in the early 1920S. acting with an individual or a group of individuals conflate the occupation that the occupation as a political in its name, but we must also remember Finally, while the OCthan the sum of its participants. structure was more and a structure, it was also an cupation was an event, an action, a policy, from the fact that it enand a process. Its effects arose in part encounter space. In this of two cultures within one geographical tailed the meeting that could never be controlled by "the refers to a process sense, occupation" of men, not even by the men with any one party, by any one man or group authority over the men with guns. the occupation as concerned with understanding This book is primarily States, broadly conceived. To in the cultural history of the United an event INTRODUCTION --- Page 40 --- and U.S. American culuntangle the threads connecting the occupation about the occupation as it will be helpful to begin with a few questions ture, know, for example, how thisarm ofthe U.S. of power. We need to as structure benefited from, relied upon, and, at times, government, operating abroad, mobilize and to foster actively made use of cultural resources to personnel How did the occupaimperial culture more broadly within the population. in and out of the institution attempt to position U.S. Americans, tion as an How did the state benefit from cultural armed services, in relation to Haiti? actions, but that took shape that were set in motion by official processes most likely beyond official control? of the state - sought to engage The occupation - that temporary arm empire. Through and supportersofU.S.e Americans as passive participantsin: the United States encouraged representationsofitse work in Haiti, paternalist others as well to see themselves as benefactors helping not only marines but U.S. citizens to see Haiti child. It: also encouraged' out a needy, ifrecalcitrant, concern and action. Popular within the proper circle of American as falling and readers as voyeursi in an Haiti positioned narratives that sensationalized In this sense, sensational exotic land made that movea all the moreappealing. their ability to reinforced official discourses and strengthened narratives popular and citizens into the logic of empire. Together, conscript ordinary U.S. Americans to adopt an imperial perspective official discourses invited to that end. fascination with Haiti as one means and fueled public consciousness moreover, the attempt to fosteri imperial To: a great extent, images of Haiti, Cuba, Mexico, met with success. Haiti positioned narratives that sensationalized In this sense, sensational exotic land made that movea all the moreappealing. their ability to reinforced official discourses and strengthened narratives popular and citizens into the logic of empire. Together, conscript ordinary U.S. Americans to adopt an imperial perspective official discourses invited to that end. fascination with Haiti as one means and fueled public consciousness moreover, the attempt to fosteri imperial To: a great extent, images of Haiti, Cuba, Mexico, met with success. Popular culture brought of the world within the Polynesia, China, Africa, Arabia, and yet other parts fact that Americans' imperial imaginations. The very circumference of U.S. States could SO readily accept most people in the United in December 1941 of "America" indicates the widethe identification of Pearl Harbor as part United States, whether or citizens of the spread embrace of empire among it. As Carl Van Doren predicted in not they used the word' "empire" to name culture took their place in the narratives about Haiti and Haitian 1929, that helped to produce that reality. literature of empire redefined the boundaries of their Between 1915 and 1940, Americans of Haiti. Yet, if patercommunity in part through their discussions national Americansi into the logic of nalist discourse succeeded in conscripting many troubled the nation and its the implications of paternalism also empire, discussion of CarlVan Doren'scall assumption of self-consistency For, as my the circle of American consciousness illustrates, broadening to imperial questions of national identity. Could control and influence complicated from, and unaffected culture continue to seem wholly separate American INTRODUCTION --- Page 41 --- empire came to encompass the foreign by, the foreign even as American to a territory, or another of empire would be how ingest itself? The problem it to become too obviously: a part nation in the case ofHaiti, without allowing at least one soluculture. Exoticism provided of the nation or the national culture, while at the same time the foreign into American tion: incorporate American exoticism toward Haiti inscribing its marginality and otherness. around resolving culture organized, in part, thus contributed to an imperial the tension between nation and empire. the nation in other ways as well. The implications of paternalism troubled to their own uses, SO in Haiti sometimes put paternalism Just as marines With regard to race, the results of this other U.S. Americans did the same. discourses to varied. Turning paternalist cultural process were remarkably challenge the whiteness ofA Ameritheir own ends, African Americans would For many white demand rights and respect with new force. can identityand would undercut the hospaternalist discourses on Haiti Americans, popular forms of racism, while at the same tilityand distancing of the more virulent With regard of racism would emerge and be strengthened. time new types would come to be freighted with the and femininity to gender, masculinity and power. In the process, hegeburden of signifying American greatness At the same time, a handful relations would be strengthened.. monic gender would challenge the status quo in part of women artists, writers, and activists discourse. With regard to through their use of and response to paternalist the tension discourse of exoticism, SO essential to resolving sexuality, the of sexual norms contributed to the reshaping between nation and empire, of called into In short, as the discourse paternalism and representations. values race, gender, sexplay a whole variety of meanings and surrounding that those meanuality, and national identity, it opened up the possibility for that matter, or, and values could be reinvigorated, reconfigured, ings then, paternalist discourse yielded wholesale. For all its success, challenged unexpected outcomes. CULTURE AND HISTORY of Haiti was not simply a cultural event. It Of course, the U.S. occupation cultural frameworks, or be solely in terms of discourses, cannot explained sent to carry it out. It was also a individual of the men the experiences and policy. rounding that those meanuality, and national identity, it opened up the possibility for that matter, or, and values could be reinvigorated, reconfigured, ings then, paternalist discourse yielded wholesale. For all its success, challenged unexpected outcomes. CULTURE AND HISTORY of Haiti was not simply a cultural event. It Of course, the U.S. occupation cultural frameworks, or be solely in terms of discourses, cannot explained sent to carry it out. It was also a individual of the men the experiences and policy. It had to do with the economics, matter of strategy, politics, of the U.S. government, particularly institutional growth and development relations. It had to do with structures and international in terms of military INTRODUCTION --- Page 42 --- economy. At various turns, the strategic needs of an energingintemadional makers. These conby the political ambitions of U.S. policy it was shaped the cultural dynamics of this texts should not be forgotten as we interrogate surrounds the intervention. The burden of my argument foreign military the U.S. invasion in 1915. Yet those cultural processes set in motion by economics, politics, and were never wholly distinct from cultural processes military practice. word "culture"?1 Ifculture is implicated What, then, shall we mean by the indeed in all and military practice, in the realms of economics, politics, at all? If and institutions, can it have any specificity social relationships "cultural" as an opera or a novel, what campaign report is as fully" a military forms, if there is any, in the realm is the special significance of aesthetic defembrace a broad and inclusive "anthropological" of culture? Shall we texture of daily life or, more precisely, inition of culture that refers to the material and ideational "the complex whole' of any individual society's system' "236 sense of the word by emthis older anthropological We can complicate There can be no bounded phasizing the nature of culture as process. of are con19 where cultural patterns meaning "whole," no single "system," and cultural theorists stituted and reconstituted over time. Anthropologists: and borders as especially have addressed this point by highlighting margins argues one, of culture: 37 Culture in the borderlands, significant for the study of culture in general, a process for the process provides an apt metaphor differences of identity, experiinvolving translation and fertilization across community or in a geoeither within a single ence, and understanding, communities overlap. 38 The older congraphical space where two or more coherent universe" minimizes of culture as "an autonomousi internally cept renders "border zones" incomprehenthe significance of such differences, historian's concern with change sible, and leaves insufficient room for the over time. 39 for a more fully of discourse also opens up possibilities The concept Historian, Joan Scott has defined the historical analysis of culture as process. of statements, terms, specific "structure term "discourse" as a historically social and instituand beliefs" generated within a particular of categories, the institutional relations tional context. 40 This definition emphasizes the of of signification - that is, production power that undergird processes entities; they contexts. Ideas are not free-floating meaning. g-in particular structures of power. By within and in relation to specific are produced discourses we come to appreciate what focusing on institutionally grounded of ideologies-and, critic calls the "uneven development" one literary INTRODUCTION --- Page 43 --- movement culture over time. 41 The Christian missionary I would add, for example, developed certain verchurches, within and across particular developed others. emphasizes the of of signification - that is, production power that undergird processes entities; they contexts. Ideas are not free-floating meaning. g-in particular structures of power. By within and in relation to specific are produced discourses we come to appreciate what focusing on institutionally grounded of ideologies-and, critic calls the "uneven development" one literary INTRODUCTION --- Page 43 --- movement culture over time. 41 The Christian missionary I would add, for example, developed certain verchurches, within and across particular developed others. There was in contrast, the U.S.Navy sions of paternalism; between these two powerful necessarily some overlap and some disjunction was elaborated. institutional contexts in which interventionist paternalism linan of could not have developed For this reason, the discourse paternalism across time and space. 42 even way local relations of power to illuminate larger We must, therefore, examine arose, not out of some singular, historical trends. The career of paternalism out of the Haiti, but rather, in one instance, overarching plan to subjugate for funding and aspirations of naval officers competing professionalizing and in another, out of the particurecognition within a militaryb bureaucracy, citizens. 43 In a similar vein, Michel lar needs and aspirations of churchgoing infinitesimal mechanisms" of what he called "the Foucault emphasized 7 but are then COthat "have their own history, their own trajectory," power embedded in a more general the ends of the state or become opted to serve that the of Teultureincolvesrelasofdomination." 441 Thus, to say process of process that culture isdetermined in anyl kind top-down tions of power is not to say the the contextHistorians must examine the local, particular, manner. the we recognize that contribute to larger phenomenon specific processes as culture. be clarified in one further respect. For too The concept of discourse must of the has been understood to imply an erasure significance often the term of discourses and their world. Yet, it is the very materiality of the material if we are to understand the full effects that must be taken into account The categories of of terms such as discourse and culture. bodies, significance discourses give shape and form to human meaning that constitute resources and tools wielded by environment, and the material the physical functioned as a discursive human actors. Military training, for example, sailors and invested them the bodies of marines and regime that shaped of the U.S. imperial program and in the context with particular meaningsin and in turn, bore meaning in the context of the world war. Uniforms guns, of them. As we shall bodies and as extensions relation to those transformed discourses could be deadly. 46 see, such then, to refer to the processes of signification Culture may be understood, intentionally and and unconsciously, through which people - consciously the materialworld. unintentionally- - structure both social relationshipsand and in SO of meaning, the ongoing production Collectively, people engagein relationships, institutions, and doing they give shape and form to social INTRODUCTION --- Page 44 --- the individual. Indeed, as I have material practice. In turn, culture shapes individuals. discourses culture scripts and conscripts suggested, through definition of culture as process thus emphasizes My preliminary, working and the potentially shiftthe fluid and dynamic quality of social meanings, My premise is that and boundaries of any "single" culture. ing contours through relations of continually constituted and reconstituted cultures are nor static. A national culture then, power, that theyare neither monolithic be viewed as a conthe culture of the United States, may and in this case themselves as Americans formutested terrain on which people identifying and associated structures of meaning power late, dispute, and reformulate class, race, and nation. with various forms of difference such as gender, of meaning and the tenacity of certain structures This is not to deny misleading synecthe error of a dangerously: power, but rather to emphasize (or individual) as indicative doche: that of taking the thought of one group the of 47 For this inquiry into dynamics of a national culture in general. , may and in this case themselves as Americans formutested terrain on which people identifying and associated structures of meaning power late, dispute, and reformulate class, race, and nation. with various forms of difference such as gender, of meaning and the tenacity of certain structures This is not to deny misleading synecthe error of a dangerously: power, but rather to emphasize (or individual) as indicative doche: that of taking the thought of one group the of 47 For this inquiry into dynamics of a national culture in general. the variety ofU.S. culture on contact with Haiti, then, Ijuxtapose American African Americans and white Ameridiscourses on Haiti as articulated by figures, bya architects by men and women, by military and nonmilitary cans, those who it, by scholars, popular of the occupation as well as by protested (and in the spaces artists, and SO on. Within each of these groups writers, distinctive particularities as well as between and beyond them),Temphasize the expression of common ground. identities not as fixed of research, I have viewed group In the course my and historically constructed sociobiological categories, but as culturally Rather than and refashioned in particular contexts. phenomena, fashioned or "Haitians," 99 "African seeing various authors as fully formed "Americans" 19 were whose identities "white "men" or "women, Americans" or people, how such identities were both conalways stable and unproblematic, Iask and cultural context of solidated and unsettled in the specific historical Haiti and in the United of Haiti, and its aftermath in the U.S. occupation States. 49 definition SO far, is a noun that "Culture,' according to my working the makCulture is the doing of something - specifically, names a process. of human relationships and SO ing of meanings and thereby the structuring dismiss the fact ofculture forth. Yet, it will be objected that I cannot SO easily insisted, there is voices from the culture wars have as an object. As some culture,' ? and if we don't know what it indeed something called "American and not just a should. If, indeed, culture refers to an object, is, certainly we then what is the nature of this as surely it does for SO many people, process, INTRODUCTION --- Page 45 --- Over time? To different people? Certainly object, this thing? Is it one thing? it still appears, and if it is different to different people, not. Yet, ifi it changes and this perunified, even monolithic, doggedly, to be fixed, objectively of fixedness must be addressed. sistent appearance the unevenness with which ideologies Here, it may help to turn back to any given consider culture the sum total-at develop. In this light, we may coincident discourses and moment -of a collection of overlapping but not are 50 These discourses (and discursive fragments) fragments of discourses. of sorts, an overlapproduced, engaged, and negotiated by a community who undercoincident collection of groups and individuals ping but not another by their membership in stand themselves to be connected to one themand who use the name of that community to describe the community and flux in the sum total of these selves. There is always some movement generally in such a manner discourses, but thereis also always some overlap, certain ideas, meanings, and images. as to overdetermine on unconscious as well as condiscourses operate These overlapping the flotsam and jetsam of our emoscious levels, and from them emerge worked over and rearticulated tional lives as well as the fragments that get definition of culture, then, mental processes. This through our unconscious emotional, the unconscious, and encompasses the realms ofthe necessarily the realm of ideas and consciousness. This complex the irrational as well as in historically specific ways. Histocontext gives rise to individuality, always miller named in his portrait of a sixteenth-century rian Carlo Ginzburg, "distinctiveness had very definite limMenocchio, insists that his subject's the a horiculture offers to individual its.' " He explains, "as with language, invisible cage in which he can of latent - a flexible and zon possibilities With rare clarity and understanding, exercise his own conditional liberty. realms ofthe necessarily the realm of ideas and consciousness. This complex the irrational as well as in historically specific ways. Histocontext gives rise to individuality, always miller named in his portrait of a sixteenth-century rian Carlo Ginzburg, "distinctiveness had very definite limMenocchio, insists that his subject's the a horiculture offers to individual its.' " He explains, "as with language, invisible cage in which he can of latent - a flexible and zon possibilities With rare clarity and understanding, exercise his own conditional liberty. at his disposal. 51 articulated the language that history put Menocchio that history put at his disposal, strikes Ginzburg's phrase, "the language in its relation to the individual.2 me as an excellent way to describe culture but not coinciis the sum total of a collection of overlapping If culture total of the discourses available to any given dent discourses, then the sum at his [or her] disconstitutes the "language that history put[s] individual her "horizon of latent possibilities. In this posal," " or, in other words, his or body of ideas, meanings, or fixed, monolithic sense, there is no single, of a nation or group. that can be described as the culture particular images community, sets ofideas, meanings, and images But thereare, within a given combination of overlapping given the particular that are overdetermined and given the weight of overlapdiscourses that seem to fix them in place, operation. 53 institutional power that supports their continued ping INTRODUCTION --- Page 46 --- between culture and the individual, between Examining the relationship the of cultural enables us to consider process culture and consciousness, Raymond Williams pointed in this change in some detail. Cultural theorist 11 which he used to refer of "structures of feeling,' direction with his concept 54 Anthropoloelements of consciousness and relationships." to "affective of Williams's S concept in ways gists have begun to explore the implications reverberations of of the complex that are important for our understanding States. One explains, referring of Haiti in the United the U.S. occupation of feeling are just emerging, still directly to Williams's 's work, "structures transition between being articulate. [they are] in implicit, and not yet fully: recognized as social. 55 In a similar experienced as private and becoming identifies "a realm of partial anthropological study vein, another important [and] . awareness, of ambiguous perception recognition and inchoate conscious and the unconscious." 56 creative tension" " that lies "between the social formation will differently within a given Individuals positioned indeed culture- -in their own experience discourses and ideologies - and of feeling to the creative tensions and emerging structures ways. In turn, rise necessarily lead to novel and which their differing experiences give shared "culture.' s) A complex divergent articulations of an only partially will necesof Haiti from 1915 to 1934, event, like the first U.S. occupation through the diverse articnational cultures on multiple levels, sarily engage and interlocutors. Those diparticipants ulations of differently positioned variously in quotidian cultural articulations will manifest themselves verse field reports, as well as in aesthetic forms, such as bank ledgers and military texts, such as paintings and plays. change thus helps us see the This framework for understanding cultural aesthetic senses of the and the relationship between the anthropological diverse that brings together word "culture." It also suggests a methodology treated as distinct and historical analysis that have generally been objects of and the notable The everyday traces of subjective experience unrelated. take their places, side by side, in an achievements of artistic production may cultural dimensions of a military occupation. analysis of the that promise to shed light on the This study therefore considers sources the of Haiti of culture in play during and after occupation various aspects and in the United States. and the relationship between the anthropological diverse that brings together word "culture." It also suggests a methodology treated as distinct and historical analysis that have generally been objects of and the notable The everyday traces of subjective experience unrelated. take their places, side by side, in an achievements of artistic production may cultural dimensions of a military occupation. analysis of the that promise to shed light on the This study therefore considers sources the of Haiti of culture in play during and after occupation various aspects and in the United States. Diaries, letters, photofor U.S.Americans in Haiti stories, and essays, but also congraphs, memoirs, poems, songs, short all help us understand the and memoranda, gressional testimony, reports, for marines and other Ameritexture of daily life and subjective perception Field campaign in and / or observed the occupation. cans who participated military recruitment intelligence reports, official correspondence, reports, INTRODUCTION --- Page 47 --- other official sources also serve as crucial culand training materials, and intertwined institutional strucinsight into the always tural texts offering both the marines and the occupatures and cultural processes that shaped the dominant, these diverse sources reveal not only tion. Taken together, that U.S. Americans recogarticulated discourses and ideologies multiply but also structures of feeling that were only nized consciously at the time, others have had only an "inabout which marines and may just emerging, choate awareness." in the United the cultural aftermath of the occupation If we turn to as such, that second crop of effects, not always recognized wealth of States-that of provide a action reaps at home - other sorts sources military historians, fiction, drama, painting, film, evidence. Often untapped by political writing, all and ethnology, as well as selfconsciously travel writing, diverse members of the U.S. national comserve to illuminate the ways that discourse of the and to the paternalism munity responded to occupation reckoned with the implications mobilized on its behalf. As U.S. Americans and unconsciously a they brought forth - consciously of the occupation, make possible new iterations discursive terrain, which would, in turn, new of race, class, gender, and sexualofAmericanness: and new configurations themselves, SO with the artists, ity. As with the experiences of the marines about Haiti during and after writers, and activists who engaged discourses awareness come structures of feeling and forms of inchoate the occupation, 57 These readings may seem to take close textual readings. to light through and foreign relations. from the usual concerns of U.S. foreign policy us far cultural responses called forth by U.S. Yet such explorations of the complex full of effects wrought for the range imperialism are crucial understanding horizon of latent possibilities the 58 They help us grasp the by occupation. of self-described Americans that would be available to the next generation and U.S. and respond to U.S. foreign policies who would continue to shape relations with Haiti. of the U.S. occupation of to culture, and to the history This approach historians. Through thus reveals a story not usually told by diplomatic Haiti, the U.S. occupation of Haiti atthe dominant discourse of paternalism, Haitians in the service of U.S. U.S. Americans and tempted to conscript in this endeavor was attributable The unevenness of its success imperialism. of that dominant discourse, the complexityof to the internal contradictions to operate, and discursive terrain in which the occupation attempted the both in Haiti and of those targeted for conscription, the creative agency to write Haitians and U.S. Ameriin the United States. Even as it attempted master narraand blacks, men and women into a paternalist cans, whites INTRODUCTION --- Page 48 --- for those who would resist such tive, the occupation itself created openings and resistance that The creative processes of conscription formaconscription. gave rise to new subjective emerged in and through the occupation of U.S. imperialism and enabled both the extension tions and, as such, including racism. Through this challenges to domestic relations of power, that is, through culcomplex set of (subjective and discursive) processes- and identities were racial, gender, and sexual meanings ture - national, unsettled and consolidated in new ways. INTRODUCTION --- Page 48 --- for those who would resist such tive, the occupation itself created openings and resistance that The creative processes of conscription formaconscription. gave rise to new subjective emerged in and through the occupation of U.S. imperialism and enabled both the extension tions and, as such, including racism. Through this challenges to domestic relations of power, that is, through culcomplex set of (subjective and discursive) processes- and identities were racial, gender, and sexual meanings ture - national, unsettled and consolidated in new ways. BRIEF NARRATIVE OF U.S. INTERVENTION A OCCUPATION IN HAITI AND before the marines landed in July U.S. involvement with Haiti began long back to the revolutionHaiti may even be dated 1915-Attempts to influence officially neutral toward Toussaint The United States remained ary period. (1800-1802), but American merDOhmontucsmeeludonay government Haitian Revolution by supplying to the success of the chants contributed Thomas, Jefferson may have supported arms to the rebels." 59 U.S. president defeat of army in certainly he welcomed the Napoleon's this arms trade; U.S. South by a thriving, Haiti. But the threat to slavery in the represented of U.S. of former slaves, combined with the exigencies independent nation the of trade with France, led him, in 1 806, to approve prohibition relations Although trade resumed, the perbetween the United States and Haiti." slave South continued, of Haiti as a threat to the well-being of the the new ception States withheld formal recognition from and as a result the United republic until the South seceded. of U.S. Americans on Meanwhile Haiti loomed large in the imagination heritage slavery: proof that people of African both sides of the debate over that they could not, on the themselves, on one side; proof could govern defenders kept their nation at a formal disother.6! And whereas slavery's African Americans forged from the nation that was their nightmare, tance and even Washington." sometimes aided by Port-au-Prince: links with Haiti, Americans emigrated to Haiti, answering In the 1820s thousands of African of land and polititendered by Haiti'sl leaders to avail themselves invitations 63 In 1859 Haiti again sought to augment its cal liberty in a black republic. from the North; that year, Haitian population by attracting immigration an American citizen, as president Fabre Geffrard engaged James Redpath, Haiti from Canada and the of African heritage to an agent to bring people President Lincoln supported the profitUnited States. A few years later, INTRODUCTION --- Page 49 --- citizen named Bernard Kock. Also colonization scheme of a private making American missionary Theodore Holly produring the 186os the African moted emigration to Haiti.94 the United States with southern voices absent from Congress, In 1862, Haiti for the first time. U.S. secretary of extended formal recognition to of U.S. influWilliam H. Seward then began to pursue the expansion state for talks over the posand control in Haiti. 65 He initiated, example, ence port at Mole St. Nicholas. By sibility of U.S. use of a Haitian deepwater American minister to the United States was represented by an African who would be followed by others, including John Haiti, Ebenezer Bassett, Frederick Douglass." 67 and, in 1889, the distinguished Mercer Langston U.S. investors began to extend Meanwhile, in the late nineteenth century, moved in a significant way, and the U.S. government their activities to Haiti for them in the midst of toward more serious attempts to broker protection increasing Haitian political instability. had landed on Haitian soil eight By the turn of the century, U.S. marines 68 In 1901 the U.S. Navy American lives and property.' times "to protect an entire squadron stepped up its presence in the Caribbean, designating 69 On numerous its North Atlantic Fleet for that specific purpose. within U.S. extend Meanwhile, in the late nineteenth century, moved in a significant way, and the U.S. government their activities to Haiti for them in the midst of toward more serious attempts to broker protection increasing Haitian political instability. had landed on Haitian soil eight By the turn of the century, U.S. marines 68 In 1901 the U.S. Navy American lives and property.' times "to protect an entire squadron stepped up its presence in the Caribbean, designating 69 On numerous its North Atlantic Fleet for that specific purpose. within U.S. gunboats - the Topeka, the Chester, occasionsin the next fourteen years, find themselves in HaiMachias, the Montana, and many others -would the when U.S. influence could be brought tian waters precisely at the moment made important inroads in bear on Haitian affairs.20 As U.S. capitalists to railroads and banking, instances of "gunboat Haiti, most notably through By 1910 the United would become more and more frequent. Haidiplomacy" of dominance over other great powersin States had achieved a position constituted another important German interests still tian affairs, although and his advisers were searching for a presence." 71 By 1913 President Wilson control. Attributing the inthat position into definitive way to translate immaturity on the part of stability of the Haitian government to political various during to secure that control at points Haitians, Wilson attempted decision to land marines and sailors on and 1915, culminating in the July 28, 1915." through April 1916, the first nine months of the occupation, During the early stages of the U.S. assertion Admiral William B. Caperton oversaw forces immedifunctions. Caperton's of control over Haitian government Caco revolutionPort-au-Prince and arresting ately set about disarming assistants, notably Captain Edward aries, while Caperton and his immediate to be duly "elected" Beach, set about finding a cooperative client president heir to the and Beach dismissed the apparent as soon as possible. Caperton INTRODUCTION --- Page 50 --- Bobo,?; and settled on Philippe Sudre Dartiguenave presidency, Dr. Rosalvo that Haiti must agree to any terms laid who, Caperton observed, "realizes succeeded in preventing the Haidown by the United States." "74The admiral naval that Bobo and reported to his superiors tian Congress from electing committee in he could control that body.75 The revolutionary he believed been attempting to cooperate with Port-au-Prince, which had heretofore dismay. To still perceived the same situation, to their Caperton, apparently moved to dissolve the Congress to his hand, on August 11 the committee held all the cards. "I the election of a client president, but Caperton them that they prevent committee and informed have dissolved the revolutionary and would be considered public in Port-au-Prince have no furthera authority further orders or United States if they attempted to give any enemies of the Wilson,26 99 he reported directly to President to menace U.S. policies,' elected Philippe Sudre Dartiguenave The next day, the Haitian Congress Fresh from his inauguration, president of the Republic of Haiti (Figure 2). ready for his treaty, with an American-authored Dartiguenave was presented Robert Lansing, the 77 As Caperton began to press for ratification, "I signature. reflected on the situation in a letter to Wilson, new U.S. secretary of state, policing the Haimethod of with our Marines confess that this negotiations, sense of a nation's SOVis high handed. It does not meet my tian capital, of force and an invasion of Haiereign rights and is more or less an exercise I cannot but feel From a practical standpoint, however, tian independence. , with an American-authored Dartiguenave was presented Robert Lansing, the 77 As Caperton began to press for ratification, "I signature. reflected on the situation in a letter to Wilson, new U.S. secretary of state, policing the Haimethod of with our Marines confess that this negotiations, sense of a nation's SOVis high handed. It does not meet my tian capital, of force and an invasion of Haiereign rights and is more or less an exercise I cannot but feel From a practical standpoint, however, tian independence. intend to cure the anarchy and disorder that it is the only thing to do if we signa78 Prior to securing Dartiguenave's which prevails in that Republic. with the He took moved forward occupation. ture on the treaty, Caperton of marines, under newly detailed a regiment control of the customshouses, the Cacosin the Colonel Littleton W. T. Waller, to fight a wara against arrived consolidated his own authority by deNorth, and, on September 3, 1915, DarWith the of considerable pressure, claring martial law. application 16, the Haitian Congress aptiguenave signed the treaty on September ratification came in May, 1916. 11, and the formal proved it on November detailed to establish the GendarIn December 1915 Smedley Butler was to Dardecision to grant formal recognition merie. Despite Washington's had approved and signed government once the new president tiguenave's martial law continued alongside Dartiguethe treaty, Admiral Caperton's Caperton departed in April constitutional government. nave's nominally and U.S. military control reason1916 with relative quiet in the countryside: ably well established in the capital. the assassination of through From the time of Caperton's departure Haitian Constitution in late Péralte and the adoption of a new Charlemagne INTRODUCTION --- Page 51 --- e - Figure 2. President Philippe Sudre his cabinet, fanked by marines. Dartiguenaue, center; and Nationalarchioes. 1918, the Waller in occupation went through a period of command of the consolidation. merie, With Waller's occupation and Butler in Caperton left in marines providing charge of the GendarPortausPrince, U.S. treaty protection for the new that would be consistent officials pressed for a new government ing Haifivconatirtional with American goals for the constitution, one primary goal of the prohibition on foreign land occupation. Overturntreaty officials faced. United States and one of the ownership was both a most notable obstacles Meanwhile, Butler built his made up of U.S. marines. fledgling military force with an officer subxlistrictaround the Gendarmerie units, posted to each corps resumption of economic country, sought to ensure the stability district and establishing control productivity across the necessary fora labor ignited the republic. Yet, the to carry out a massive opposition. In 1917 Butler turned process of communities and thus road-building project intended to to forced darmerie oversaw facilitate military and link disparate the police operations. The on nally a long-defunct establishmente oft this forced labor Genor pay a corvée law requiring system, based nomiroad-building tax. 79 The peasants to work on the roads Cacor'varagainst the occupation, ground INTRODUCTION labor ignited the republic. Yet, the to carry out a massive opposition. In 1917 Butler turned process of communities and thus road-building project intended to to forced darmerie oversaw facilitate military and link disparate the police operations. The on nally a long-defunct establishmente oft this forced labor Genor pay a corvée law requiring system, based nomiroad-building tax. 79 The peasants to work on the roads Cacor'varagainst the occupation, ground INTRODUCTION --- Page 52 --- marines while Caperton was still in comdown by the superior force of the inflamed by the of in a population mand, now found new sources strength corvée. Under the leadership sustained through the insults and the assaults and fueled by the impact of Péralte and Benoit Batraville, of Charlemagne and forced the marines to wage the corvée, the Cacos gained momentum of the they had come to "assist."' war for control population Péralte in November 1918, the With the assassination of Charlemagne Cacos. Yet, by this time, the Marines turned a corner in the war against the of front. A series investigations, occupation was under assault on a different under U.S. Senate inquiry, put the occupation culminating in a full-scale down the occupying state microscope and threatened to bring the political and Butler had worked SO hard to build. apparatus that Caperton, Waller, be characterized as the phase This period, from late 1918 to early 1922, can The Cacos on faltered but did not fall. pressed during which the U.S. regime editors flouted occupation under Batraville, nationalist in the countryside and others organized against the censorship in various Haitian newspapers, allies in the NAACP. Most with the help of African American occupation of the United States, representatroubling to the international reputation 1919 to press the turned up at Versaillesin tives of the organized opposition the rights of small nations in issue with Wilson while he was championing in the United States when that context. Bad press for the occupation began but Haiti returned with stories of atrocities, African American missionaries when it became an issue in the 1920 really caught the public's attention to tone down the violence presidential election. There were official attempts this phase of the the Cacos at various points during of the war against continued under a particularly intranoccupation, but the worst abuses north of Haiti. A series of investigasigent group of American officers in the the occupation. The Once elected, Harding continued tions led to nothing. a formal investigation of established a select committee to undertake Senate Dominican Republic. But once the stir the occupations of Haiti and the the occupation was reorgasurrounding the 1920 election had died down, U.S. colonial rule. commissioner, in effect consolidating nized under a high followed, from 1922 to 1929, with the A period of relative tranquillity Commissioner, John consolidated under High occupying state apparatus client in 1922 and Dartiguenave as president Russell. Louis Borno replaced 80 Borno's reelection sparked for another four years in 1926. was reelected below the surface during this phase of protests, but dissent remained largely Cacos had been broken, and Americana. The military resistance of the Pax the rule, SO that Haitians who continued to protest press censorship became landed in jail for their trouble." the occupation INTRODUCTION Commissioner, John consolidated under High occupying state apparatus client in 1922 and Dartiguenave as president Russell. Louis Borno replaced 80 Borno's reelection sparked for another four years in 1926. was reelected below the surface during this phase of protests, but dissent remained largely Cacos had been broken, and Americana. The military resistance of the Pax the rule, SO that Haitians who continued to protest press censorship became landed in jail for their trouble." the occupation INTRODUCTION --- Page 53 --- of renewed protests began. Economic But in the fall of 1929 a phase combined with the occupacoffee market, troubles linked to a depressed antioccupation sentiments tion'simposition of harsher tax policies, brought for students at the 82 A decision to change the scholarship policy to a head. Technique, the technical assistance agricultural college run by the Service of student strikes. In provided the spark for a series arm of the occupation, to include strike - which seemed poised response to the threat of a general businessmen, but also possibly students, workers, politicians, and not only that he would not seek another the Gendarmerie itself - Borno announced critics but This pleased the occupation's term as president of the republic. were the first tojoin in Port-au-Prince did not still them; customs employees strike. Relatively students in what quickly became a nationwide general the faced thousands of Haitians demonstrating small detachments of marines in citiesand towns around against the occupation and its client governmenti in Aux On December 6, 1929, in one such confrontation, the country. marines fire on a crowd of the southern coast of Haiti, opened Cayes on 1,500, killing 12 and wounding 23. condemnation of the occupaThe Cayes massacre led to international a commission thus forcing the U.S. president to act. Hooverappointed tion, the situation in Haiti, and headed by W. Cameron Forbes to review general Institute, to review the headed by Robert Russa Moton of Tuskegee to another, the Forbes Commission could not fail education system. Members of everywhere against the notice "the intense feeling" that existed 'practically "the state of the public occupation." *83 As one member noted, American taken to meet their demands for a mind is such that unless measures are public in the near future, grave legislature that can elect a president Haiti did have a new president. disorder will arise. *84 Within a few months, elections, after a in November 1930 in legislative Stenio Vincent was elected 1930). under Eugene Roy (May-November brief provisional government recommended the withdrawal of U.S. The Forbes Commission, moreover, the terms of that withdrawal forces, and the long process of negotiating désoccupation the long-awaited began. Four years later, on August 15, 1934, Direct U.S. supervision of came to pass, as the last U.S. marines departed. Haiti'seconomy continued through 1942. TAKING HAITI between military interThe remainder of this account of the relationship States is divided into two cultural change in the United vention in Haitiand INTRODUCTION --- Page 54 --- addresses the cultural and six chapters. Part I, entitled "Occupation," Haiti; Part II, parts U.S. military presence in dimensions of the nineteen-year on the 9 considers the impact of that military presence entitled "Aftermath," culture between 1920 and 1940. Thus, transformation of U.S. American U.S. Americans articuare not consecutive, but overlapping. the two parts in new ways, in the wake of U.S. and national identity lated race, gender, the last marines withdrew vin 1934- Those intervention in Haiti, well before in Haitiin various ways. the course of events articulations, in turn, shaped itself is divided into three chapters. My examination of the occupation marines and to the nation they the reader to the Chapter 2 introduces consciousness as they arrived in invaded. What factors shaped the marines' Haiti, and how did their and after? How did marines perceive Haiti in 1915 conduct there? U.S. and national identity lated race, gender, the last marines withdrew vin 1934- Those intervention in Haiti, well before in Haitiin various ways. the course of events articulations, in turn, shaped itself is divided into three chapters. My examination of the occupation marines and to the nation they the reader to the Chapter 2 introduces consciousness as they arrived in invaded. What factors shaped the marines' Haiti, and how did their and after? How did marines perceive Haiti in 1915 conduct there? What histories, in turn, subjective experience inform their the men and women they shaped the land they patrolled and inspired machinery of the subdue? Chapter 3 examines the ideological sought to considers the nature of U.S. paternalism occupation. Specifically, it precise that facilivarious iterations, and shows how paternalism toward Haiti, in its formation. Chapter 4 exof the occupying state tated the establishment and violence in the war against plores the connections between paternalism My argument is Cacos and in the routine conduct of the occupation. the violence but rather reinforced and that paternalism did not mitigate against who served in Haiti and extended it. The legends passed down by marines clues for our underthe stories they told one another provide important of national, and violence in marines' negotiations standing of paternalism racial, and genderi identityin Haiti. culture in Haiti, Part II is If Part I assesses the uses of U.S. American culture. Thus, the second concerned with the usesofHaitii in U.S.American that emerged out of book turns our attention to the discourses part of the conversation initiated by the U.S. milithe occupation, that is, the national U.S. Americans set in Haiti. In the aftermath of occupation, tary presence Chapter 5 considers theappeal about "taking Haiti"ini important new ways. culture turned their Haiti in the United States as politics and popular of beginning in 1920. It explores attention to "the black nation" in new ways commodification in and cultural the tensions between political critique O'Neill'splay, The Emperorjones, Weldon, Johnson's essays and Eugene James discourses on Haiti in the 1920S and 1930s. the national U.S. Americans set in Haiti. In the aftermath of occupation, tary presence Chapter 5 considers theappeal about "taking Haiti"ini important new ways. culture turned their Haiti in the United States as politics and popular of beginning in 1920. It explores attention to "the black nation" in new ways commodification in and cultural the tensions between political critique O'Neill'splay, The Emperorjones, Weldon, Johnson's essays and Eugene James discourses on Haiti in the 1920S and 1930s. Chapas well as in popular U.S. consciousness through travel ter 6 examines the cultivation of imperial It focuses on the role of and fiction in the 1920S and 1930s. literature pulp the cultural construction of psychosexuality in travel accounts and traces American writers' and through such discourses. African logical interiority INTRODUCTION --- Page 55 --- in the United States through the artists' : interventions into racial politics and the Haitian Revolution related to Haiti vehicle of cultural production of Zora Neale in a discussion form the basis of Chapter 7, culminating discourses in Tell My Horse. Hurston'screative response to paternalist both Haiti with Haiti between 1915and 194oaltered The U.S.encounter and immediate respects, this and the United States. In more profound in the ways intended transformed Haiti, though not necessarily encounter and by creating by U.S. policy makers. By crushing Haitian peasantrebellion: control in Port-aufor strongly centralized government the mechanisms against entrenched eliminated the very safeguards Prince, the occupation had always successfully maindespotism that Haiti, for all its problems, for two U.S. Americans helped to lay the groundwork tained. In doing SO, military regimes." 86 and a series of post-Duvalier Duvalier dictatorships the United States, the subject of Theimpact of the occupation of Haiti on significant. less but nonetheless profoundly the present study, was complete context of U.S. imperialist must be understood in the larger This impact of Haiti was one instance of this actions around the globe. The occupation role in the world, and in U.S. transformation of the U.S. extraordinary beliefs about themselves as Americans. domesAmericans' of Haiti facilitated the At the same time, the 1915-34 occupation that other interventions of racial and gender issuesin ways tic renegotiation States may have had something to did not. Haiti's proximity to the United lasted a long nineteen do with this, as well as the fact that the occupation the U.S. American distinction seems to have been years. Yet, the major nation. This difference, this percepperception of Haiti as a distinctly black the southern coast of the "American Africa" just off tion of Haiti as an nation as a significant figure in United States, positioned the Caribbean between 1915and 1940. contestations over U.S. American national identity INTRODUCTION --- Page 56 --- OCCUPATION --- Page 57 --- ile-aà-Tortue ATLANTIC OCEAN FAdIE sPort-de-Paix Jean Rabel Cap à Haîtien s Môle St. Nic holas M AA Le Trou S a a Sans Soucia S a Fort Citadel, Liberté Genaives Pérgdin e Pignon Maissade 0 Petite St. Marc CA Riviere Hinche Anse-àA AuE Galets Mirebelais* Lascz ahobas Jérémie ile de la Gonave Ponta Beudete Bélladere D Portau-Prince) DOMINICAN Anse d'Hainault Petit Goâve Léogâne Petionville REPUBLIC aa23d 224200282 21210 stestonctens AstE K Les Cayes Jacmel CARIBBEAN SEA Map 2. Haiti . Marc CA Riviere Hinche Anse-àA AuE Galets Mirebelais* Lascz ahobas Jérémie ile de la Gonave Ponta Beudete Bélladere D Portau-Prince) DOMINICAN Anse d'Hainault Petit Goâve Léogâne Petionville REPUBLIC aa23d 224200282 21210 stestonctens AstE K Les Cayes Jacmel CARIBBEAN SEA Map 2. Haiti --- Page 58 --- HAITI AND THE MARINES MAKING SENSE OF THE OCCUPATION what to think. He'd left a small, rural Corporal Homer Overley didn'tknow had landed in Port-auin Illinois to join the Marines and, by 1920, town From their main Prince with his new buddies in the Fifty-seventh Company. the hills around and his fellow recruits patrolled post in the capital, Overley north of the capital, to and Lascahobas, from Bon Repos, just Mirebelais from the Dominican border. The main Belladère in the East, a stone'sthrow been but the war had sapped, strength of the Cacos' military opposition Company, searching continued in fits, and the marines of the Fifty-seventh heads in the hills.' rebels, worried about "loosing" their out the remaining rocky trails and carrying a heavy pack over long, rough, Hungry, thirsty, cursed and sometimes kept his as he later recalled - Overley sometimes thoughts to himself.? when he arrived in Haiti, the young Nineteen years old and a private himself on his to learn Creole and, before long, prided Overley was quick Haitians." this contributed to directly with Perhaps ability to communicate officer. Even SO, as a to the status of a noncommissioned his promotion clear; he was an enlisted man with all the corporal his allegiance was still that came along with that toward officers resentment and apprehension him learn a little more about the station.1 And if learning Creole helped him understand nation he patrolled, it did nothing to help people whose with The average above him. Orders didn't come explanations. the men what Homer Overley did. marine was left to wonder, and it seems that'sjust the the Haitian workers he observed as he patrolled He wondered about Port-au-Prince." He wonHaitian American Sugar Company grounds near who owned HASCO.?He dered about the wealthy Americans and Europeans he'd heard the fate of marines captured by the rebels; wondered about --- Page 59 --- Figure 3. Portrait ofHomer L. Overley, Research ConterArchive, 1920. Marine Corps Quantico, Virginia. --- Page 60 --- in the field. Overley is on the left. Homer L. Overley and fellow marines pose Virginia. Figure 4Research CenterArchives, Quantico, Marine Corps why 8 He wondered fuel his on that question. it was the men stories enough to imagination who got the credit, when seemed to be the officers the decisive shots?He wondered, it always braved the odds and fired with only four other themselves who of Haitians he a large group who might overpower one day as approached they were Cacos or rioters he spoke to whether but marines on hand, had orders not to speak to any natives, - or SO he his small patrol. 10] He of section.1 He had orders leader, the local chief but he didn't shoot, though the group's all Cacos and Voodoes [sic)," of their priestess." 12 said-"to shoot their way to a dance in honor he he learned they were on at such dances; almost certainly he wondered what went on it had to do with the rebellion. Perhaps was, and what of this wondered what this "Voodoe" encounters with the mysteries marines had more troubling the thick of the war against Other had invaded. In unfamilculture in this land they not only by foreign could find themselves disoriented, sounds of drums the Cacos, marines rations, but also by the unnerving iar terrain or insufficient HAITI & THE MARINES he learned they were on at such dances; almost certainly he wondered what went on it had to do with the rebellion. Perhaps was, and what of this wondered what this "Voodoe" encounters with the mysteries marines had more troubling the thick of the war against Other had invaded. In unfamilculture in this land they not only by foreign could find themselves disoriented, sounds of drums the Cacos, marines rations, but also by the unnerving iar terrain or insufficient HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 61 --- and conch horns coming from near and far. One marine experience of coming on a Caco "We described the resistance but after camp: passed the outpost with no with rifles, passing them about 150 Cacos fell in behind us machetes, and sharp pointed sticks, armed blowing of conch horns and keeping up an incessant much beating of drums. at the second larger force fell in rear of us also outpost. a music which will never be keeping up the conch horn sounds under the forgotten by the men as it was the weirdest of whether circumstances: any of us had everheard." "13 Haitians- - seeing the effect of the conch We don'tknow ever purposely used "the incessant on marines in the field - drums" to unsettle marines blowing of conch horns and beating of Corps on patrol. Nor do we know officers realized the precise uses of the conch whether Marine however, that officers in the field in battle. We do know, at the very least, because it recognized that the conch posed a threat, Captain Chandler shook the confidence of their men. Hence housesand Campbell's promise, in the fall of 1915, to burn destroy the crops ofthe Cacos the What to make of the "iftheyb blow anymore conches. 14 conches, the drums, the their priestess? What to make of worshipers going to honor silent fellow recruits? What commanding officers, demanding to make of poor Haitians, duty, French priests, and Germans? What wealthy Americans, complex situation? Some to make of one's own role in such a years later, with the benefit of haps an anti-imperialist tract or hindsight and pertwo, on his service in Haiti. "We who ex-corporal Homer Overley reflected credit,' he served in [the] Marines wrote; we "tried to keep Esprit du received little which was often Corps high to cover for service times wondered disillusioning," SO disillusioning, in fact, "that we just what was right or wrong" and someThe State and "what it was all about. 15 Department the U.S. Navy rines straight on the question of what it certainly hoped to keep mapaternal guidance offered was all about. The official story of clarify to a child-nation in need was intended questions of right and wrong. Yet the in part to complex cultural context, marines were operating in a and shaped not only by their government's propaganda, but also by the realities of Haitian rhetoric surrounded them. The encounter history and culture that initiated by the invasion of between Haiti and the marines that was 1915 continued each time a camp or met a group of peasants patrol found a Caco these going to a dance. The young men brought with them to Haiti -from cultural baggage training, their previous tours of their upbringing, their this duty, and their camaraderie helped to shape what they saw and heard en route- -all tians and what sense they made of the when they encountered HaiJust as significant were the occupation they were carrying out. cultural and historical discourses that shaped the OCCUPATION was 1915 continued each time a camp or met a group of peasants patrol found a Caco these going to a dance. The young men brought with them to Haiti -from cultural baggage training, their previous tours of their upbringing, their this duty, and their camaraderie helped to shape what they saw and heard en route- -all tians and what sense they made of the when they encountered HaiJust as significant were the occupation they were carrying out. cultural and historical discourses that shaped the OCCUPATION --- Page 62 --- to the marines, let us first ask, world the marines invaded. Before turning Whose shores had they breached? LANDSCAPES INSCRIBED WITH HISTORY and Cap Haîtien, as they the streets of Port-au-Prince As marines patrolled they encountered the the Haitian countryside, made their way through and of struggle. In a sense, every conch traces of slavery, of independence, Haitian resistance to domination. announced the living history of Haiti and of political sounded a beat that echoed more than a century Every drum To what extent marines and other independence and cultural autonomy. the and sounds that the historyimplicit in sights Americans could decipher take in time. But first, let us surrounded them is a question we must up trod in Haiti. and historical terrain the marines consider the cultural in front of the Palace, which was built In the center of Port-au-Prince, from the Champs de Mars, ofthe marines, and across under the supervision conducted daily drills and exercises, the fields on which those same marines maron." " It is a towering representation now stands a statue, known as "neg conch shell. 16 The statue shows slave blowing a of a maroon - an escaped sounding a call to revolution. It the rippled muscles of a powerful man back to the connections history of Haiti, one that goes invokes a proud bond in the New World between maroons and slaves, and their common and women Vodou. In part on the strength of that religion, men religion of fields under the brutal yoke of who labored in Saint Domingue's cane had fled the plantations to came together with those who French slavery slave revolution in the Atlantic world. plan and carry out the only successful Haiti, the sound of the of in the woods of northern In the summer 1791, ex-slaves gathered for secret Vodou conch horn was heard, and slaves and 1791, the will to rebel. It is said that on August 14, services that nurtured whose name we do not know, such service took place, led by a priestess, the one The assembled took an oath, known as and a priest named Boukman. with one another.' 17 A week later, Oath of Bois Caiman, to revolt in solidarity in unison against their northern plains rose the slaves of Saint Domingue's masters. the marines who entered Port-auThe statue of neg maron did not greet Yet the history emand 1934; it came later. proud Prince between 1915 earlier in the conch itself and in its use bodied in that statue was embodied conch or lanbi is sounded to link The by Caco rebels and ordinary peasants. across the field distances, for example, to communicate people across great HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 63 --- for a work gang, to call people in of battle. 18 Itis used to call people together It is used, as meal, and to signal the end of the workday. from the fields for a Vodou service, just as it was used have seen, to announce the start of the we of the conch is powerful for a in Bois Caiman in 1791. Thus, the symbolism maintain their indepenwho have drawn the strength to gain and is said to people meat, moreover, dence from the power of their religion. a work gang, to call people in of battle. 18 Itis used to call people together It is used, as meal, and to signal the end of the workday. from the fields for a Vodou service, just as it was used have seen, to announce the start of the we of the conch is powerful for a in Bois Caiman in 1791. Thus, the symbolism maintain their indepenwho have drawn the strength to gain and is said to people meat, moreover, dence from the power of their religion. (Conch horn could function as a virile.) For all these reasons, a conch make a man down from father to son, again and literal artifact of a proud history, passed possibly from the Revolinking a family across the generations, quite again, lution down to the present.' of Haiti during the Conch shells were scattered across the landscape a Whereas for Haitians they signified a revolationaryheritage: occupation. who took matters into their own hands, connection to fearsome ancestors or, as Americans they could seem mere decorative appurtenances for U.S. fear. Even after the definitive success of we have seen, they could stimulate conch shells could be associated campaign against the Cacos, the military in the campaign against malaria with danger. They turned up, for example, the Service d'Hygiène, or diseases carried on by and other mosquito-borne Lieutenant Commander Eaton of Public Health Service, in the early 1920S. admonished marines to the U.S. Navy, serving as acting sanitary engineer, in their own yards for health in Haiti by looking do their part for public around the rose garden" and emptying "those pink and white conch shells his audience dismiss his plea as them of water at least once each week. Lest of whole countries[.] warned: "The of whole states, trivial, Eaton prosperity armies has withered and and the power of strong has been blighted[.] well have reminded because of disease. *21 His warning may about the vanished[,) in Haiti of what they had undoubtedly heard marines and sailors reluctant to atdemise of the French in revolutionary Saint Domingue; writers credited success to an army of black ex-slaves, some tribute military Vigilant marines could with the defeat of Napoleon's armya the mosquito action in their own yards. avoid the same fate by taking of Haiti, too, at least at Pumpkins were scattered across the landscape seemed a familiar sight to certain times oft the year. And while they may have shells they resonated traditions, like conch marines raised with Halloween Haitians raised - and still with the strains of Haiti's revolutionary heritage. households, it is served In some raise - pumpkins to make Soup, Joumou. occasions. Cerin others it is reserved for even more special every Sunday; celebrated on January 1, Haitian Indepentainly it is served at the feast Revolution as declared by General the of the dence Day - marking triumph OCCUPATION --- Page 64 --- The slaves of eighteenthJacques Dessalines on January 1, 18041 Jean served their masters Soupjoumou everyJanuary century Saint Domingue themselves denied the taste of pumpkin for the New Year's feast but were on Independence One tradition is that Haitians eat pumpkin soup the lies of soup.15 themselves that they are fully human - despite Day to remind of slave resistance carried on by women slavery.21 Another recalls the historyo they served to their masters.25 who added poison to the Soupjoumou a thousand details conches and pumpkins to flags and fortresses, From vision with the signs of a living history that was filled the marine's field of culture. themselves denied the taste of pumpkin for the New Year's feast but were on Independence One tradition is that Haitians eat pumpkin soup the lies of soup.15 themselves that they are fully human - despite Day to remind of slave resistance carried on by women slavery.21 Another recalls the historyo they served to their masters.25 who added poison to the Soupjoumou a thousand details conches and pumpkins to flags and fortresses, From vision with the signs of a living history that was filled the marine's field of culture. Small material artifacts, embodied in Haitian and is- powerfully exchanged in greeting beimposing architectural structures, small gestures instruments all spoke to Haitians, and the rhythmic sounds of sacred tween in the daily life and culture of of history and of ancestors the significance of Dessalinesisupon me) a marine Haitians. Dèsalin mwen monte' 'm (the spirit the Haitian utter in anger; the phrase captured may well have heard a emotional lexicon of Haitian of the Revolution in the continued presence culture.25 of historical memory in Haiti A full appreciation of the importance world of Haitian relisubtle of the spiritual would require a understanding secular as well as sacred. Haigion and its diverse cultural manifestations, world describe in the sacred forms of that spiritual tians who participate the For outsiders, the as sèvi lwa (serving spirits).7 their religious practice word for spirit" or "deity," word "Vodou, s1 derived from the Dahomean and emaas well as the cultural context that surrounds names the religion traditions of West and from it. 28 Vodou has its roots in the religious nates of Saint Domingue by men and CentralAfrica brought to the French colony centuries. A in the seventeenth and eighteenth women forced into slavery form, it was forged out of those syncretic religion and a creole cultural sacred traditions and in combination with aspects of Amerindian traditions of Saint Domingue, and later Haiti.29 Catholicism in the New World context and women (known as At the heart of Vodou is the process by which men includes, serviteurs in French) serve the spirits. That process sévitèin Creole, which a manbo (priestess) or houngan but is not limited to, the ceremoniesin the human scene through the way for a spirit to enter (priest) prepares the spirit is said to "mount" the devotee, possession. When this takes place, the various spirits (lwa/ rider mounts a horse. Arriving in this way, just as a and of their history. To cite remind the assembled of their obligations loa) McCarthy Brown explains that the spirit anthropologist Karen one example, who isa humble and illiterate peasant farmer, known as Azaka or Papa Zaka, HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 65 --- of their roots, of their need for family (a "functions to remind devotees and of their connection to that includes the ancestors and spirits), group the land. 930 marines in 1915 and after were thus engaged The Haitians who greeted who had freed themand retelling their history: as a people in remembering a nation and a way of life on their selves from slavery and who had forged arrived wearing terms. Yet marines and other U.S.Americans own ancestral discursive traditions of European and U.S. blindfolds fashioned from the before them. They railed often - failed to see what was racism and SO - most standof the country people - SO much superstition against the ignorance drums and saved them as ing in the way of progress. Haitians who greeted who had freed themand retelling their history: as a people in remembering a nation and a way of life on their selves from slavery and who had forged arrived wearing terms. Yet marines and other U.S.Americans own ancestral discursive traditions of European and U.S. blindfolds fashioned from the before them. They railed often - failed to see what was racism and SO - most standof the country people - SO much superstition against the ignorance drums and saved them as ing in the way of progress. 31 They confiscated without ever knowing the land, exotic souvenirs of a mysterious, primitive named their animals after traditions. 32 They richness of Haitian religious while dismissing Haiti as revolutionary heroes like Toussaint L'Ouverture, himself well. "33 of the Negro not being able to govern "a classic example Port-au-Prince (and perHad they ventured into a bookshop or libraryin would have they did not leave a record of it), they haps some did, though tradition of Haitian historical writing found evidence of a long and textured ofwhat they saw around have illuminated the significance ofs some that might writers who defended the them. The tradition began in 1 804 with pamphlet French. Historian defamation by the defeated Haitian Revolution against as "proud, educated Gordon K. Lewis describes these early pamphleteers 34 They theoreticians of a new black American Republicanism. Haitians, the new nation, praised the laws called for military preparedness to protect the arrival of of freedom, and heralded and institutions of Haiti as bastions nations. Following black civilization in a world dominated by slaveholding intellectual and the baron De Vastey, a leading the early pamphleteers, continued the defense of political adviser to Haiti's King Henri Christophe, noted Haitian historians of the Revolution, as did subsequent generations Joseph Saint Remy, Thomas Madiou, Alexis Beaubrun Ardouin, including and others,35 OF HAITI, 1791-1915 A BRIEF NARRATIVE Haitian historical memory berevolution that lived - and lives - on in The Revolution when, on the night of August 22, gan in the course of the French northern plains torched the 1791, the black slaves of Saint Domingue's they had at their masters with whatever weapons cane fields and set upon and women who began the their disposal. 36 For over twelve years, men OCCUPATION --- Page 66 --- the Spanish, the English, and Revolution as slaves fought with and against their national indepentheir freedom and, eventually, the French to secure number when the Revolution began, dence. 37 Approximately 500,000 in and free, property-owning both white slave owners slaves far outnumbered was abolished and of color, known as affranchis." 38 By 1793 slavery blacks. The af people had emerged as the leader of the Toussaint L'Ouverture in a struggle that lasted to the franchis fought for control of the Revolution ended with power firmly in Toussaint'shands. end of the centuryand established his own power SO thorBy mid-1800 Toussaint L'Ouverture there was no that, while he did not formally break with Napoleon, a new oughly 39 "The Black Consul" established question as to who was in charge. new taxes, a new complete with new laws, government for Saint Domingue, officials from all administrative posts, currency, and, having ousted French trade with Britain of his own choosing. 40 Toussaint opened in new appointees French plantation owners to remain and the United States, encouraged return the former slaves to and did what he could to Saint Domingue, that had made Saint Doplantation labor.11 The agricultural prosperity he beof the French empire would henceforth, mingue the crown jewel 42 When the newly freed men and lieved, secure the freedom of his people. new complete with new laws, government for Saint Domingue, officials from all administrative posts, currency, and, having ousted French trade with Britain of his own choosing. 40 Toussaint opened in new appointees French plantation owners to remain and the United States, encouraged return the former slaves to and did what he could to Saint Domingue, that had made Saint Doplantation labor.11 The agricultural prosperity he beof the French empire would henceforth, mingue the crown jewel 42 When the newly freed men and lieved, secure the freedom of his people. resisted his entreaties and set about establishing women of Saint Domingue Toussaint placed the plantations under themselves as independent farmers, series of labor laws designed to remilitary authority and promulgated a mode of production in Saint store the plantation system as the paramount Domingue. 43 other for Saint Domingue. Jean leaders had plans Other revolutionary disagreed with their Dessalines and Henri Christophe, for example, Jacques French planters to maintain Saint Domingue's leader's decision to rely on maintain an Like Toussaint, they sought to export-oriented to prosperity. but they were determined economy based on plantation agriculture, of the French on threat, by the continued presence remove the represented arrest and deportation of Tousthe island, of a return to slavery. 44 With the and Christophe LeClerc in June 1 802, Dessalines saint by French general Under the leadership of Dessalines, the took the reins of the Revolution. the French army and finally succeeded in defeating revolutionary army With the founding of the Republic of ousting French plantation owners. and the flight on foreign land ownership Haiti in 1804 came a prohibition of most whites still remaining in Haiti. the continued presence remove the represented arrest and deportation of Tousthe island, of a return to slavery. 44 With the and Christophe LeClerc in June 1 802, Dessalines saint by French general Under the leadership of Dessalines, the took the reins of the Revolution. the French army and finally succeeded in defeating revolutionary army With the founding of the Republic of ousting French plantation owners. and the flight on foreign land ownership Haiti in 1804 came a prohibition of most whites still remaining in Haiti. or massacre by the United of the nation in 1 804 toits occupation From the founding viable communities at later, Haitians struggled to establish States 111 years the security of their freedom and local and national levels and to maintain HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 67 --- independence. To appreciate the difficulty of these them in the dual context ofinternal struggles, we must view tility and domination. social divisions and international hosThe most significant social division within the tween revolutionary leaders, with new nation was that beperity, and the their visions of majority of former slaves, for whom plantation-based prosall, freedom from the brutalities "freedom' " meant, above the time of the Revolution, associated with sugarcane cultivation." 46 At the sugar had been the most widespread form of cultivation most profitable crop and colony's rich plains. Coffee in Saint Domingue, covering the nated in mountainous plantations, on the other hand, had areas. Following the predomisought an end to the plantation Revolution, Haitian workers system and the never return to the assurance that they would backbreaking work of nities of cane field sugar cultivation or to the overscers. As a result, many ex-slaves indigestates, which were almost all in the hands of abandoned the to the practice of the state by 1806, and turned squatting on vacant lands. 47 They crops and picked and marketed coffee cultivated subsistence beans from ing to local needs. 48 Those ex-slaves existing bushes accordland by virtue of their who were able to secure title to plots of military service followed In this way, squatters and similar economic patterns. landowning ex-slaves culture as their primary mode of established subsistence agrilimited existence while also export economy. 49 making possible a Haiti's emerging political class did not voice. Indeed, following the respond to this trend with one assassination of Dessalines revolutionary generals Alexandre in I 806, the former Pétion and Henri separate states based on Christophe established divergent models of nomic development. This political leadership and ecosocial divisions political division of Haiti also drew on within the new nation (e.g., between ancillary between ancien libres and nouveau libres). 50 mulatto and black, fourteen years. Pétion, Civil war ensued for the next sharing power with allied institution of a strong Senate, political elites through the tions by distributing effectively hastened the breakup of plantasignificant parcels of land to army officers making such parcels available by sale. 51 and also by authoritarian Christophe, system - which would be operating within a more constitution of transformed into a 1811 - did more to maintain monarchy by the strict military the plantation system, with supervision over the labor process. 52 With the death of Christophe and the Jean-Pierre Boyer in 1820, the basic reunification ofthe country under patterns seemed to be character of Haitian land and labor institute the clearly established in spite of elite to plantation system. 53 Boyer's Rural Code of attempts re1 826 a represented OCCUPATION within a more constitution of transformed into a 1811 - did more to maintain monarchy by the strict military the plantation system, with supervision over the labor process. 52 With the death of Christophe and the Jean-Pierre Boyer in 1820, the basic reunification ofthe country under patterns seemed to be character of Haitian land and labor institute the clearly established in spite of elite to plantation system. 53 Boyer's Rural Code of attempts re1 826 a represented OCCUPATION --- Page 68 --- attach laborers to plantations as a way to revitalize last systematic attempt to the export economy. Its comsystem and thus strengthen the plantation successful creation of the Haitian peasantry." plete failure marked the small plots of land, which of Haitians now lived on relatively The majority or, in fewer cases, as titleholders. they tilled either as squatters, as renters, in the army, while if and when they were not serving Men cultivated crops, Production was oriented, worked the land and also marketed crops. women subsistence, but peasant families also produced first and foremost, toward Women's roles in marketing thus enfor local and international markets. local markets and the sale of compassed both the sale of surplus food in in turn sell them to who would export crops, such as coffee, to spéculateuurs, also women, as were a whole seaport merchants. These spéculateurs were who bought and known as madam sara, range of midlevel entrepreneurs, constituted the primary trade sold a variety of goods, and whose commerce networks between countryside and city. including those who between rural peasants and urban elites, Relations took shapein the context of ongoing ran the governmenti tin Port-au-Prince, and ongoing peasant for control over economic production elite struggles persisted in the effort to reresistance to domination. Boyer, for example, black workers cultivation; to this end, he attempted to attract vive large-scale Nicolas Geffrard did likewise befrom the United States. President Fabre the dominant trend of and 1861, but neither effort shifted tween 1859 Meanwhile, urban elites small-holding subsistenceoriented production. to intermechanisms to extract profit from peasants, leading found other Rebellions flared up in response to unfair land mittent protest and revolt. of rural producers by seaport distribution, tax increases, the exploitation control. In and various manifestations of despotic government merchants, office on the strength of the figures rose to national some cases, populist of causes. 56 The most signifisupport they received as champions peasant of Goman in the South; rebellions began in 1 806 under the leadership cant under Acaau, also in the South; in 1865 in 1843 under Salomon, then in the North; and again in under Salnave in the Artibonite Valley; in 1867 57 Throughout the ninePéralte. 1911 in the North under Charlemagne forced to take account of peasnational leaders were thus teenth century, the creation of a viable economy. ants' demands as they pursued the editors Lanoue and Constant Vieux, antioccupation In 1920Joseph this history of peasant struggle against of Le Courrier Haîtien, summed up to the next. who held the reins of state power from one generation those off the yoke of and feeble country, they wrote, having "shaken "Our poor beautiful episodes in the history of nations, the masters by one of the most HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 69 --- of rulers who became, in effect, went on to struggle against a succession notwithstandwith whom it was always necessary to reckon," "new masters "themselves under the banner of ing the fact that they consistently placed ? concluded, "the result revolutions." ? "In the last resort," they our patriotic he whom we raised to power was and could was always disastrously the same: driven out. 58 of him whom we had be only a new exemplar Haitian political leaders did not share Yet, while most nineteenth-centuryl neither did they seek merely the social and economic goals of the peasantry, the elite de59 Drawn largely from among to subjugate their countrymen. "themselves under the banner of ing the fact that they consistently placed ? concluded, "the result revolutions." ? "In the last resort," they our patriotic he whom we raised to power was and could was always disastrously the same: driven out. 58 of him whom we had be only a new exemplar Haitian political leaders did not share Yet, while most nineteenth-centuryl neither did they seek merely the social and economic goals of the peasantry, the elite de59 Drawn largely from among to subjugate their countrymen. of color and from the upper scendants of Saint Domingue's free people and political modthese men embraced the economic ranks of the military, sought paths of national dein the Atlantic community. They els current models: the control of wealth by an eduvelopment consonant with those oftheir vision. They were, without cated merchant elite was one cornerstone from whose labor they sought question, insensitive to the hardships of those abroad. Yet shared this insensitivity with their counterparts to profit; they did not face. For Haitian they faced obstacles their foreign counterparts international networks of their nation into leaders worked to integrate terms in the face of trade and credit on viable, if not highly profitable, resistance." international hostility as well as determined peasant forms, including, international hostility in several Haitians experienced and the threat of a French attempt to retake most notably, political isolation related to the absence of diplothe island nation. Economic disadvantages the withholding of miswith trading partners and to matic representation raised for Haiti.s1 Haiti's assistance by the Vatican also problems France sionary directly, from its nonrecognition by political isolation resulted, most from the new nation. the wake of Dessalines's ouster of French planters in Thomas Jefferson considered his nation's As we have seen, U.S. president relations with when he decided to sever diplomatic relations with Napoleon the significance of the West Haiti and impose an embargo in 1806, despite American nations, in merchants. 62 The new Latin Indian trade to American relations with the United States when turn, acted out of concern for their talksin Panama in 1825. Other they snubbed Haiti at the first Pan-American France agreed to do SO. As a nations also refused to recognize Haiti until nations, Haiti of freed slaves in a world dominated by slaveholding nation effectively held pariah status. could do about their diplomatic isolaIf there was little Haitian leaders threat posed by France. could not be said about the military tion, the same invasion, Dessalines initiated and Thus, to protect Haiti against French fortress known as the presided over the building of a massive Christophe OCCUPATION --- Page 70 --- contradictory emotions architectural feat that would engender Citadel, an lives in the course of its construcHaitians. Countless workers lost their in labor under strict military direction. At tion, carried out with compulsory stood as a statement of Haitian the same time, the sheer enormity ofits mass racism. In the and defiance in the face of international will, independence, liberty was not an individual value to official discourse ofChrisophe'scourt.) but rather a collective who would do as they please, be enjoyed by peasants and to be protected by strict by the nation as a whole status to be enjoyed military discipline.' 63 and the promise of peaceful Haiti finally secured French recognition, after the completion of with France, in 1825, less than a decade intercourse million francs, in the form of an the Citadel. It came at a cost of 150 64 As Haitian former of Saint Domingue. indemnity to be paid to the planters hurdle, they faced a turned their attention to this new economic leaders of their exports and a scarcity host of problems including the insufficiency the Rural in this context that Boyer attempted to impose of credit. It was French assistance to pay 65 Forced to accept Code that failed SO miserably." under French Haitians found themselves operating their former masters, Thus, the indemnity crippled an domination for the next half century. cost of 150 64 As Haitian former of Saint Domingue. indemnity to be paid to the planters hurdle, they faced a turned their attention to this new economic leaders of their exports and a scarcity host of problems including the insufficiency the Rural in this context that Boyer attempted to impose of credit. It was French assistance to pay 65 Forced to accept Code that failed SO miserably." under French Haitians found themselves operating their former masters, Thus, the indemnity crippled an domination for the next half century. wore on, economy. And as the nineteenth century already troubled Haitian exacerbated the problem, corruption and factional struggles their government to further attempting to use foreign powers with political aspirants interests." The context of forced depenand economic own career goals while internal thus framed the dissolution of Haitian independence, dency divisions hastened the process. social and political factional elite coups, and governEconomic instability, peasant revolts, basis for foreign domiincreasingly provided the practical ment corruption the manipulation of the nation in Haiti. France maintained control through exerted control in the and later the debt that replaced it; Britain fiindemnity and their German merchants British citizens property; guise of protecting the Haitian economy, circumventing the nanced revolutionsand; penetrated intermarriage with Haiownership through prohibition on foreign property after the turn of the century, and, with increasing rapidity tian women; economic affairs. Throughoutthe Americansbecames entrenchedi in Haitian benefits and dangers leaders debated the relative century, Haitian political and increasingly foreign capital to finance Haitian development of using the grounds for future interventions. allowed for itsintroduction, laying developments leadeconomic and political Among the most important marking increased foreign were those events ing up to the U.S. occupation Salomon presided over the founding investment in Haiti. In 1871 President HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 71 --- in which France received a controlling interest, of the Banque Nationale, limited revisions that would allow foreign companies and saw to the legal the of Simon Sam, from rights in Haiti. Under presidency land-ownership in Haitian affairs increased signifi1896 to 1902, German involvement the McDonald contract, President Antoine Simon signed cantly. In 1908 to build a railroad in Haiti. giving extensive rights to an American company the crucial year of transihas identified 1910as One Haitian commentator in the Haitian economy; in tion from French to American predominance Nationale. .67The United States secured control of the Banque that year, the discontent with the economic Caco rebellion of 1911 expressed peasant brought Simon's presimanifested in the McDonald contract, domination the muscle for a succession of other presidents, dency to an end, provided the U.S. Marines in 1915and continued long enough to meet economic difficulty of maintaining Meanwhile, despite the mounting Haitian elite continued to control in Haiti, members of the and political from the highly cultured sense of dignity and self-respect draw a profound abroad. Classical community they had developed in Por-auPaince-and and prosometimes in Paris, artistic and lteraryachievenents: education, Haitians from the intraining in law and medicine set elite apart fessional foreign writers. Although Europeansand dignities peddled by sensationalist and "Voodoo" of Haiti as a land of cannibalism Americans drew portraits such base characterizations with a licentiousness, elite Haitians challenged achievements. At times, they profound sense of pride in their own cultural whites who fashioned the discourse of civilization back on the even turned Pan-African movement around the turn it. artistic and lteraryachievenents: education, Haitians from the intraining in law and medicine set elite apart fessional foreign writers. Although Europeansand dignities peddled by sensationalist and "Voodoo" of Haiti as a land of cannibalism Americans drew portraits such base characterizations with a licentiousness, elite Haitians challenged achievements. At times, they profound sense of pride in their own cultural whites who fashioned the discourse of civilization back on the even turned Pan-African movement around the turn it. Thus, with the emergence of the coloeducated Haitians spoke out against European of the century, some the savage and criminal urging Africans, in one case, to "chase nialism, of Haiti could provide from their territory. ' Indeed, the history of oppressor Paris, "no descendants model: "Are there," 17 Haitians asked from the Toussaint and Dessalinesin. Africa?"es -invoked the names of their and elites alike Thus, Haitians - peasants strugtheir respective present-day revolutionary heroes as they negotiated culture, and written nargles. In sacred practices, oral traditions, material and of the natold and retold the history of the Revolution, ratives, they and confronting the challenges tion it birthed, as a way of understanding the heroism of Ogé and they faced. Whether a given narrator emphasized domination several Chavannes, free men of color who challenged French or that of as a leader of slaves and maroons, years before Boukman emerged the French and founding the Dessalines and Christophe, finally driving out OCCUPATION --- Page 72 --- version of Haitian history spoke of the present nation, his or her particular as well as the past. Haitians continued to reLikewise, during the occupation of 1915-34, Price-Mars, for examwith new lessons for the future. Jean tell their history returned from France, gave a ple, a leading statesman and intellectual just educated Haitians to in Port-au-Prince in 1917 urging series of lectures Price-Mars put a new spin on embrace their connections to working people. statesL'Ouverture. He was still the "immortal the memory of Toussaint but he had too readily adopted the man" who had led Haitians to freedom, former slaves, setting a bad practices of the French toward the has oppressive future heads of state. As Magdaline W. Shannon precedent for Haiti's link between slave masters, Touspointed out, Price-Mars drew a historical Haitian elites, and the saint with hisi ill-gotten labor laws, nineteenth-century the corvée. 69 For to impose its will through U.S. military, which now sought past and its heroes others, the revolutionary Price-Mars, as for SO many could help Haiti get its bearingsin the present. their bearings. than ever, Haitians needed to get By July 1915, more With the elites' economic Their nation was strife-torn and battle-scarred. and presunder the combined weight of foreign peasant control collapsing resist further economic domination, sure, and with the peasants primed to American marines landed. AMERICAN MARINES in Haiti in 1915 and after needed to get their The marines who landed territory, making their way bearings, too. Coming ashore on unfamiliar could neither read nor heed, with signs and sounds they through a country them. One way to do that was to remember they had to keep their wits about doing an errand for their who they were: U.S. marines, American men, nation. Haiti were all American, and yet this Indeed, the marines who occupied history than we might think harbors a much more complex small statement had a distinct relationship to the United at first glance. For each marine none of the marines To our knowledge, States and to his own.Americannes. who passed as white when American, unless there were men were African to keep their secrets well therethey joined the Marine Corps and managed marines who served in Haiti the thousands of "white" U.S. after. But among with a wide range of ethnic, regional, between 1915 and 1934 were men HAITI & THE MARINES we might think harbors a much more complex small statement had a distinct relationship to the United at first glance. For each marine none of the marines To our knowledge, States and to his own.Americannes. who passed as white when American, unless there were men were African to keep their secrets well therethey joined the Marine Corps and managed marines who served in Haiti the thousands of "white" U.S. after. But among with a wide range of ethnic, regional, between 1915 and 1934 were men HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 73 --- some native-born, some Some were immigrants, and cultural backgrounds. Some were Minnesota lads who farm boys, some streetwise urban toughs. used to the ring of"Sir" had never met a black man, some Carolina youths leathernecks. Each one some fresh recruits, some seasoned and "Ma'am," Americanness in some new way when he confronted his whiteness and his encountered Haiti. with America was, to begin with, Southern white men's identification in the first decades of the in complicated ways by race and history crosscut disembarked in Haiti, southern marines could twentieth century As they for Woodrow Wilson, oftheir nation as one of their own, claim the president was born in Virginia, and passed though his father had been a northerner, On the other hand, the childhood in Georgia and South Carolina.71 his remained a live question for many sons and South's relation to the nation had done much to reThe war with Spain daughters of the Confederacy. embrace of empire and evolutionunite North and South, and the national Yet northern a shared racial nationalism."2 ary theory helped to strengthen that read like SO many lies to a publishers still printed textbook histories different who had heard stories of an altogether loyal white southerner, in Archer Vanknee. 73 Growing up Virginia, nature at his grandfather's by family stories and nearby Civil degrift was one such southerner, inspired childhood in the 18gos, he later War battlefields. Thinking back to his the Civil War.' *74 "In those years we lived rather close to commented, southern white men, as it was for their Citizenship was racialized for to be white. "American": was, implicitly, fellow marines from the North;tobe between whiteness and citizenYet, for southern white men, the connection interracial proximity and had been forged in the context of relative the same ship African Americans and whites shared Historically, even intimacy. in the South but inhabited them according and physical spaces geographic 9 Interracial contact was possible hierarchical notions of "place. to strictly out, it was regulated by a precise because, as Glenda Gilmore has pointed dictated the pattern of "in which skin color, class, and gender caste system of terror increasingly interaction." 75 While an emerging regime a every daily in the decades leading up to the occupation, enforced this caste system styled the South' 's relativeinterpersistent southern tradition of paternalism relations of power that had familial terms, erasing the very raciali lintimacyint explained in a 1912 lecture, constituted slavery.As one "Georgia daughter" the old plantation amongst us some who lived during "we have now living what that who can now tell us from their own experiences days - some and what it meant to them and to the negroes institution of slavery was, thought of calling them slaves. the decades leading up to the occupation, enforced this caste system styled the South' 's relativeinterpersistent southern tradition of paternalism relations of power that had familial terms, erasing the very raciali lintimacyint explained in a 1912 lecture, constituted slavery.As one "Georgia daughter" the old plantation amongst us some who lived during "we have now living what that who can now tell us from their own experiences days - some and what it meant to them and to the negroes institution of slavery was, thought of calling them slaves. under their control. In those days we never OCCUPATION --- Page 74 --- in with the abolition crusade. They were our That is a word that crept homes. 76 In a strikingly similar people, our negroes, part of our very recalled with affection his marine from Fairfax County, Virginia, vein, one who had been a slave. *77 Claiming "Mammy Page" and . 'Aunt' Sara Tyler, shaped by paternalAmericans as "our people, white southerners African about what life was like for that knew all they needed to knowa ism felt they 99 Thus, proximity, in and of itself, did not "the negroes under their control.' of the racial caste system or the exclusivity citizenship," threaten Americans who claimed equality and citizenOn the other hand, African that threat, combined with the ship did threaten the racial caste system, and southerners to fashion by economic dislocation, led white challenges posed of the late nineteenth and violent racial protocol the more unabashedly U.S. marines shipped off from a South early twentieth centuries. Indeed, violence.? 79 Violence, of course, fundamentally by a regime of racial it shaped within the framework of paternalism had always been part of the system; white violence Following emancipation, had been couched as discipline. a modified system of former slave owners sought to maintain intensified as but, in time, some southern elites domination over African Americans, white supremacy through a turned instead to the possibility of maintaining leaders. The seeming accommodation with African American paternalist African American men asserted themselves accommodation broke down as twentieth century, self-styled force. In the early decades of the as a political fathers' and embraced the their paternalism "New White Men" rejected a reign of terror against black male sexuality to justify myth of rapacious in some marines brought Americans.", As we shall see Chapter 4, African the tradition of tying black men to trees. with them to Haiti of race- - with its affective For white southerners, the special significance to Haiin Haiti. According component - could lead to special challenges more than passed down from the days of the occupation, tian oral tradition addressed by a native Haitian using an one marine flew into a rage when neg, which for hailing a stranger; for, no doubt, ordinary Creole phrase painful chord in white harmlessly, "guy," struck an especially means simply, vein, one wonders what it must have southern ears.81 In a slightly different hear his fellow marines like fora man from the hills of Tennessee to been because the latter were bareand condescend to Haitian peasants denigrate them. the days of the occupation, tian oral tradition addressed by a native Haitian using an one marine flew into a rage when neg, which for hailing a stranger; for, no doubt, ordinary Creole phrase painful chord in white harmlessly, "guy," struck an especially means simply, vein, one wonders what it must have southern ears.81 In a slightly different hear his fellow marines like fora man from the hills of Tennessee to been because the latter were bareand condescend to Haitian peasants denigrate them. 82 Yet, a backwoods "The shoeless class, s Smedley Butler called foot. for most of his own life before joining the boy might have been shoeless Chaffin wrote to fellow Tennesseean military, as had A. D. Chaffin. In 1929, service in Haiti, that as "a Barker, who had been decorated for his Robert Tennessee, " he "never wore shoes until seventeen native of Jackson County, HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 75 --- suffered "untold agony in submitting to years of age" and for years to come whether of tidewater 83 Thus, whether wealthy or poor, such a convention." of plantation paternalism origins, whether close to traditions or mountain various forms backwoods white ways of life, southern men experienced or to America, forms of dissonance that could of dissonance in their relation to Haitian circumstances of the occupation. turn shrill in the unexpected and Midwest had their own kinds Meanwhile, young men from the North Homer Overley's relationships to U.S. national identity." of complicated and Faustin Wirkus's Pittston, Pennsylvania, Yeoman, Indiana, for example, As we shall see, when Jack kinds of Americans. marked them as particular radical otherness, he turned to his Craige felt unsteady in the face of Haiti'sr 85 Whether they took to get his bearings. own heritage as a Pennsylvanian dissonance in relation to it, their Americanness for granted or felt some identity in relation to national northern and midwestern men experienced to them as to southern and ties. "Place" was as important local regional have defined it differently. marines, although they may like their southern brothers-inThus, northern and midwestern boys, when they their nation in new ways arms, had the opportunity to experience Americans from near and far. F. W. thrown together with their fellow were of Thimselfwith a group of f"boys" Schmidt, for example, sent home a picture labeled almost every serving with him in Haiti (Figure 5). He carefully 99 "Boy from "Boy from Vineland, New Jersey," figure in the photograph: -the 11 and from Louisville, Kentucky"- Detroit,' "Boy from Boston," "Boy three from Detroit, as it hapsoutherner in the shot.' 86 There were Island, only from Pittsburgh, two from Long pened, two from Philadelphia, one from nowhere, a good for Schmidt himself, and, finally, one "Boy including what dishonor led to that ignominious nothing bum. * We are left to wonder from an urban hail from some town SO small or SO far away label. Did the boy it did not even deserve a name? Or center that, bya a Long Island boy's lights, derision, SO that done something to bring on his messmates' had the boy a name for home? Quite possiSchmidt refused to dignify him with a place, who became of the thousands of young working-class men bly he was one countryside, in search of meatransient workers, traveling between cityand construction workers, ice laborers, lumberjacks, ger wages as agricultural the insult was clear enough in contrast to cutters, and the like.87 In any case, "bum" had no "place.' * Local Schmidt accorded the others. A the honor and status, mattered. identities, signifying rootedness their or platoon, young from the regional mix of company reQuite apart Midwest had the opportunity to experience men from the North and landed at Norfolk, Virdifferences within their nation when they gional OCCUPATION --- Page 76 --- POST CARD PLACE STAMP HERE 0 CORRESPONDENCE HERE A 10 hipnala 4 y NAME AND ADDRESS HERE J De H Die 1 $. Resin. - A M hus hita 4. dhireis 15g-Clell - : ly. lot Ra à vet A Ples t9 Figure 5. Postcard sent andeg marines' home from Haiti by E W hometouns. Schmidt, who called Schmidt, with his list of the from norhere, "is in the back one ofhis fellow marines a "boy Corps Research Center rOu, second from left. Marine Archives, Quantico, Vinginia. . Resin. - A M hus hita 4. dhireis 15g-Clell - : ly. lot Ra à vet A Ples t9 Figure 5. Postcard sent andeg marines' home from Haiti by E W hometouns. Schmidt, who called Schmidt, with his list of the from norhere, "is in the back one ofhis fellow marines a "boy Corps Research Center rOu, second from left. Marine Archives, Quantico, Vinginia. --- Page 77 --- Carolina, for boot camp. 88 Most of them ginia, and later, Parris Island, South point of military comfor the first time, from the vantage saw the South, their surroundings during precious pounds and, perhaps, as they explored northern racism, though it may off-duty hours. None of them had escaped the racial codes of the their conscious awareness, but seeing have escaped most likely thought about race in South up close for the first time, they new ways. codes ofvariousi northern and midwestern Meanwhile, the evolving racial the men who arrived racial discourses, shaped settings, as well as national New Hampshire, to Des Moines, stations from Portsmouth, at recruiting white racial constructs took shape in Iowa." In Minnesota, for example, the Great Sioux Uprising with Native Americans, notably relation to conflict to the conflict between North and of 1862, at least as much as in relation of racial violence South." New York City, on the other hand, had a history and ethnic conurban tensions arising out of class linked specifically to twentieth century, race began to assume flict.91 In the first decades of the where, in 1908, white meanings in places like Springfield, Illinois, new of Abraham Lincoln. The journalist rioters seemed to erase the legacy of the white observed at the time, "a large part William English Walling largely by the farmers and miners population of Lincoln'sh home, supported warfare with the towns, have initiated a permanent of the neighboring to African Americans' increasrace. 992 Rioters themselves pointed white negro of the violence, as one man ingly apparent self-assertion as a cause think they were as good as we to Walling, "Why, [they] come to reported of African Americans picked up speed are. 93 As the northward migration flared and violence spread in and volume during the world war, racism other cities across the North." their way south, the Ku Klux Indeed, as northern recruits were making organization. Byt the its way north and becoming a national Klan was making 77 was equally at home in Penn1920S the Klan's"100 percent.Americanian Tennessee. North and South, the sylvania and Indiana as in its birthplace, reserved for nanelomAngdosoomes Klan spreada a vision of nationalism Catholics, and limmigrants. that AfifranAmericadjen vision scapegoated. in Haiti in 1915, the Klan was still a southTrue, when the marines arrived would inflame racial hatreds were ern affair, but the social dislocations that racial and ethnic habits of well under way in the North, and some of the to come were fertile ground for the Klan in the years mind that proved for example, that Americanness already well entrenched. The assumption, white, Anglo-Saxon in the figure of the unmarked resided prototypically both sides of the Mason-Dixon Line. Protestant male had deep roots on OCCUPATION --- Page 78 --- Marine Corps officer who had grown up in The recollections of a retired the as a young man Minneapolis and had gone on to serve in occupation mark of example of the way in which any provide a particularly striking of a white man's Americandifference could detract from the impression D. service under the command of Major Smedley ness. Looking back on his Silverthorn called the former General Merwin Hancock Butler, Lieutenant American." 11 Yet, he qualified his head of the Haitian Gendarmerie "a great "idiosynerasies," 99 of praise. recollections of a retired the as a young man Minneapolis and had gone on to serve in occupation mark of example of the way in which any provide a particularly striking of a white man's Americandifference could detract from the impression D. service under the command of Major Smedley ness. Looking back on his Silverthorn called the former General Merwin Hancock Butler, Lieutenant American." 11 Yet, he qualified his head of the Haitian Gendarmerie "a great "idiosynerasies," 99 of praise. For Butler had certain prominent statement Silverthorn, his having been a Quaker. "I've among them, according to better leader than Smedley had the privilege of serving under a never "So I forgive him for [such] idiosynButler," recalled the Minnesotan. name announced his whose very crasies. 96 Smedley Darlington Butler, families, could trace his Pennsylvania roots in at least three long-established when Noble Butler arrived on "American origins" back to the year 1710, If his William Penn's great experiment." this side of the Atlantic to join his Americanand beliefs could be viewed as: a mark against Quaker heritage how, indeed, did other that had to be forgiven, in ness, a personal peculiarity with American identity for men religious and ethnic differences square the corps? not the only "fighting Quaker" to (Butler was surely In addition Quakers the with marked identities: in the Marine Corps), other men came to corps 98 Some Serbian,, Jewish, and others. immigrants German, Irish, Slav, Polish, the United the children of immigrants, they represented themselves, some of it. For some, including former States even as they were yet becoming part seemed just right. With Theodore Roosevelt, this combination President with immigrants - between in Europe, and U.S. cities teeming - a war raging million arrived in the United States 1900 and 1915 alone, more than 14 and combined program of military preparedness Roosevelt promoted a The bunk and mess through universal male conscription. Americanization which diverse Americans old and new would provide a shared space in national identity and affiliation." would forge a common should serve in the U.S. armed forces Roosevelt's idea that immigrants been. Indeed, despite nativist his reasoning may have was not new, though forced all branches of the service to enlist preferences, manpower shortages the nineteenth century. With low significant numbers of immigrants during the Marine Corps, like the working conditions to offer its men, that in payand poor desertion rates. 100 As of 1 895, the result was U.S. Army, faced high of the corps' enlistments were of the country fully a quarter some parts made aliens.' extent but not to upofimmigrant: turned things around a significant The war with Spain HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 79 --- press reports on marines' participaentirely. A new image, born of glowing the Mainein of an enlisted man on board tion in the war - from the bravery S Battalion at GuanHarbor to the martial successes of Huntington's Havana numbers of men to Marine Corps tanamo Bay-helped draw increasing raises for all enlisted men, and the recruiting stations. some parts made aliens.' extent but not to upofimmigrant: turned things around a significant The war with Spain HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 79 --- press reports on marines' participaentirely. A new image, born of glowing the Mainein of an enlisted man on board tion in the war - from the bravery S Battalion at GuanHarbor to the martial successes of Huntington's Havana numbers of men to Marine Corps tanamo Bay-helped draw increasing raises for all enlisted men, and the recruiting stations. 102 Twenty percent pay also have added to the creation of dozens of new petty officer billets, may reenlistment rates. 103 of service with the corps and certainly boosted out appeal selective and specifically sought As a result, recruiting became more As Marine Corps commandant "Americans" over and above immigrants. officer who continued to George F. Elliot admonished one recruitment in 1908, it was "not place advertisements in Polish-language newspapers Americans are availenlist Poles in the Marine Corps as long as desired to levels led to 25 percent shortagesin able.' *104 Still, by 1g15increased: staffing officers.' 105 enlisted personnel and 40 percent shortages among selective apthe increased popularity and the increasingly Thus, despite rolls still carried surnames indicating Marine Corps proach to recruitment, as well as the children of immigrants diverse ethnic origins, and immigrants anchor.' 106Tol be sure, the processof continued to sport the eagle, globe, and arrived at recruit debegan well before such young men Americanization States had for some time been oriented topots. Schooling in the United lessons, history classes, Protward that end: "health inspections, patriotic customs, and ceremonies, derogation of immigrant estant prayers, flag 107 One immigrant man recalled the role pageants were all put to the task. about the Revolutionary War, of history lessons in the process: "we learned carried fathers. 108 But individual marines the Civil War, and our founding ethnic communities, the local knowledge of their own with them to Haiti lives and ways, and all the emotions the memory of their actual fathers' Irish Americans no doubt such and memory. Thus, attached to knowledge in the light of Irein the occupation considered their own participation faced some challeng109 And German.Americans! land'srelation to England.' States debated whether to serving in Haiti while the United their ing questions "the Hun, * and even more SO once aid the British in their fight against Lieutenant Adolph Miller, marines were themselves off for France. fellow of his social carefully about the potential implications for one, thought in 1915. 110 contacts with German citizens in Port-au-Prince native-born than immiWhile the Marine Corps continued to train more of Jews or MusProtestants than Catholics, to say nothing grant men, more the presence of immigrants in observers did not hesitate to highlight lims, wanted to draw attention to military wrongthe Marine Corps when they OCCUPATION --- Page 80 --- doing. This was, in part, a reflection of class tensions. marines were young men who enlisted The largest number of poor and from the ranks oft the civilian unemployed. In addition, certain working cers, including Major Smedley Butler, prominent Marine Corps offitrast to the more refined and projected a roughneck image in coneducated the naval officer. Thus, when -indeed, the "effete". - figure of Christian news broke of the marines' moral crusaders misdeeds in Haiti, cans," the expressed their outrage at the "so-called Ameri- "hyphenated low-brows" in the Marine Corps. largest number of poor and from the ranks oft the civilian unemployed. In addition, certain working cers, including Major Smedley Butler, prominent Marine Corps offitrast to the more refined and projected a roughneck image in coneducated the naval officer. Thus, when -indeed, the "effete". - figure of Christian news broke of the marines' moral crusaders misdeeds in Haiti, cans," the expressed their outrage at the "so-called Ameri- "hyphenated low-brows" in the Marine Corps. 111 derogatory attitude toward the marines This sort of American Red Cross's may have lent added weight to the invitation to every marine in Haiti: everybody become interested in "Everybody join, If U.S. American your own Red Cross, be an American. "112 identity was fragile, in and native-born different ways, for Americans, for northerners and immigrants vulnerable to challenge in the southerners, and if it was was, this was perhaps circumstances of the occupation, as Iargue it especially SO in the case of Pedro del Juan, Puerto Rico, in 1893, del Valle Valle. Born in San United States claimed would have been about five when the possession of his island at the close of a war that began in Cuba.' 113 country, taking it from Spain Puerto Rico with the comforts Del Valle spent his childhood in of a middle-class doctor, his family had a cook, and home; his father was a year before the U.S. perhaps other servants." 114 At seventeen, a Congress extended limited Puerto Ricans, del Valle citizenship rights to all commissioned graduated from the U.S. Naval as a second lieutenant in the Academy and was of the U.S. imperialist Marine Corps. 115 Thus, in spite presence in his native land, del connection to the United States. Valle embraced his Years after his participation in the General del Valle recorded occupation of Haiti, when Lieutenant an interview with Marine Frank, there seemed to be no hint of hesitation Corps historian Benis can identity. Thus, del Valle surrounding his U.S.AmeriCorps's responded to a question about the participation in "civic action' - around the Marine that "we did it in Haiti and Santo world, with the statement extentin Cuba. It was parto of the Domingo and Nicaragua and to a certain job. asked about the status of the Haitian bringing order out of chaos. *116 And marines in 1915, the lieutenant infrastructure before the arrival of the French civilization there before general replied, "You see, there was a ours. 117 "We" out of chaos in the Caribbean, he Americans brought order been could easily claim; "our" preceded only by that of the French. civilization had Yet, evidence of a possible disjunction ence and his newer national between his Puerto Rican experiidentity lightly punctuated his 1973 interview. HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 81 --- Consider this story, which young boy-I don't presumably his parents told him: "I was a remember the incident - one of these very tipedes got up my leg here, and he chewed crawling censcreamed bloody murder. me up, and it hurt like hell. I We had a black cook. She ter?' Well, the old man had put all the said, 'What's the mathurt to beat hell. 'Oh, 3 she gimmicks he had on there, and it still three said, just wait a minute. 1 She kinds of herbs and mixed them went out and took together and iton there - and whoosh, gone! mashed them upand put many thousands They're close to these things, you see. It'sso ofyears that we've been away from that survives even today."n18 Even sort of thing. But it as he asserted the between "us" (Americans? whites? fundamental distinction and "them" (Caribbean beneficiaries of Western education?) peasants in Haiti and Puerto can heritage? the Rico? people of Afri- "rational uneducated?), he also marked his own distance scientific temper" that Carl Van Doren from the white U.S. many thousands They're close to these things, you see. It'sso ofyears that we've been away from that survives even today."n18 Even sort of thing. But it as he asserted the between "us" (Americans? whites? fundamental distinction and "them" (Caribbean beneficiaries of Western education?) peasants in Haiti and Puerto can heritage? the Rico? people of Afri- "rational uneducated?), he also marked his own distance scientific temper" that Carl Van Doren from the white U.S. society. For this had once attributed to story related his beliefin the peasants, and thus the value of their healing practices of self from them.' 119 knowledge, even as he distanced himThus, from Smedley Butler, whose forbears identity as far back as could claim an American American 1710, to Pedro del Valle, who could claim his identity because the United States had U.S. people, in an act of imperial claimed him, with his possession, marines in Haiti relationships toAmerica across a wide negotiated their for the variety of differences. Caribbean - or traveling back to the Leaving home home, in some few cases marines Caribbean that was once one's tional identities traversed a world in which racial and were yet fluid and, perhaps, becoming naeven more troubled. BOYS AND MEN The marines who went to Haiti between their own ways American. At the 1915 and 1934 were, then, all in ways, men. same time, they were also, Or, at least, they were all in their own U.S. Marine Corps seemed becoming men. And if serving with the identity, likely to affirm a young man'sr racial and even more SO did it hold out the national masculinity. 120 Indeed, in the promise of validating his dawning martial ardor of the war with Spain, young men years following the U.S. velop and demonstrate increasingly looked to military service to decharacter that physical prowess and to assert the kind was held out to them as an essential of manly If, however, race, ethnicity, and element of citizenship. 121 nation were shifting and troubled categories OCCUPATION , likely to affirm a young man'sr racial and even more SO did it hold out the national masculinity. 120 Indeed, in the promise of validating his dawning martial ardor of the war with Spain, young men years following the U.S. velop and demonstrate increasingly looked to military service to decharacter that physical prowess and to assert the kind was held out to them as an essential of manly If, however, race, ethnicity, and element of citizenship. 121 nation were shifting and troubled categories OCCUPATION --- Page 82 --- the first U.S. occupation of Haiti, SO in the years leading up to and during shifting and troucoordinates of gender, class, and sexuality too were the their claims to manhood, in the United bled. Thus, American men staked States and in Haiti, on uncertain ground. terra firma for their some white men had been seeking Indeed, by 1915 and had done much to create the manhood for several decades already would light out for the atmosphere in which younger men and gender-charged During that time, a host of social, economic, (now overseas) territories. for male status and identity changes were afoot, with implications men political elites s-wealthy and middle-class on all levels. For white male political woman's the of the state - the resurgent with significant access to power sphere posed special and the rise of male "others"i in the political movement noted above, the presence of African American challenges. In the South, as White Men" to ignore;in the difficult for the "New men becameincreasingly asserted themselves through lamen and immigrants North, working-class machines.' 122 At the same time, "organized bor unions and urban political middle-class women pressed for womanhood" was on the move. Elite and themrights, including suffrage, and organized admission to full citizenship to influence legislaforce - with the potential selves as a significant political the vote. Working-class women men's lives - even without tion affecting and labor actions. raised their voices as well, in both suffrage campaigns women workers actively participated Between 1895 and 1905, for example, 123 Such challenges to the strikes, effecting 83 oft those on their own.' to in 1,262 and middle-class men did much political and economic power of elite the status of American of anxiety and concern over create an atmosphere manhood. relations of gender seemed to be askew. As At the same time, the social women seemed and moral reformers, elite and middle-class wives, teachers, bounds of for men as well as for more than ever to determine the propriety to fear becoming Elite and middle-class men thus began other women. the hands of women.124) Economic changes "overcivilized": and "sissified" at reducing for middle-class men, opporalso fueled these fears, especially and increasing the for individual initiative and entrepreneurship tunities subservient within larger bureaucratic strucways in which they had to be around an ideolin large part tures. 125 Meanwhile, in a society organized working-class men economic change challenged ogy of male breadwinning, unemployment, and a loss of conin particular ways. Low wages, deskilling, men's sense of themselves trol over the work process: assaulted working-class reformers, often women, 126 Adding insult to injury, middle-class as men. HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 83 --- working-class men for the problems facing blamed culturally "inferior" ofvarious classes experienced their families.' 127 Thus, in different ways, men the turn of the to their manhood in the decades surrounding challenges century. and military action emerged as favored In that context, both empire too, came a panoply of the nation's virility. With them, paths for affirming both whiteness and cultural tools for protecting, bolstering, and celebrating of the ninein the last decades manhood. Some of these had materialized back to Buffalo Bill's "Wild West," for example, dating teenth century. classes experienced their families.' 127 Thus, in different ways, men the turn of the to their manhood in the decades surrounding challenges century. and military action emerged as favored In that context, both empire too, came a panoply of the nation's virility. With them, paths for affirming both whiteness and cultural tools for protecting, bolstering, and celebrating of the ninein the last decades manhood. Some of these had materialized back to Buffalo Bill's "Wild West," for example, dating teenth century. over barbarian races on a a spectacle of military triumph 1882, presented "White City" of Chicago's 1893 Columbia vast untamed continent. The geother hand, served as a shrine to the technological Exposition, on the of the white man in America. Meanwhile, nius and evolutionary superiority craze in the 18gos, offered a ritual college football, which became a national for white in the making.' 128 Other cultural supports performance of virility Roosevelt's in the wake of 18g8, such as Theodore manhood appeared -the battle of San The Rough Riders, recounting - and recasting narrative, and leadership of white to the robust integrity Juan Hill as a monument Cavalry.' *129 The early twentieth men in "the First United States Volunteer white physicality. images of powerful century brought even more explicit his body-building magazine, Bernarr McFadden, for example, intended of muscular a "wholesome and elevating" display Physical Culture, to present: novel Tarzan of the Apes male bodies.' 130 And Edgar Rice Burroughs's 1912 "that 'the white man's' as Gail Bederman has shown, effectively proclaimed, as the masculine perfection potential for powera and mastery was as limitless essential element of Amerbody. 131 Whiteness had become an of Tarzan's were to assert their mastery and American men poised ican manhood, around the globe. in racial, martial, and impeAs white men thus recast their own virility the them focused attention especially on experience rial terms, some among on the nature of boyhood. Long of boys- white boys, specifically-and of primiundue constraints on boys' expression enough had women placed fighting instinct.' P132 Whereas tof"thef tive emotion and on theirdevelopmente believed, boyhood brawls, would serve the nation, such men "The militaryaction white serve men-inathe-making boxing, and discipline would young matter how cultivated and is not worth its salts, no nation that cannot fight "iti isjust SO be,' Theodore Roosevelt asserted, continuing, refined it might with its Darwinian encounter between with a boy."188, And whereas empire, the link between and savages, would strengthen civilized man primitive of boyhood itself was enmanliness and civilization, the primitive savagery OCCUPATION --- Page 84 --- the and educator such experts as psychologist couraged and cultivated by teachers to allow boys to experience G. Stanley Hall. Hall urged parents and with bloodshed in them' "; let savagery: let them read "stories that youthful end of the rod"; and, above all, let them know "how it feels at the painful 134 Sharing with fistsand fight back"when challenged.' them "double uptheir for cultivatand Hall a belief in the value of primitive experience Roosevelt Beard and William Thompson Seton founded ing masculinity, Daniel Carter boys with an opportunity to the Boy Scouts of America in 1910 to provide wilderness." 135 Thus, in frankness, and fellowship of the imbibe "the energy, of Haiti, white boys leading up to and during the occupation the years mastered primitive survival skills as received boxing gloves as birthday gifts, the wilds of Africa and on the and thrilled at adventure stories set in Scouts, distant shores ofthe Pacific. a belief in the value of primitive experience Roosevelt Beard and William Thompson Seton founded ing masculinity, Daniel Carter boys with an opportunity to the Boy Scouts of America in 1910 to provide wilderness." 135 Thus, in frankness, and fellowship of the imbibe "the energy, of Haiti, white boys leading up to and during the occupation the years mastered primitive survival skills as received boxing gloves as birthday gifts, the wilds of Africa and on the and thrilled at adventure stories set in Scouts, distant shores ofthe Pacific. 136 fancied himself an Indian headed for Haiti should have That a marine soldieradventurer was, then, no mere coincifighter or a latter-day colonial at Marine Corps recruit depots dence. Indeed, young white men arrived their heads full of images and naval bases in the 1910S and 1920S with masculinity. from the culture of rough boyhood and imperial gathered reports of American exploits Adventure stories, recruitment posters, press had servedin the and neighborswho overseas, and oral laccountsofrelatves: for one, remembered all contributed their part. Archer Vandegrift, military home from war in 1898. He also recalled the stories of his uncle returning had read avidly about British milithat before joining the Marine Corps he fan," * he wrote around the world. "I was a keen G. A. Henty taryadventures: wrote dozens of books about a young years later in his memoir; "Henty with this fellow in India and sub-altern and I read them all. I fought British and in the Orange and in the Boer War and on the Peninsula in Canada fired a shot. * "Sea stories,' he a British soldier ever Wars - every place Now, suddenly, I was to become a recalled, "had fired my imagination. to manhood atof those stories. >137 Other young men aspiring Marine for themselves with the help tempted to fill out the roles they imagined did, according to John of props and costumes, as one young lieutenant he bought thirst for romantic trappings Houston Craige: "With a boy's leatherand carved holsters himselfelaborately ornamental boots of Spanish could afford *138 Though not all recruits of the low-necked, Cheyenne type. by economic need those motivated to enlist primarily such props, even of the marine as an accomplished could be spurred on by the popularimage "from the Spanish Main to the available to serve American jack-ofalltrades egging young men on: "If Orient" or by the appeal of recruitment posters they goaded, "Join the Marines." You Want to Fight!, HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 85 --- man wanted to fight. Even if we On the other hand, not every young and violence was reinforced between maleness grant that the relationship as to appear natural - discourses, SO thoroughly by diverse and overlapping that men were equally and evenly indeed, instinctive we must not assume Nor should we assume conscripted by discourses of masculine bellicosity. either by neighgoaded to violence, that all boys and men were successfully -ideologimilitary recruiters. For other imperatives borhood bullies or by and men's impulses, deciand emotional - directed boys' cal, religious, older discourses of manliness and alternative sions, and actions.' 140 Indeed, inculcated more pacific within dominant discourses of civilization strains been goaded to violence and/or havcodes of behavior. Moreover, having values and a fighting spirit, men ing been persuaded to adopt militarist themselves in the rethink their relation to violence and reposition could especially there), we find world. Thus, even in the military (or perhaps were at least a few 141 And among the marines in Haiti critics of militarism. joined the corps during the One reportedly men reputed to be pacifists. that the cause was.j just and the war at the time at least, world war, persuaded, of identity that evil.12Thus, even with respect to aspects gender anecessary installed across the population, we seemed to have been most successfully and to the attentive to the diverse social and cultural backgrounds, must be men's lives and their relationships to mandiverse experiences, that shaped hood and masculinity. least a few 141 And among the marines in Haiti critics of militarism. joined the corps during the One reportedly men reputed to be pacifists. that the cause was.j just and the war at the time at least, world war, persuaded, of identity that evil.12Thus, even with respect to aspects gender anecessary installed across the population, we seemed to have been most successfully and to the attentive to the diverse social and cultural backgrounds, must be men's lives and their relationships to mandiverse experiences, that shaped hood and masculinity. manhood than racial mastery, physical There was, of course, more to discourses articulated even within the gender prowess, and a fighting spirit, the imperative to assert men. For alongside by militarist, empire-building the essential call to be a manhoodi in the world at large was equally American Indiana senator AlbertJ.1 Beveridge, man in the context of home and family. made this and economic expansion, vocal of U.S. military a proponent book, The Young Man and the World. Bevpoint unequivocally in his 1908 whose "arm is not strong enough to dismissed out of hand the man eridge "shoulders are not broad enough to carryaloft protect a wife" and whose of a man to make a home, [his] children." "The man who is not enough articulated SO pointhe declared flatly.' 143 The idea need not be counted," man until he took on paternal edly by the senator, that a man was not a had new.' 144 The ideology of male breadwinning responsibilities, was not middle class in the ninefeature of the emerging been a distinguishing workingmen in the call for a and was later embraced by teenth century of manhood, for men of 99 It persisted as a defining feature "family wage." Era.1451 Dominant discourses of both classes, intoand beyond the Progressive called for more than breadwinfatherhood had, at the same time, always OCCUPATION --- Page 86 --- middle-class men set Then, in the early decades of the new century, ning. the institution of fatherhood by expandabout the business of overhauling to male authorin the face of new challenges ing paternal responsibilities domesticity" emerged, initially in ity.l16 A new emphasis on "masculine Fathers were to be "chums" with suburban settings, but elsewhere as well. their sons' maschildren and were to play a special role in shaping 91 their before fathers became : daddies,' respectable culinity.Ne In any case, even fathered families and supported them.' of men constellation of drew on this emerging The discourse paternalism It invited Americans, and parsurrounding fatherhood. cultural meanings stand in as father figures for a child ticularly U.S. marines serving in Haiti, to associated with such men the kind of status and prestige nation. It offered had merely to see themselves in a fatherhood; to accept the offer, they marines were likely to light. Thus, in order to understand how it paternal that dominated the occupation, respond to the discourse of paternalism relation to their own fathers, in will be useful to ask who they were in them, and in relation to who posed as paternal figures for relation to men and fatherhood. Who were they as sons, dominant ideologies of manhood fathers, and potential fathers? remembered Among the men who went to Haiti, many undoubtedly Some saw touch by letter while overseas. their fathers fondly. Some stayedin Others saw themselves as in their fathers' footsteps. themselves as walking had. Some, like Lieutenant Ivan seizing opportunities their fathers never town of Versailles, Ohio, of their small Miller, whose father was postmaster them to become the men remembered the ways their fathers had helped to inculcate Southern fathers, in particular, had long sought they were."0 encouraging them to ride, in their sons by toughness and aggressiveness the in the late 1920S may hunt, and fight. their fathers fondly. Some stayedin Others saw themselves as in their fathers' footsteps. themselves as walking had. Some, like Lieutenant Ivan seizing opportunities their fathers never town of Versailles, Ohio, of their small Miller, whose father was postmaster them to become the men remembered the ways their fathers had helped to inculcate Southern fathers, in particular, had long sought they were."0 encouraging them to ride, in their sons by toughness and aggressiveness the in the late 1920S may hunt, and fight. 150 Marines whoj joined occupation from emerging to have benefited as sons even have been young enough for most marines who served in norms of domestic masculinity, although their fathers played key roles in not the case. Still, Haiti, this was probably and material assistance as well as their lives, providing moral leadership on various levels. 151 authority, selfrespect, and manly success modeling and men of all classes almost certainly At the same time, as sons, boys along the line. The inexperienced the sting of subordination somewhere man came have been forgotten by the time a young sults of childhood may extended to fathers' control over their to enlist, but patriarchal authority 152 Farmers' sons fled to the well into their twenties in some contexts.' sons to escape the workregime enforced by city, andin some cases to the military, announced to a federal child rural fathers. As one West Virginia teenager HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 87 --- 6. Marines in barracks, Port-au-Prina Figure Center Archives, Quantico, Virginia. Marine Corps Research work myself to death and in the early 1920S, "I have to I don't like it and ain't labor investigator out of it; never get to go nouhurs. New Jersey, wounded in don't get nothing Wittek of Plainfield, he "ran goin' to stay." 153 Private John may have felt the same waywhen in action in Haitiin September 1915, *154 Sociological studies conducted home to join the marines. was directed away from confirmed that rural sons' resentment urban sons ofimmithe 19205 and 19305 authority and discipline. For the the emphasis specifically at paternal conflict was exacerbated by looking fathers, intergenerational As one man commented, grant within public schools. becoming Americans by onAmericantirations in New York City, "we were born to New England back on his schooling of our parents. 155 Sons learning how to be ashamed of their fathers, expectations into chafed against the expectations to come wealth, too, if a young man expected that could amount to requirements also the military his inheritance. workers before joining rouMen with experience as wage paternalism. Increasingly implicit in industrial attempts to upknew the subordination combined with patronizing industrial tinized relations of production, of manhood.' 156 By the 1920S, insulted workers' sense that workingmen lift workers, on and began advising employers services SO parelations experts caught "the so-called in the words of one expert, had rejected, OCCUPATION --- Page 88 --- of sweet charity. >157 As "self respecting, tronizingly rendered in the name healthy, 91 wrote another; theirs was "a self-reliant men : - - they were right, the marines had attitude. 158 Thus, men who joined independentAmericand authority, in various forms. As sons, experienced the butt end of paternal all too well. they knew its power dynamic both real and metaphorical, fathers themselves. Some, Some marines wielded paternal authority as live with them in Haiti. their families to like Smedley Butler, even brought middle-class, and working-class Like the majority of U.S. men-wealthy, ideology of manhood articalike-they most likely embraced the dominant this embrace within Senator Beveridge. Yet how widespread was ulated by of civilian men embraced the values the Marine Corps? authority, in various forms. As sons, experienced the butt end of paternal all too well. they knew its power dynamic both real and metaphorical, fathers themselves. Some, Some marines wielded paternal authority as live with them in Haiti. their families to like Smedley Butler, even brought middle-class, and working-class Like the majority of U.S. men-wealthy, ideology of manhood articalike-they most likely embraced the dominant this embrace within Senator Beveridge. Yet how widespread was ulated by of civilian men embraced the values the Marine Corps? For if a majority of the male a smaller but significant segment associated with fatherhood, in favor of a culture of male specifically rejected breadwinning population and early twentieth centuries, approxcamaraderie. In the late nineteenth sixteen years old and older were unmarried.' imately 40 percent of men twenties, and earlythirties, Most but not all of these men were) in their teens, rejection their vigorous would eventually go on to marry despite and many they came to embrace earlier on. 160 Whatever responsibilities of domesticity enlistedi in the Marine Corps while still later in life, however, many such men norms of manhood. Thus, caught upin a spirited rejection of "respectable" in Haiti found some men eager, the mantle the call to shoulder paternalist the veryi idea. Positioned difotherswilling, but many, no doubt, laughing at all fathers, marines were not equally ferently as sons, fathers, and potential vision of manhood or make use of the paternal disposed to appropriate discourse. embedded in their nation's dominant imperialist in the the uncertain ground of male gender identity As we have seen, body images, capaciracial meanings, early twentieth century encompassed fatherhood. In search of masties for violence, and dispositions toward of class and with the shifting ground culinity, men also had to contend in context for the marines' experiences sexuality. To explore this important men who rethe world of young single Haiti, it will be useful to examine distinct norms for "rough," 11 as domesticity. For their elaboration of out, a jected manhood had, as it turns working-class opposed to "respectable, of masculinity and sexuality for significant impact on the development all men. has provided a textured portrait of such The historian George Chauncey in urban settings male communities as they appeared rough, working-class, of the twentieth century:tel Chauncey in the decades surrounding the turn from their a variety of men untethered points out that they encompassed to return home after a communities of origin: immigrant men intending HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 89 --- workers shuffling seasonally bestint in America, or native-born migrant "boy from nolike F. W.Schmidt's" city, many perhaps tween countrysideand workers, merchant marines, and where. 11 These dockworkers, construction dens. In such all-male in bars, poolrooms, and gambling sailors gathered homosocial contexts of their work lives, they social spaces, as well as in the of identity foreign to respectdeveloped codes of behavior and structures and, in Chauncelebrated male solidarity, able society. Such communities most com- "expressed mutual regard and reciprocity, perhaps >162 cey's words, one's fellows to rounds of drinks. monly through the custom of treating sexual braggadocio also table and poolroom rivalry as well as Gambling their manhood for one another. afforded the men opportunitiest to perform subculture and the social the relationship between this male What was and 1934? Several points of conworld of the Marine Corps between 1915 rough, working-class relevant here. First, as I have suggested, nection are the civilian world from which new recruits male communities were part of and 19 in search of wages, adventures, came to the corps. "Men on the move, The fact that enlisthoped to find all three in the military. male solidarity, that this connection grew ments rose with unemployment rates suggests dwindled. . afforded the men opportunitiest to perform subculture and the social the relationship between this male What was and 1934? Several points of conworld of the Marine Corps between 1915 rough, working-class relevant here. First, as I have suggested, nection are the civilian world from which new recruits male communities were part of and 19 in search of wages, adventures, came to the corps. "Men on the move, The fact that enlisthoped to find all three in the military. male solidarity, that this connection grew ments rose with unemployment rates suggests dwindled. Second, while the alternative sources of livelihood stronger as Chauncey had their locus in the rough male communities described by of a they sprang up in the neighborhood civilian world, not infrequently their midst. Indeed, the presence of yard and drew enlisted men into as navy other in these communities noted by participants sailors was particularly between a rough civilian commuobservers. Thus the boundaries well as by could be quite porous. Third, and nity and the social world of the military world of the Marine Corps was decisively, even if and when the social most from the civilian world described by Chauncey, clearly separate and distinct it mirrored that world in significant ways. substantiates this last point. MemThe record of evidence left by marines only in a the revelation of gritty truths, possible oirs, for example, promise of service in the "old Marine rough, male world. After twenty-seven years "there are damned few 1 Colonel Frederick May Wise wrote in 1929, learned Corps, drank hard, fought hard. : : . If I have of us left. We lived hard, *163 Daniels, the prohibitionist anything in those years it was men. Josephus curtail the hard drinking of the navy from 1913 to 1921, tried to Still, secretary that of the service.161 by decree but failed in his bid to reform aspect lack of morals among officers noted what they regarded as a like-minded Adolph Miller, for example, comthe men they commanded. Lieutenant to the corps. 165 Asan mented, in his diary, on men he considered a disgrace For the compulFaustin Wirkus had a different perspective. enlisted man, OCCUPATION --- Page 90 --- Marine Figure 7. Marines at leisure in Haiti. Corps Research CenterArchive, Quantico, Virginia. sory religious services that picked preachers who were part of his training in the streets of Norfolk, thought we were the lowest of the 1914, "they always would be, *166 "we were regarded as a damned. " And on An ethos godless crew and of male always physical rivalry based on prowess- whether enacted competitive claims to mirrored the rough on the battlefield toughness and talk about civilian culture described or in a brothelwomen and yarns about by Chauncey, room boasts of brave deeds in battle Marines' fast and immigrants and echoed the Norfolk. 167 Like migrant workers in barbrated this Frederick Wise, Brooklyn, ethos in his Smedley Butler Philadelphia, one of the own memoir He shared in and celevery first encounters related, for example, a north of Haiti. One between marines and Haitian storyabout underwear, due evening, as the marines rebels in the to the heat-they were eating burning the received news that supper-in their fight?" railroad. As Butler told the the Caco rebels the marines grabbed tale, when he shouted were their "Who According to Butler, the rebels guns and rushed to meet the wantsa fired first, but then the rebels. HAITI marines cut loose. & THE MARINES --- Page 91 --- all through the bushes, 1 the general like bloodhounds They were "baying and the bugler kept sounding "To the recalled. were eating burning the received news that supper-in their fight?" railroad. As Butler told the the Caco rebels the marines grabbed tale, when he shouted were their "Who According to Butler, the rebels guns and rushed to meet the wantsa fired first, but then the rebels. HAITI marines cut loose. & THE MARINES --- Page 91 --- all through the bushes, 1 the general like bloodhounds They were "baying and the bugler kept sounding "To the recalled. "I kept blowing my whistle, in their element and nothing rear," and 'Cease firing,' but the men were at the undressed Marines went right on shooting could stop them. Those the ethic of fearless, eager fightHaitians." In this way, Butler represented of civilization, that gave unchecked by the trappings or conventions 168 ing, tales and down the rank and file. shape to marines' up the the culture of rough In the civilian world as well as in military, hangers-on, upperclass working-class men attracted its share ofmiddle-and the roles and conventhere that was absent in men who found something relationships were complicated in tions of their own class. Yet, cross-class for example, was well in the military. The Marine Corps, different ways that celebrated and cemented aware of the "rituals of saloon conviviality" officers instructed new horizontal ties among enlisted men. Commanding and thus to avoid to take care not to encroach on such rituals, lieutenants the strict hierarchical divide between creating a false sense ofe fequalityacross officers, like Butler and officer and his men.' 169 At the same time, some an after the idea of "the soldier'sgeneral." Roughneck Wise, styled themselves: hands dirty in the field, appealed to enwarrior leaders, willing to get their naval standard Butler and Wise thus rejected the emerging listed men. opting instead for gritty, charisof school-trained professional expertise, Butler "promoted a new As Hans Schmidt has argued, matic leadership. stridencyand egalitarian antiMarine Corps mystique emphasizing physical elitist bookish professionintellectualism, at odds with the current trend to the praise 170 Butler judged his own deeds not by alism in the officer corps. the of, as he wrote but rather by approbation he received from Washington of a man's service." 171 men" for "that is the best criterion to his mother, "my the officer, which Butler and Wise between the soldier and The divide novel about the marines, Irwin sought to bridge, was illustrated in a 1931 Marines in Haiti. in the Cockpit: A Romantic Epic of the Flying Franklyn's Knights and flying instructor: at At the outset, the hero, Rorrie O'Rourke, a sergeant is offered a commission Marine Corps training field in Pensacola, Florida, a "knew more about the tropics than any and refuses. Although O'Rourke 1 "He had the entire world," 13 he was no officer "dandy." other Marine in born to the blood and shaped nothing in common with those College men, that leather boots and silver spurs * . 'give by a peculiar destiny to wear of to keep his feet from commission to some dandy who needs a pair spurs he can overcome desk. 1 99 Pressed by the knowledge that only slipping off a to lead an air offensive with the Haitian rebels, however, O'Rourke agrees addresses his men, Before they depart, the sergeant his Tenth Squadron. OCCUPATION --- Page 92 --- : 'We fought first them to live up to the legacy of their predecessors. tenth urging the kind of timber I hope the new and asked about it later - ! That's of Satan !"72 hard-drinkin' sons squadron is made of -II Hard-fisted, been stable in all of this, on closer If codes of masculinity seem to have stable. lead an air offensive with the Haitian rebels, however, O'Rourke agrees addresses his men, Before they depart, the sergeant his Tenth Squadron. OCCUPATION --- Page 92 --- : 'We fought first them to live up to the legacy of their predecessors. tenth urging the kind of timber I hope the new and asked about it later - ! That's of Satan !"72 hard-drinkin' sons squadron is made of -II Hard-fisted, been stable in all of this, on closer If codes of masculinity seem to have stable. Irwin Franklyn's use inspection we find that they were not in the least into a to the fault line that was opening up of the term "dandy" points Haitian For though it during the decades oft the occupation. chasm precisely working-class men to insult middletradition among was a time-honored men's percepthem "dandy" and " "pansy," working-class class men by calling against such a charge was new. tion that they may need to defend themselves: male subculofthe rough working-class Returning to Chauncey's portrait tells us that the collective ture, we learn more. For example, Chauncey the form of collective sexual of manhood sometimes took performance the ' in which a group of men violence. Such sexual conventions as "lineup, woman in plain waiting their turn to penetrate a single would queue up, "manly solidarity" through view of their fellows, enabled men to experience 173 In some of sexual domination, according to Chauncey.' but the performance manly men might queue up for sex, cases, however, a group of rough, - a feminine man At least one man known as a "fairy" not with a woman. reported having had sex with a who was willing to be sexually penetrated-r For the men in such a lineup, after the other.'74 group of men, one right to their reputations as perfectly Chauncey has shown, there was no danger be the of mas- "Fairies, s like women, could object normal, masculine men. in these communities culine dominanceins such a sexual encounterbecausei Men were not identity had not settled into its modern pattern. sexual "bisexual." 79 As long as a man took "homosexual" or"heterosexual" or even could be certain of his gender the "active" role in the sexual encounter, he or even to brag about his exploits, perform status indeed, certain enough as a man. 175 Moreover, as and thereby enhance his reputation them publicly, of male sexuality showed that fully a late as the 1930S, Alfred Kinsey's study homosexual had had some significant quarter of the U.S. male population he observes in New suggesting to Chauncey that the patterns Even if experience, in other urban areas as well.176 York City may have been common such behavioral patterns, a training and discipline routed out Marine Corps that some significant numproposition, it seems likely call highly questionable "normal" but not what we would now ber of men who enlisted were "heterosexual." culture of enlisted themselves according to the rough Officers who styled of male sexuality with the did not share this understanding men most likely points toa "growing antipathy of men in their command. Indeed Chauncey HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 93 --- fairies and at the turn of the century," middle-class men toward both queers of crisis such men were experiencing which was linked to the sense gender a high degree of that the fairy "provoked at the time. 177 Chauncey explains because he embodied the very anxiety and scorn among middle-class men status" and, furfeared about their gender things middle-class men most sexual interest in men was even more ther, that "the overtness of the fairy's sexual in : . I & THE MARINES --- Page 93 --- fairies and at the turn of the century," middle-class men toward both queers of crisis such men were experiencing which was linked to the sense gender a high degree of that the fairy "provoked at the time. 177 Chauncey explains because he embodied the very anxiety and scorn among middle-class men status" and, furfeared about their gender things middle-class men most sexual interest in men was even more ther, that "the overtness of the fairy's sexual in : . because it raised the possibility of a component unsettling, turned to the "celebration of male s For men who had men's interactions." to a perceived crisis in mascubodies and manly sociability" in response of homosexual be to reject the possibility linity, it would now necessary 178 what we now call homophobia desire actively and explicitly. In short, men who fixed their context, among middle-class emergedin: a class-specific to that gaze free ofany men's! bodies and sought keep gaze on working-class: middle-class moral reformers characterized sexual taint. In that context, of "lowergrade" commuofhomosexuality" as characteristic "open displays that went on, to use Faustin Wirkus's nities.' 179 This was the sort of thing "the lowest of the damned." phrase, among was articulated more clearly and The process by which homophobia in 1920 to involved, among other things, a campaign spread more widely Rhode Island.' 180 A few years from the Navy in Newport, rout out "fairies" Butler made a point of describing later, a newspaper reporting on Smedley - the SOa clear reference to a physical gesturehim as "strong-risted," 181 The details wrist - that was becoming a sign ofhomosexuality' called limp the emergence of gay male commuof this process, which accompanied The point that is crucial for the scope of this study. nities, are beyond in Haiti is that the field of meanunderstanding the experience of marines The days which sexual identities were organized was changing. ings around fairies alone were queer were dwindling, giving when men were men and their sexual exploits to the the days when men would have to confine way to their status as normal, newly defined in "opposite" sex in order to guard another way in which anAmeriHere then was yet terms of heterosexuality. in the decades of the occupation.' 182 was up for grabs can man'sidentity' INDOCTRINATION with this range of baggage and confusion, white Arriving at recruit depots themselves caught up in the disciplinary U.S. boys and men soon found with U.S. Marine Corps. That regime had evolved significantly, regime of the it would be further refined and the corps itself, over the previous decades; OCCUPATION --- Page 94 --- began. Indeed, main the decades after the Haitian occupation trained at developed in Haiti in July and August 1915 had been rines who landed Less than three months later, the several naval bases along the East Coast. Port Royal, South established its own recruit training depot at Marine Corps camp was renamed Parris Carolina. A former naval station, the new training Island in 1917. aboard Navy ships continued of marines The traditional responsibilities while others arose out of dictate some elements of the training program, to force in support of colofunction as an expeditionary the corps's emerging function, dating back to the corps's earnial endeavors. Marines' original or military service, was to provide ships guards, liest years as a separate sailors. A second traditional funcpolice, to keep order among often unruly batteries of heavy artillery, tion of the marines was to operate the secondary board naval vessels.' 184 " that marines talked about, on the "five-inch guns" form the backbone of any landing party that Marines were also intended to valued both for maintaining might be necessary abroad. an expeditionary the corps's emerging function, dating back to the corps's earnial endeavors. Marines' original or military service, was to provide ships guards, liest years as a separate sailors. A second traditional funcpolice, to keep order among often unruly batteries of heavy artillery, tion of the marines was to operate the secondary board naval vessels.' 184 " that marines talked about, on the "five-inch guns" form the backbone of any landing party that Marines were also intended to valued both for maintaining might be necessary abroad. Thus they were their training sought to order and for their skills as soldiers, and shipboard with the marines' role as military them for both roles. In keeping obedience to prepare discipline - unwavering police, training had long emphasized military premeticulous adherence to protocol, and spit-and-polish orders, that such lessons took across the board; sentation.' 185 (This is not to say marines at work noted observers ofU.S. indeed in China in 1900, European ")' 186 To prepare them for soltheir "careless dress" and "casual discipline. and drill. In the 1920S one diering, there was also a focus on equipment to whom "rifles described old-timers, in particular, as men USMC captain 187 With the advent of the .30 caliber Springfield were high and holy things. marksmanship program, offering rifle Model 1903, the corps stepped upits shooters.' 188 The corps's new badges and merit bonuses for the most skilled moreover, led to the early twentieth century, focus on expeditionarydutyint of small-unit tactics and, on the previously neglected areas an emphasis for units as well as maneuvers. Combat performance, later, battalion-sized of the new Marine would be projected as a key strength for individuals, Corps cum " colonial infantry. *189 and salutes and malearned about uniforms guns, Along with what they learned, too, new ways of imagining neuvers, protocol and survival, they extent, to relinquish their themselves. They learned, to a greater or lesser of the United States with the mantle civilian identities and to assume pride would articulate later, a new generation of marines marine. A half-century doubt had been honed to a fine art in the this aspect of training, which no down, one Marine vetsince Parris Island's founding. "They tore you years HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 95 --- in the mid-1g80s. "They tore everyeran told the historian Christian Appy thoughts, entire existence - your speech, your thing civilian out of your tore out and then that was civilian they your sights, your memory- - anything First they made you drop down to a they rebuilt you and made you over. a marine. 1 190 the floor. Then they built you back up to being piece of grit on been addressed as the "lowest of the Faustin Wirkus's lament at having of this by which well have reflected an early version process damned" may identities SO that they could be remade as of their civilian men were stripped recruit, soon to be a Wirkus recalled his experience as a fresh marines. he had been told that he was "raw, private in the Twentysecond Company; material. 191 very raw and unworthy material" that the corps built Yet, it was from such "raw and unworthy "marine." 99 That themselves as worthy of the name men who understood routine that sought, among other sense of worth grew out of a training to that fidelity a sense of belonging to the corps, inspire things, toinculcate: Marines: always faithful, "Semper Fi." that has been the byword of the U.S. formation for parades themselves in meticulous military Trained to present that their corps had always been a breed and reviews, marines came to know Drilled on infantry tactics from the Navy, whose ranks they patrolled. 99 That themselves as worthy of the name men who understood routine that sought, among other sense of worth grew out of a training to that fidelity a sense of belonging to the corps, inspire things, toinculcate: Marines: always faithful, "Semper Fi." that has been the byword of the U.S. formation for parades themselves in meticulous military Trained to present that their corps had always been a breed and reviews, marines came to know Drilled on infantry tactics from the Navy, whose ranks they patrolled. of an elite apart themselves as part they came to understand and marksmanship, all-volunteer branch of the U.S. military, fighting force. A relatively small, the Marine for heroic action and all-around ability, heralded in the press Marine that "fur192 It was the Corps Corps was known for its selectivity." of the Admiral and of honor for the comings and goings nished guards Marine Corps captain John W. Thomdistinguished visitors" on any ship, his corps, Thomason out in 1926. Ask a marine to describe a ason, Jr. pointed will assure you that the marines are urged the reading public; "any private corps d'elite. 193 was never as complete as into the Marine Corps While indoctrination process that took place Thomason claimed, it was a many-pronged Captain contexts.' 194 Alongside drills and inspections, in informal as well as formal down from more fresh recruits were treated to stories passed for example, endured and things accommarines, "traditions of things experienced Thomason called them.195 hand down forever,' plished, such as regiments traditions handed down by his regiment: Wirkus offered a sampling of the knife men, back alley murjungle battles, Chinese "yarns about starvation, 9 196 Legends and lore, conveyedin the derin foreign ports, women andrum." bind individual marines, of yarns and telling of tales, helped ritual spinning and to their corps. Other with affection and allegiance, to their regiments We know very little about rituals operated by: a different, more trying, logic. OCCUPATION --- Page 96 --- and in the Marine Corps, but we know it the nature of hazing in the Navy at the U.S. Naval AcadAsked whether he experienced hazing took place. general Ivan W. Miller responded emy as an ordeal, Marine Corps brigadier s he confirmed, "but it briefly. "Yes, there was a good bit of hazing, in only a ritual much. *197 Yet hazing constituted significant never bothered me by which marines were made. It of indoctrination the informal processes entrance into the that presaged a marine's was a ritual of subordination at times it may also have been a ranks of those with a right to dominate; of violence. In keeping the direct experience ritual of endurance involving cultivation of masculinity, the practical with G. Stanley Hall's theories on the viewed as "war, crucorollary and component of hazing - was joke- -that of *198 elty, and torture reduced to the level play." of indoctrination training, and the informal process How did military of the with it, prepare men for their roles as representatives that went along marines to cross national United States in Haiti? How did they prepare of Marine Corps divides? One striking feature boundaries and cultural is the extent to which it lightofsuch questions, training, when consideredin1 civilian worlds from which the cultivated a sense of separation from the debase their former Marines, as we have seen, were taught to marines came. of worth in their status as marines. Yet, civilian selves and to vest their sense not marines? Set about their fellow citizens who were what did this imply from the nation they were to reprefrom the civilian world - that is, and someapart could fall prey to a sense of disconnection from, sent - marines nation. it lightofsuch questions, training, when consideredin1 civilian worlds from which the cultivated a sense of separation from the debase their former Marines, as we have seen, were taught to marines came. of worth in their status as marines. Yet, civilian selves and to vest their sense not marines? Set about their fellow citizens who were what did this imply from the nation they were to reprefrom the civilian world - that is, and someapart could fall prey to a sense of disconnection from, sent - marines nation. Marines' diaries, letters, memoirs, times condescension toward, the which was often set in and oral histories express this sense of disconnection, marines.' 199 Amersense of connection and belonging among contrast to the journalists might dismisunderstand them, muckraking ican society might might forsake them, but common tort their actions, even their government always faithful. bonds held marines in a profound communion, the preparation of To what extent did the discourse of paternalism shape into Marine and enlisted men? Paternalism was built Marine Corps officers the relationship between relationships on several levels. It structured and the Corps 99 between marines in their role as ships guards officers and "men," and between marines and the peosailors whose behavior they monitored, historian Donald Mrozek has they would encounter overseas. As the to the ple to a moral code" and a "commitment pointed out, "commitment authority" were funworth and practical benefits of hierarchyand intrinsic officers during and after the Vicof military damental to the perspectives shall see in Chapter 3, important torian era. These elements were, as we Daniels' S term as secMoreover, duringJosephus aspects of paternalism.aw HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 97 --- important element of the of the navy, paternalism was an especially retary Middle-class values of manhood, includexpectations held out for officers. were to be modsobriety, moderation, and self-restraint ing respectability, under their tutelage. 201 The paternalist eled by officers for the enlisted men were not always toward sailors, on the other hand, attitudes of marines had for some time been rankled by encouraged. Indeed, naval reformers on of sailors effected by Marine Corps oversight the forced infantilization structured official attitudes and perspecNavyvessels. 202 Finally, paternalism to and assist. whom marines would be sent discipline tives on the "natives" Recruiter's Bulletin in April 1915, Thus, in a poem for the Marine Corps's . of commented, with respect to "the people Private C. Hundertmark clime": every countryand At times they raise trouble among themselves, And someone must intervene, Then the best man to send, SO the President says Is a United States Marine. 203 occasions for calling U.S. presidents had found numerous By. July 1915 around the world supposedly' "raising out the marines in response to people the marines who went to Haiti themselves. * Indeed, among trouble among Panama, Cuba, Nicin China, the Philippines, were men with experience Haiti would not present the first chalaragua, and Mexico. For these men, 204 For others, their sense of themselves as men and as Americans. lenge to Haiti would be a first tour of duty, a first chance like Private Faustin Wirkus, to learn about themselvesin: a foreign setting. on hearing that the his memoir, Wirkus described his first impressions In southward. He got word that there was "something Marines were headed -which required the 'Marines to going on in Haiti-wherever that was he continued, "a lot of and take the situation in hand.' "There was, land, line. 204 For others, their sense of themselves as men and as Americans. lenge to Haiti would be a first tour of duty, a first chance like Private Faustin Wirkus, to learn about themselvesin: a foreign setting. on hearing that the his memoir, Wirkus described his first impressions In southward. He got word that there was "something Marines were headed -which required the 'Marines to going on in Haiti-wherever that was he continued, "a lot of and take the situation in hand.' "There was, land, line. But none of us could seem to get any idea backroom, joking along that said Haiti was a land of black to where this Haiti place was : somebody as 91 "The excited day dreams" of young recruits, people - 'just like Africa.' tales of those among us who had Wirkus wrote, "were fed by the unending already seen sea duty and foreign duty.' 205 without much of a clue as boarded their ships, bound for Haiti, Ifmarines cultural terrain, of that country, they did to the whereabouts, no less, the officers searched the ships' information on board. Marine acquire some useful background on Haitian cuslibraries for books that might provide along to recruits en and passed their new knowledge toms and traditions, OCCUPATION --- Page 98 --- route to Haiti. They drilled their of firearms, but also troops on practical matters such as the on the goals of the U.S. mission use likely native responses. on Hispaniola and On Friday, July 30, 1915, First Lieutenant would sail for Port-au-Prince Adolph Miller learned that he Miller at 9:00 A.M. the next kept a "Personal Log, 99 in which he morning. From that day, tions to events and to the recorded his thoughts, his reactivities,206 Miller's people around him, and some of his aclog suggests something of the state of daily officer en route to Haiti. Called mind of a junior year-old suddenly to leave his home, Adolph "Duff" Miller said twenty-ninethat Mrs. Waller, the wife of good-bye to his wife, Holly, and noted wing.207 a senior officer, had taken Aboard the Connecticut, Miller Holly under her night, if it was too windy for movies instructed the troops by day, and by fellow officers. A few of on deck, he passed the time with his them struck up a band with banjo, and a piano, and others three mandolins, a adventures.20s, A regaled one another with tales of number of officers recounted old their a reunion of officers who served in times together: there was remarked in his log, "It China, Miller among them, and he seems like a big family reunion.' *209 passing San Salvador, "the place where Miller noted Columbus discovered, hearing news by radio of Pancho Villa' 's America, and U.S. to go to hell, 1 he wrote betrayal of the Americans: "Villa to marines' on August 3.210 Such comments passage to Haiti in the dual context of framed the spheric events-in particular, history and current hemiEuropean and on Americas, the one hand, and "native" discovery conquest in the economic challenges to U.S. power, on the other. military and Miller made a note of having instructed the automatics, but he did not remark company in the use of Colt His superior officer, on learning about Haitian customs,211 Captain William P. the Americans: "Villa to marines' on August 3.210 Such comments passage to Haiti in the dual context of framed the spheric events-in particular, history and current hemiEuropean and on Americas, the one hand, and "native" discovery conquest in the economic challenges to U.S. power, on the other. military and Miller made a note of having instructed the automatics, but he did not remark company in the use of Colt His superior officer, on learning about Haitian customs,211 Captain William P. tailed account of that activity: "En (Deacon) Upshur, left a more deMarines studied route to Haiti the officers of the Second assiduously all that the ship's Black Republic. Classes were held and library contained about the the on to the men by the information obtained was passed the company officers. Included in the statements that the Haitians were devotees information were tersin the arte of poisoning their of Voodooism and past masenemies. "212 For to a comic tale about marine Upshur this was the lead-in behavior in thought, the "failure to verify information." * Port-au-Prince, illustrating, he the natives, marines Fearing the poison mastery of grabbed a Haitian man the water.' 1 Then, Upshur and "made him drink a pail of related, they stood see if the Haitian would die, which watching for a long while to he did not,213 One of the first things Miller notes in his log after arriving in Port-auHAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 99 --- the natives are masters at poisoning. Other comPrince is precisely that at first to be his own obserMiller makes upon arrival in Haiti appear ments in light of Deacon Upshur's discussion of vations. Further consideration, arrived with a host of ideas about the learning, shows that Miller shipboard "observe.' 9 Included among these Haitians, which he then proceeded to about whom he wrote with regard to Haitian women, were his observations the native women are of easy virtue and first full day in Haiti: "All on his very evils." 214 all its accompanying Haiti as a private on the USS Tennessee, Looking back on his first trip to officers deThe company Faustin Wirkus recalled his own indoctrination. decision to intervene and to the American scribed the events leading up some resistance. that they would be likely to encounter warned the troops that Guillaume Sam was a "brute throwPrivate Wirkus learned from them of political who had ordered the butchering back to his jungle ancestry," mob a committhrown to the by "vigilance prisoners and was subsequently that these events brought us to tee. 215 "We were told," " Wirkus explained, "We were told that the midHaiti, and that the Monroe Doctrine, justified it. willing for us South American countries were not altogether American and the Haitian people would be this rule of ours and that probably to enforce But we were not told because those in inclined to resist its application. was the of mak- - how difficult problem authority did not know themselves the whole Haitian people friendly to our purposes. ing FIRST ENCOUNTERS steamed toward Portau-Prince from On July 28, 1915, the USS Washington brief foray in Mexico, the Washthe northern city of Cap Haîtien. After its watchful stance in relahad returned to Haitian waters to resume its That afteringlon and disorder ashore. tion to the developing unrest potential coming to a head. received word by radio that events were noon,theadmiralt and three companies of sailors on board, With two companies of marines under full steam, and headed for Caperton turned his ship to the south, the events of July 26 and 27 had finally supplied the capital.a17 The tragic The Washington' 's seasoned maawaited pretext for an American landing. rines would soon come ashore at the capital. popudoctor and statesman who wasimmensely Rosalvo Bobo, a medical forces toward the the Haitian poor, was leading his revolutionary lar among of to the threatened disgrace capital city, united on a platform opposition momentum in the receivership. ines under full steam, and headed for Caperton turned his ship to the south, the events of July 26 and 27 had finally supplied the capital.a17 The tragic The Washington' 's seasoned maawaited pretext for an American landing. rines would soon come ashore at the capital. popudoctor and statesman who wasimmensely Rosalvo Bobo, a medical forces toward the the Haitian poor, was leading his revolutionary lar among of to the threatened disgrace capital city, united on a platform opposition momentum in the receivership. As Bobo's forces gained of an American OCCUPATION --- Page 100 --- with violence. The execution of 167 countryside, Port-au-Prince exploded crowd of city dwellers with the anpolitical prisoners effectively armed a who was responto bring down the president guish, fury, and determination of President Vilbrun murders. The assassination sible for these political sanctioned, functioning govGuillaume Sam left Haiti without a formally thus in turmoil, its authority in the capital. With Port-au-Prince ernment the events of the previous days, Admiral Caperton population reeling from invasion that had been planned seized the opportunity to set in motion an months before. marines and sailors disembarked at a Earlyin the evening ofJuly 28, 330 immediately outside of the Haitian Navy Yard, at Bizoton, beach just east battalions were ashore, and with coverPort-an-Prince, By 5:45 P.M., both armed launches, they from the USS Washington and several ing fire ready columns, flanking the streets their advance to the city. In double brick buildbegan the men held close to the sides of through which they passed, began to fall, theyapproached ings for cover, evading guerrilla fire. As night guard, naval of the Second Battalion leading as advance the city, marines 219 The officerswho led each unit had squads of the First Battalion following. since the plans for the operarehearsed their routes in the previous months tion had been established. invasion, Marine Corps lieutenSome years after his participation in the of the landing operacolonel Harold Utley offered a detailed account ant American forces encountered in their tion and of the guerrilla response from windows and in Haiti. Haitians fired at marine squads first few hours marines were "compelled to along the route, according to Utley; rooftops two Haitians and wounding fire,' > in self-defense he implies, killing at the open Haitians' fire: "Many of the shots directed ten. Utley described the one side of the street ahead of columns struck the walls of the buildings on strike the wall on the and ricocheted in such a manner as to the column of the tail of the column thus doing no opposite side of the street in the rear have occurred in Had the columns been stronger, casualties might harm. the small size of the landing force, elements. 220 In Utley's view, the rear of Haitian fire, may have protected American combined with the inaccuracy were killed in this opening phase lives. In fact, no marine or naval personnel of the invasion.2 221 landing in Haitiwas, on the whole, Utley'sevaluation of the Marine Corps executed"; but most and skillfully quite positive. of the column thus doing no opposite side of the street in the rear have occurred in Had the columns been stronger, casualties might harm. the small size of the landing force, elements. 220 In Utley's view, the rear of Haitian fire, may have protected American combined with the inaccuracy were killed in this opening phase lives. In fact, no marine or naval personnel of the invasion.2 221 landing in Haitiwas, on the whole, Utley'sevaluation of the Marine Corps executed"; but most and skillfully quite positive. It was "carefully planned Captain The landing force commander, important, it was successfiul.a in Bobo' 's revolutionary Van Orden, faced some difficulties getting what George but he handled with diplomacy committee to comply with his orders, HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 101 --- he did not yet have the armed desirable strength to handle with force, settling for less arrangements when necessary.: 223 a week from Guantanamo Reinforcements arrived within Bay, Cuba, and from American forces to over 1,1 100 marinesand Philadelphia, increasing men of the initial sailors. 224 In the meanwhile, the landing force faced significant challenges, according to Utley. physical and emotional some men "[T]he guard duty was having no exceedingly severe, opportunity to ' change their clothes stretch, he wrote later; * "personnel, for 72 hours at a individually special types of duty, are liable to excellent, but untrained in for any considerable 'crack'ifp put under a severe nervous strain period" in such situations. 225 As uniformed American men marched into 1915, and in the days and weeks that Port-au-Prince on July 28, between two administrations followed, they seized the moment the necessity of by holding off the Bobo forces and filling this political vacuum. While claiming rected the overall movement of the top-ranking officers diobjectives, individual troops to implement U.S. foreign marines confronted the policy them from Haitians and made cultural divide that separated Fresh palpable their identity as. Americans. recruits for the first time, and marked the differences between experienced marines once again, and some foreign their nation and some other, their home place. On arrival in the connection between this Port-au-Prince, Adolph Miller noted and previous military simple reflection: "The island of Haiti is forays abroad with a reminds me somewhat of a beautiful spot, 7 he wrote. "It officer Hong Kong. "226 Some years later, remarked on the connection another marine nationalism. between foreign service "There is no patriot, wrote andAmerican confirmed globe-trotter, "227 John Houston Craige, "like the But nothing in Marine Corps training, nothing in the nothing about the voyage to experience of landing on Haitian Haiti, can men to make sense of the soil, prepared U.S. AmeriTheir first variety of Haitian responses to their arrival, impressions: and thoughts in Haiti as an elite military force, their reflected simply their training foreign policy, and their beliefs indoctrination into the purposes of U.S. can about themselves and about heritage: at home and in this people of Afrinew ture the Haitian frame of mind setting. Theseimpressions did not capor attitude in the face of U.S. Adolph Miller arrived on August 4 from intervention. Second Regiment. By the time he and Philadelphia with the rest of the the Fifteenth customshouse wharf, the Navy had taken Company landed at the detail of thirty men, loaded control of the area. Miller took a rode up four train cars with all the through the city to the racetrack, where troops' gear, and In his diary, Miller recorded the men were to be his quartered. impressions of the inhabitants' responses to OCCUPATION of U.S. Adolph Miller arrived on August 4 from intervention. Second Regiment. By the time he and Philadelphia with the rest of the the Fifteenth customshouse wharf, the Navy had taken Company landed at the detail of thirty men, loaded control of the area. Miller took a rode up four train cars with all the through the city to the racetrack, where troops' gear, and In his diary, Miller recorded the men were to be his quartered. impressions of the inhabitants' responses to OCCUPATION --- Page 102 --- "The natives all cheered and seemed very glad him and his fellow marines: were heaved at us from dark a number of brickbats to see us, although quite soldiers tried to put up some resistance places along the line. The native their mind and departed.' 228 but when they looked at us twice they changed to the MaMiller asserts that all the natives responded positively "brickAlthough contradicts himselfwith referencesto' rine presence, he immediately of resistance and opposibats" and "native soldiers.' > Miller excluded acts characterization of the American presence from his overall tion to the he observed and even recorded those Haitian reaction, despite the fact that history some This was not a matter of reinterpreting verya acts of resistance. Haiti, observed these reactions, and after the fact; Miller arrived in years same August 4, 1915. made these notes on the very day, around the city to enforce In the next few days, Millertook: armed patrols Haitians, and to collect curfew, to confiscate arms from and hua Marine-imposed revolutionaries lived. He was surprised intelligence as to where whom he caught breaking the mored by the reaction of two native soldiers started to yell, fell on their curfew: When they saw us approaching they to stand them thought we were going knees and begged us to let go. They were wall and shoot them.' *229 Whether these Haitians them up against a to others nearby, we the American presence indeed afraid, or signaling thought, as he professed to, know. Nor could Miller know what they cannot observation of what they said and did. based simply on his in the first few days after his Miller tells of frequent large demonstrations rushed to the the morning of August 6, the Fifteenth Company arrival. On and arrest the soldiers customshouse wharf to meet a Haitian gunboat "an immense the marines arrived on the scene, there was aboard. When marines cleared the crowd, the Plaza. 1 According to Miller, the crowd at marched the soldiers off to the jail. But took possession of the boat, and across the "There were about 2000 people the crowd had not dispersed: some ofthe crowd commenced street. When the prisoners were marched off made a break for When the shooting started the prisoners shooting us up. marine. We had great excitement for a few liberty. One was killed by a crowd. The Haitians are a highly minutes but finally managed to quiet the "230This passage and fly offthe handle at a moment'snotice." excitable peoplea regarding the emotionality of illustrates the influence of racial assumptions of marine's direct observation and interpretation African peoples on one Haitian responses. Dr. Rosalvo Bobo arrived in Port-auA few hours after this incident, the crowd. 231 Miller's Prince, and there was "another big demonstration by over the the varied responses to Bobo and to the marines interpretation of HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 103 --- deal of confusion. Miller noted the enthusiasm next few days reveals a great for Dr. Bobo, who, he did not of the "barefoot gang" or poorer Haitians He also opposed to U.S. intervention. mention, was leading a revolution to see us. #232 however, that "all the barefoot gang are glad asserted, recollections of other marines. At times, Similar disjunctions mark the ofl local cultural exacerbated by the absence of any understanding they were marines and other U.S. Without such local knowledge, forms of expression. . Miller noted the enthusiasm next few days reveals a great for Dr. Bobo, who, he did not of the "barefoot gang" or poorer Haitians He also opposed to U.S. intervention. mention, was leading a revolution to see us. #232 however, that "all the barefoot gang are glad asserted, recollections of other marines. At times, Similar disjunctions mark the ofl local cultural exacerbated by the absence of any understanding they were marines and other U.S. Without such local knowledge, forms of expression. between sniper bulletsand Americans failed to drawany lines of connection manifestations of the one hand, and other verbal and physical brickbats, on the other. According to Fred McMillen, popular dismay and disapproval, on and marines" officer who arrived on the Tennessee, the "bluejackets a naval 233 At the same time, he with "little resistance from the population." met the port and customs the difficulties he faced in trying to reorganize noted of about 10,000; among the major obstacles activities at Petit Goave, a town troubles" and "carnival delays due to labor he faced were "exasperating days. 234 officials and employees refused at McMillen reported that the customs eventually returned to for the forces. Although they first to work occupation finding tradespeople willing to work, McMillen continued to have difficulty office and to pave to build a new customs contribute the necessary expertise of the workers described by the streets around it. The actions (and inaction) 13 or proof "marronage," thus conformed to the Haitian practice McMillen McMillen gave no details relating to the refusal to work.255 test through this brief mention of carnival that slowed down his work, yet "carnival days" the tradition of rara, a style of another Haitian custom, peasant is suggestive demonstration that continues of protest through song and theatrical public the smaller town ofJeremie, day. 236 Frederick Wise, posted to to the present resistance from the start. Wise later wrote that he too "encountered passive with the Bobo Haitians of Jeremie were not in sympathy noted that the didn't particularly fancy our arrival revolution, but, in his words, "they either.' *237 reaction to the Haitians, Faustin Wirkus Looking back on his own initial influenced Ameriinto the way in which expectation provides some insight remembered his first views of the city from in Haiti. Wirkus can observation to see that the seeming marble the ship: "Before we were close enough ramshackle whitewashed warewere sheds of corrugated iron and ramparts romantic. 238 But once his company houses, the prospect was altogether the streets into the city, he had a had landed and he had marched through had turned into a "It hurt. It stunk. Fairyland very different impression: We could feel it as distinctly as More than that. We were not welcome. pigsty. OCCUPATION --- Page 104 --- faces lined the curbs could smell the rot along the gutters. . Black we They were blank of all emotion. White across the street from the waterfront. eyes in the black There was not a smile in sight. The opaque eyes gleamed. indifferent as the lenses of camfaces were not friendly. They seemed as indifferent, he himself: "They were not eras." 239 Wirkus later corrected where they stood with were merely on the alert to find out wrote. "They viewed Haitians through the lensofhis us. 240 Wirkusacknowledged having situation: "My own distaste for the and discomfort with the own disgust influenced by the observation that the whole human picture was queerly before - barefooted. : : . eyes gleamed. indifferent as the lenses of camfaces were not friendly. They seemed as indifferent, he himself: "They were not eras." 239 Wirkus later corrected where they stood with were merely on the alert to find out wrote. "They viewed Haitians through the lensofhis us. 240 Wirkusacknowledged having situation: "My own distaste for the and discomfort with the own disgust influenced by the observation that the whole human picture was queerly before - barefooted. : : . In my people were- -as I had never seen people horrid things on which they bewilderment I somehow blamed them for the 241 Wirkus saw blank stares and interpreted stood. : . We were annoyed." his own annoyance alert, in turn. He acknowledged them as indifferentand: of the situation. Haitians who and the role it played in his understanding in this encounter had very different interpretations. Laleau's participated by the title of Leon The reaction of many Haitians was captured 242 The blank faces observed against the occupation: Le choc. literary protest of another Haitian writer, Roger by Wirkus registered, too, in the memory back on his first then a small boy at his mother's side. Looking Dorsinville, the adults around him, he stated in view of the marines and their effect on it seems to me that it was "I remember my first 'marines' his memoirs, the newness of their presence by the day they disembarked; I understood all around me. 243 on the faces, and the silence suddenly the stupefaction but the stupor, and Dorsinville went on, could register "nothing The child, faces of the adults around him. "The then the resignation, " evident on the he later wrote, "had come to defile our independence: white soldiers," were no more. 244 where weret the ancestors? Finally, the ancestors between Haitians these were the first encounters In some respects, The marines and sailors who and U.S. Americans during the occupation. those who arrived on the marched into Port-au-Prince on July 28, 1915.and and enforced the Connecticut, who confiscated Haitian arms Tennessee and Haitians and made them drink pails of occupation curfew, who grabbed these were the first the ports and seized the customs: water, who patrolled to Haitian citizens and to colU.S. where weret the ancestors? Finally, the ancestors between Haitians these were the first encounters In some respects, The marines and sailors who and U.S. Americans during the occupation. those who arrived on the marched into Port-au-Prince on July 28, 1915.and and enforced the Connecticut, who confiscated Haitian arms Tennessee and Haitians and made them drink pails of occupation curfew, who grabbed these were the first the ports and seized the customs: water, who patrolled to Haitian citizens and to colU.S. Americans to represent the occupation arrived. Haitians that they would pass on to others as they lect impressions demonstrated at the wharves, who who fired at the invading marines, who who in "labor in shock or cheered the U.S. troops, participated stood silent these were the first Haitians to have controubles" and "carnival" protests: the first to react and to with U.S. Americans during the occupation, tact respond. HAITI & THE MARINES --- Page 105 --- Haitian soil were formed and weighed down Yet these first encounters on moment of inception: the history ofhistoryalready: at their with the baggage relations at home; the history of attitudes toward Haiti and of race of U.S. against the odds; the the Haitians' attempts to maintain their independence: in Cuba, in the of U.S. American forays on the world scene, diayoung history of each participant in the Philippines, in China; the historical memory between the United States and cooperation, and conflict logue, struggle, Haiti during these years. with the burden of SO many pasts, Moreover, these first encounters, heavy with each arrival at a with each new shipload of marines, would be repeated, the Gendarmerie, with each insurgent with each recruit into town or village, of Haiti from 1915 to 1934 was captured, and SO on. The U.S. occupation unified bodies; conflict between two monolithic and singularly not a single and waged in SO many local instances, it was a struggle for identity power official acts, formal relationships, framed by: a number of systemic factors, though policy structures. It was not only formed by policy, and informal acts committed by individuals who framed it. It was not a series of isolated did break under the " though individual U.S. American men had "cracked," act of resistance or welcome by the strain of it. It was not one singular did fightita and some did support though many Haitians Haitian population, it, at least at first. marines formed significant relaIn the course of nineteen years, some and worked. Afew, perhaps the Haitians with whom they lived and tionshipswith raised Haitian families, more than we know, married Haitian women, held themselves aloof became citizens of Haiti. Others, no doubt most, even society only with their fellow U.S. from the nation they policed, seeking nation theira assignment to this scorned Americans. Others still protested One company of marines some with wrath and venom. some peacefully, strike" to make their point; others resorted employed "a kind of a sit-down to the tools of their trade. 245 between two cultures motivated by the desire to bridge the gap Whether some marines tried to learn what the strategic need for information, or by seemed, in Wirkus's words, "indifferent as Haitians saw through eyes that officers con- *7 Certainly, Marine Corps intelligence the lenses of cameras. what Haitians thought. Yet, like ducted extensive investigations to ascertain was always 1 the "intelligence" they gathered Adolph Millers-"olwenations discursive frameworks. The official filtered through the lens of their own on the pulse of the American occupiers had their finger story was that uncertain as to what awaited them Haitian society. Nervous white men, fall into Haitian hands, belied that fiction. should they OCCUPATION --- Page 106 --- standing by a rural home. Figure 8. Marine with Haitian woman, Quantico, Virginia. Marine Corps Research CmnterArchives, ascertain was always 1 the "intelligence" they gathered Adolph Millers-"olwenations discursive frameworks. The official filtered through the lens of their own on the pulse of the American occupiers had their finger story was that uncertain as to what awaited them Haitian society. Nervous white men, fall into Haitian hands, belied that fiction. should they OCCUPATION --- Page 106 --- standing by a rural home. Figure 8. Marine with Haitian woman, Quantico, Virginia. Marine Corps Research CmnterArchives, --- Page 107 --- Even the final, formal encounter of the occupation, the ceremony of the marines' departure on August 15, 1934, was the scene of such uncertainty. As General Alfred H. Noble told the story some years later, "right toward the end, when we were about to get out of the country,' rumorsbegan to spread suggesting that the opposition was planning "to throw stones . and maybe credit . it some of our . shoot - . and take for driving [us] out. Well, got of higher ups a little bit nervous. . They didn't know, nobody had any way being surej just what the Haitians thought, you know. We thought we were on good terms with them, but now that we were going to leave they could see the old rattlesnake had had its fangs pulled." - Noble, who had been chief of staff of the brigade, recalled that he alone among his peers held out for departing as scheduled "with the band playing and the flag flying. 9 They did just that, in the end, and the whole thing came off surprisingly well, Noble thought, except that "the guns upin the fort didn'tgo off on time. 246 As he reported this story to his interviewer in 1973, General Noble reflected on the impression he was making. "But that'sjust another tale," he commented. "You can cut that out later. Doesn't sound good anyway. *247 Indeed, it always sounded better to say that Americans knew the score. But facing the possibility of an embarrassment, or worse, on their final day, officers of the occupation paused, because, in truth, "nobody had any wayof being sure, just what the Haitians thought. * Like Faustin Wirkus and Homer Overley, marines departing Haiti in the summer of 1934 still wondered. OCCUPATION impression he was making. "But that'sjust another tale," he commented. "You can cut that out later. Doesn't sound good anyway. *247 Indeed, it always sounded better to say that Americans knew the score. But facing the possibility of an embarrassment, or worse, on their final day, officers of the occupation paused, because, in truth, "nobody had any wayof being sure, just what the Haitians thought. * Like Faustin Wirkus and Homer Overley, marines departing Haiti in the summer of 1934 still wondered. OCCUPATION --- Page 108 --- PATERNALISM METAPHORS OF FATHERHOOD When Smedley Butler told a Senate 1921 that he and his fellow marines investigating committee in October "of a huge estate that had considered themselves the belonged to minors, 7 and trustees the Haitians their that they had considered wards, he and his beloved Marine seat. The presidential election Corps were in the hot for critics of the campaign of 1920 had provided an opening occupation. Republican presidential Harding had made the most of a candidate Warren G. Franklin D. gaffe by Assistant Secretary of the Roosevelt, who claimed to have Navy Constitution of 1918.1 James personallya authored the Haitian Weldon Ernest Johnson, Herbert Gruening had presented powerful Seligmann, and the pages of the Nation.2 And indictments of the occupation in worst of - spective Marine all-at least, from the marines' Corps commandant perforced out of his position, George Barnett had, after being wittingly or series of documents unwittingly disclosed to the public a of natives" suggesting that there had been in Haiti,3 As "indiscriminate killing stories and launched newspapers around the country picked their own investigations, up these indignant complaints for their leaders in ordinary Americans penned asked Washington. + Concerned congressmen and cabinet members citizens reports of marines to confirm or deny governing Haiti by fear and outrageous Haitians without the least provocation. intimidation and killing one writer, "at this "Could this possibly be true, 9> stage of civilization?" asked the world war, Another, who had singled out Marine participated in tion to take Corps officers and urged the administradisciplinary: action against them. "When make such a sacrifice of life and to we have been willing to six years for the sake of go to such a vast expense during the past democratic institutions, 1 he wrote, surely we must --- Page 109 --- these institutions overthrown by some "guard against any danger of having of our own officers.' 7 that Smedley Butler, In the face of such criticism, it is hardly surprising his corps would present the single star of a brigadier general, now sporting Other officers, too, cast actions in Haiti in the best possible light. and their consistent with the purportedly benign intheir previous actions as wholly for example, reported an Admiral Caperton, tentions of their government. Haitian Sudre Darspeech he had made to the president, Haiti in encouraging between the United States and tiguenave, on behalf of a treaty he offered to the Senate six years to the account November 1915-According a portrait of all that had laid before Dartiguenave after the fact, Caperton ofthe United States "ifthere would be possible for Haiti with the friendship * Haiti would be "a land of on the part of Haitians. is genuine cooperation had and Haitians the admiral predicted, honor, peace, and contentment," efforts. The United States, he had would bring this about by their own elder brother to help would merely "stand by as an assured the president, Butler wielded far more control than and support.' *8 Both Caperton and work of the occupation, the theyimplied in such speeches, but the ongoing Marine Corps were and the honor of the future of naval appropriations, rhetoric served crucial in the balance. In this context, paternalist hanging political ends. the admiral predicted, honor, peace, and contentment," efforts. The United States, he had would bring this about by their own elder brother to help would merely "stand by as an assured the president, Butler wielded far more control than and support.' *8 Both Caperton and work of the occupation, the theyimplied in such speeches, but the ongoing Marine Corps were and the honor of the future of naval appropriations, rhetoric served crucial in the balance. In this context, paternalist hanging political ends. his father in December 1915 he was also, When Smedley Butler wrote to using the Congress. He wrote from Port-au-Prince, in a sense, addressing the custom in his family, "Thee is plain Quaker "thee" and "thy" as was a little in a man's life to have helped put right, Father, it will be something been in Haiti for four months feet. 9 Butler, then a major, had nation on its institution-building projon one of the most significant and was embarking d'Haiti. His father, the founding of the Gendarmerie ects oft the occupation, House Naval Affairs Committee Congressman' Thomas S. Butler, sat on the In fact, conto foster his son's new project. and was thus well positioned for the young Butler's plans to go gressional approval would be necessary immediate public controversy forward. On the other hand, in 1915 no On all sides, at least in Butler'saccounts of the occupation. shaped Smedley in Haiti appeared to be a necessary and the U.S. context, the intervention statements to his father must be well-intentioned action. Smedley's 1915 in two other ways as from his 1921 statements to the Senate work in distinguished father while he was in the midst of his well. First, he wrote to his his own father he was addressing. Second, or not, it was Haiti. congressman Thomas Butler was thus at once between Smedley: and The correspondence letters to his mother, Maud Darpolitical and deeply personal. Smedley's OCCUPATION --- Page 110 --- Ethel C. P. Butler, and to family friends, in diflington Butler, to his wife, also resonated in more than one key. ferent ways, Darlington Butler from Forall these reasons, the letters of Major Smedley at work. of the discourse of paternalism Haiti afford us an unusual glimpse Butler's articulation of In letters to his father especially, we find Smedley administraframework for colonial paternalism as a moral and subjective fatherhood in his own personal tion side by side with the significance of superiority, and is an assertion of authority, relationships. If paternalism with his chilin the metaphor of a father's relationship control expressed issues, institution building, personal dren, then the confluence of policy letters home may well illumirelationships, and discursive play in Butler's these letters, then, as a useful for our investigation. I use nate some paths of as it took shape in frame for my discussion of the ideology paternalism Washington and in Haiti. Butler and other Americans to considering what led But let us begin by ofhis own accord, to For Major Butler did not decide, Haitiin the first place. Haîtien. Nor, for that matter, did and head for Cap hop on a battleship control of Haiti, though he author the decision to take Admiral Caperton that decision and shaped U.S. policy chose when and how to implement Woodrow Wilson, in respects. as it took shape in frame for my discussion of the ideology paternalism Washington and in Haiti. Butler and other Americans to considering what led But let us begin by ofhis own accord, to For Major Butler did not decide, Haitiin the first place. Haîtien. Nor, for that matter, did and head for Cap hop on a battleship control of Haiti, though he author the decision to take Admiral Caperton that decision and shaped U.S. policy chose when and how to implement Woodrow Wilson, in respects. 10 President toward Haiti in many important Bryan and other adwith Secretary of State William Jennings consultation decision, if in a piecemeal way. Wilson approved visers, made that crucial various occasionsin 1914-He ofwarships: and troops to Haiti on the sending andJuly 1915, to use those ships then resolved, bit by bit, betweenJuly 1914 U.S. in He attempted to set in motion a occupation and troops decisively. Oreste Zamor, his government falOctober 1914, when Haitian president terms, but Zamor's government had invited assistance on American tering, could be carried out." In early April 1915, fell before Wilson's decision landed marines and than three months before Admiral Caperton his more and hesitant, by President Wilson - still perplexed sailors at Bizoton, directly that the United States Bryan own account L-nonehelesingraded Haiti and must move with dispatch to do SO, declaring must take control of "the time to act is now. >12 WILSON AND THE BURDENS OF MORALISM WOODROW forth the logic - and the language -that Butler Two weeks later, Wilson set Speaking to the the to Congress. would embrace to explain occupation in New York, Wilson's focus Associated Press at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel PATERNALISM --- Page 111 --- neutrality in relation to the European was the importance of American United States could play as a "mediatconflict and the unique role that the because she had & free" to mediate ing nation." * America was particularly 11 Wilson asserted. "We do not ambitions as a world power, "no hampering He went on to elaborate a fanciful want a foot of anybody's territory." have been obliged by circumstances, revision of his country's history. "If we circumstances, in the past, to considered ourselves to be obliged by or have would not have thought of taking, I betake territory which we otherwise considered it our duty to administer lieve I am right in saying that we have living in it, and to put this not for ourselves, but for the people that territory, that this thing is ours for our burden upon our consciences- - not to think business for those to ourselves as trustees of the great use, but to regard to hand it over to the cestui que whom it does really belong, trustees ready that and feasiwhen the business seems to make possible trust at any time, territorial ambition and cast the apparent ble. "13Thus Wilson disclaimed all obligation, evidence territorial grabs of the past as selfless acts of paternalist man's burden. As willingness to shoulder the white only of Americans' belonging to others, Americans, in trustees of a "great business" really interest but by obligation Wilson's view, had been guided not by material and the sound business principle of feasibility. to shoulder the U.S. citizens had been "obliged by circumstances" If Latin Americans had been burden of trusteeship, according to Wilson, business" to those "in the main similarly obliged to hand over their "great * namely, Europeans and U.S.Ameriand action, field of modern enterprise Mobile, Alabama, a year and cans. Americans' belonging to others, Americans, in trustees of a "great business" really interest but by obligation Wilson's view, had been guided not by material and the sound business principle of feasibility. to shoulder the U.S. citizens had been "obliged by circumstances" If Latin Americans had been burden of trusteeship, according to Wilson, business" to those "in the main similarly obliged to hand over their "great * namely, Europeans and U.S.Ameriand action, field of modern enterprise Mobile, Alabama, a year and cans. At the Southern Commercial Congressin of this Wilson had addressed the more troubling implications a half earlier, hear of concessions to foreign capitalistsi in side of the equation. "You do not businessmen and politicians United States, 11 Wilson had told southern the "They are not granted of Latin American diplomats. along with a handful The worki is ours, though concessions. Theyare invited to makeinvestments. to in it.' " In contrast, "states that are obliged they are welcome to invest and control over their own national grant concessions" forfeit ownership sometimes intolerable result, and development. The "always dangerous" affairs of these states inevitably according to Wilson, was that the domestic came to be dominated by foreign interests." Mobile was that the recently The happy news that Wilson brought to which Latin AmerCanal promised to furnish the means by opened Panama themselves from could, with the help of true friends, emancipate ican states trade that would result from the opening such subordination. The healthy the self-possession, the canal would foster "the dignity, the courage, of the OCCUPATION --- Page 112 --- selfrespect of the Latin American states. 7 It would the splendid character enable "an assertion of which, in spite of and again been able to demonstrate." 9 [their] difficulties, they have again In turn, this new opening up of this great trade route, would circumstance, the with a new field in which to provide southern businessmen ourselves their display their manly character. "We friends and must prove Wilson intoned, champions, upon terms of equality and honor," emphasizing that the terms of honor.' s Wilson friendship must always be based "upon selves the honor and appealed to his countrymen to claim for them- "the righteousness that inheres in those who development of constitutional champion ent that liberty in the world," nothing could be dearer "to the assuring all presNotwithstanding his thoughtful men of America. *15 attempt, at the United States' past territorial Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, to bring the version of acquisitions within the pretty logic of his paternalism, Wilson in fact imagined that his own stituted a sharp departure from Theodore foreign policy conHoward Taft's dollar Roosevelt' 's big stick and William declaration diplomacy.. At Mobile, he marked that renouncing military departure with a U.S. policy toward Latin conquest and material interests as bases for America and the liberty and national heralding primacy of "human opportunity" asguiding values. "I ' addressing his fellow Americans, say this, he clarified, our real "merely to fix in our consciousness what relationship with the rest of America is. It is the family of mankind devoted to the relationship of a erty."16 Wilson underscored development of true constitutional liblennial the moralism of his new flourish at the end of his approach with a milthan an address to speech, making it seem rather a sermon diplomats and businessmen. The Americas was, Wilson believed, spiritual unity of the to the final part of that slow but steady climb "that uplands, [where] we shall get our ultimate view leads mankind. relationship with the rest of America is. It is the family of mankind devoted to the relationship of a erty."16 Wilson underscored development of true constitutional liblennial the moralism of his new flourish at the end of his approach with a milthan an address to speech, making it seem rather a sermon diplomats and businessmen. The Americas was, Wilson believed, spiritual unity of the to the final part of that slow but steady climb "that uplands, [where] we shall get our ultimate view leads mankind. We have breasted of the duties of presently-it a considerable part of that climb and may be in a generation or two shall, heights where there shines, come out upon those great In his unobstructed, the light of the P17 attempt to implant this moralism justice of God. structures, Wilson felt that he faced within existing foreign policy his speech at Mobile, he significant obstacles. A month before wrote to Charles William Harvard University, of his difficulties Eliot, former president of that those who have been with the diplomatic service. "We find habituated occupying delegations and to a point of view which is embassies have been of view of the very different, indeed, from the of present administration. They have had the point individuals and the United States material interests moral and public very much more in mind than the have been considerationswhich: it seems to us to SO bred in a different school ought control. They that we have found, in several PATERNALISM --- Page 113 --- our point of viewand that it was difficult for them to comprehend instances, December 1914 would 18 Diplomats in Haiti were no exception; Arthur Baillypurpose. chiding the U.S. minister to Haiti, find Wilson and Bryan difference between U.S. control Blanchard, for failing to grasp the critical to establish which Wilson and Bryan sought as a means of Haitian customs, and American investment genstable conditions! for economic development in this case mining conerally, and the granting of particular concessions, seems based upon a "Your proposition cessions to American prospectors. * Bryan wrote to Blanchmisunderstanding of this Government's position, in every approval." "While we desire to encourage ard with Wilson's"entire: we believe that this can be better American investments in Haiti, proper way and order than by favoring special concesdone by contributing to stability avail itself of business opAmerican capital will gladly sions to Americans. and quiet necessary for in Haiti when assured of the peace investportunities to American 919' Thus, Wilson sought promote. profitable production." consistent with "moral and public ment in Haiti and saw this as wholly the difference between ? The burden of change rested in considerations: investment that could promote healthy concessions" and healthy "special economic development. in fact? Looking back on Wilson's nuYet, how big a change was this and the Caribbean from interventions in Latin America merous military of the Monroe Doctrine seems not SO nearly: a century later, his enforcement Wilson himself remarked on the distinct from that of Roosevelt or Taft. the sumvery in Haiti and Mexico in similarity between what he was overseeing had done in Panama in mer of 1915 and what his bespectacled predecessor week after marines and He wrote to Colonel House on August. 4, one not unlike 1903. in Haiti, "we are in danger of going a course sailors disembarked *20 Ifanything, Wilson's presiwhich Roosevelt followed on the isthmus." that extensive recourse to military intervention in dency stands out for its more LatinAmerica. INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXTS U.S. forces ashore in Haiti more fully the policy that brought To understand toward a long occupation, we must in July 1915 and set them on the path U.S. toward Haiti traditions from which policy look to the institutional in which it was implemented. As emerged and the institutional contexts institutions whose very strucWilson inherited a complex of state president, discursive patterns and ideological ture and history embodied particular OCCUPATION --- Page 114 --- about class and deAssumptions about power and authority, perspectives. about private initiative and public goals, mocracy, about race and gender, federal The in the institutional forms of the government. in July 1915 and set them on the path U.S. toward Haiti traditions from which policy look to the institutional in which it was implemented. As emerged and the institutional contexts institutions whose very strucWilson inherited a complex of state president, discursive patterns and ideological ture and history embodied particular OCCUPATION --- Page 114 --- about class and deAssumptions about power and authority, perspectives. about private initiative and public goals, mocracy, about race and gender, federal The in the institutional forms of the government. were embodied system, its representative legislative evolving liberal state - with its electoral bodies, and Constitution and courts, its military and policing structures, its once an institutional and a discurestablished at its executive apparatus Wilson's ideas and approaches to foreign polsive framework within which butted against some of took shape and were put into practice. Wilson up in icy change to the federal government the system' s limitations and brought traditions he inherited. His but he was also shaped by the crucial ways, of his predecessors, to be was distinct from the paternalism seeds of his paternalism within his-as within theirs - were the sure, but embedded capital as fundamental forrecourse to military force and private repeated from the military and economic spheres eign policy tools. A few examples suffice to illustrate this point for now. services and their relaFirst, let us consider the structure of the military While the U.S. Army in Washington. tion to the policy-making apparatus in warfare, both the in readiness to defend the nation by engaging stood with which the corps was institutionally Marine Corps and the U.S. Navy, served ongoing functions functions. The Navy linked, served peacetime the of foreign policy. commerce and development related to international itself, the Navy had or potential conflict presented Even when no difficulty information about ports of call policy makers with essential a long supplied conflicts did arise, a naval squadron or gunvisited by navy ships. When lives and property. ' In these boat could be dispatched "to protectAmerican) information about local condidifferent contexts, policy makers received which were shaped, in the lens of naval perspectives, tions filtered through naval officers' "general Richard Challener has noted, by part, as historian and respect for hierarchical order in conservatism, dedication to discipline, Latin America and the values, on society." Consistent with these reports attitudes toward revolutionCaribbean tended to embrace officers' scornful on Moines, for example, came a 1908 report disorder. 23 From the USS Des ary the author editorialized, "The one question civil disorder in Haiti, in which conditions to exist. 124 will the civilized nations permit such is how long institution of the General Board had provided Moreover, since 1900 the officers to weigh in on policy quesa means for the highest-ranking naval were thus readily tions with the secretary of the navy. Naval perspectives for which the members conferred on policy options available as cabinet Thesei included perspecNavyand/ or the Marine Corps might be deployed. of the Navy, and institutional objectives tives based on the professional PATERNALISM --- Page 115 --- Monroe Doctrine and to the newer policy of which were linked tightly to the Secretary of Door. As the General Board stated in 1913, urging the Open naval building program, theNavyjosephus Daniels to promote an expansive forces 64, as the armed and organized the Monroe Doctrine is only as strong building on the ideas maintained to enforce it. "25 Leading naval doctrine, the of Mahan, linked strength of naval officer and historian Alfred Thayer world It was, in this with the U.S. potential for, and rise to, power.21 the Navy the General Board failed to secure many of sense, boldly imperialist. the General Board stated in 1913, urging the Open naval building program, theNavyjosephus Daniels to promote an expansive forces 64, as the armed and organized the Monroe Doctrine is only as strong building on the ideas maintained to enforce it. "25 Leading naval doctrine, the of Mahan, linked strength of naval officer and historian Alfred Thayer world It was, in this with the U.S. potential for, and rise to, power.21 the Navy the General Board failed to secure many of sense, boldly imperialist. While it succeeded with others. The measures it sought, the institution-building administrations, as well as the impact legacy of naval influence with previous with Secretary Board in discussions on the General of forceful personalities of influence, despite Wilson's Daniels, continued to give the Navy a measure commitment to civilian control over policy making. one of Caribbean bases provide Naval perspectives on the acquisition the importance of naval planners emphasized example. For over a decade, Nicholas in northwestern Haiti, deepwater ports, such as Mole St. for keeping they elaborated a detailed plan of hands. As early as 1907 out European as an "advanced base" in the the seizure of that particular port to serve in part in coordinaemergency. 27 The plan, developed event of a military Naval landing forces would be rethat the tion with the Army, "provided and specific Army units units 30 days after the initial seizure, lieved byArmy duty." *28 Army planners apparfor permanent occupation were designated the of provoking war by SO ently expressed some hesitation over possibility if the Haitians Haitian national integrity - that is, blatantly disregarding Yet, naval planners countered that, occupation. refused to acceptAmerican could easily be overcome by the ifit came to that, local guerrilla opposition such "advanced base" if not initially by the Marines. After 1914, Army, within the General Board on acquiring schemes gave way to an emphasis to gaining "absolute Nicholas on a permanent basis as a means Mole St. in the event of involvement in the EuroAmerican control of the Caribbean as Challener has *29 Although Wilson, Bryan, and Daniels were, pean war. militarism and military values out, "motivated by a desire to prevent of pointed the strategic importance civilian policy," they accepted from infecting States and consistently demanded that Mole St. Nicholas to the United least - refuse to cede or lease Haitian - at the very successive governmentsit to any European power." 30 that was particularly signifiAnother aspect of the U.S. militaryapparatus nature, function, and toward Haiti was the evolving cant for U.S. policy its in 1798, the corps had importance of the Marine Corps. From inception the naval keeping order among a dual function: to serve as ships guards, OCCUPATION --- Page 116 --- available for shore duty as the president saw fit. ranks at sea, and to be had, Wilson saw fit to use the Marines as no previous president Woodrow military tool available to and the corps was ready at hand as a versatile came to be calledin 311 The Marines were indeed, as they enforce his policies." of serving as guards troops. *32 The corps'st tradition the 1920S, "'presidential Wilson's self-concept as an upholder of troops dovetailed with or policing when Wilson himself was breaking international international law (even in 1903, with welcome Roosevelt had used the Army in Panama law).33 warrior. Prior to the occupation implications for his reputation as an eager colonial had been used only oncei inal large-scale ofl Haiti, the Marine Corps Haiti, and the Dominican Reeffort-in Nicaragua in 1909. In Mexico, out the United to the Marines to carry public, Wilson turned repeatedly first asserted by Roosevelt international police power, States' self-appointed Doctrine. Wilson, no eager warrior, did in his 1904 corollary to the Monroe did not shy from the as had Roosevelt, but he away not turn to the U.S.Army his new world order based on enforcement he felt was necessary to build trade netthe of capitalist stability sufficient to support expansion political made the Marines Corps the perfect tool. ort-in Nicaragua in 1909. In Mexico, out the United to the Marines to carry public, Wilson turned repeatedly first asserted by Roosevelt international police power, States' self-appointed Doctrine. Wilson, no eager warrior, did in his 1904 corollary to the Monroe did not shy from the as had Roosevelt, but he away not turn to the U.S.Army his new world order based on enforcement he felt was necessary to build trade netthe of capitalist stability sufficient to support expansion political made the Marines Corps the perfect tool. works. Its traditions various military factors, however, were More important than any of the apparabusinessmen and bankers and the policy-making the links between about Latin AmeriAn absence of knowledge tus of the federal government.. served to enhance those links. can affairs within the administration proper knowledge of Haiti, nor was Neither Wilson nor Bryan had any significant of State. 34 Boaz W. much Latin American expertise in the Department there American Affairs Division by Bryan, was Long, appointed chief of the Latin Latin America only businessman, who qualified as an expert on himself a office in Mexico City."ss) His assistant, because "his company had a branch rather than the private Jordan H. Stabler, came from the diplomatic corps recently, in Sweserved in Peru and Guatemala, but, most sector, having of State, Wilson and den. 36 In lieu of a well-trained team in the Department and other business bankers, railroad magnates, Bryan came to rely upon toward Haiti and other U.S. policy leaders for guidance as they developed Latin American and Caribbean nations. P. McDonald, an American of this involved James One striking example become "a household word" in entrepreneur whose name, by 1912, had the American consul at to Lemuel Livingston, the north of Haiti, according of State that peasants Haîtien. Livingston reported to the Department above the Cap and "almost every unknown white man there feared McDonald to be him. 37 In 1910 " whom they supposed average in physical proportions" concession, which included the right to McDonald had taken over a railroad PATERNALISM --- Page 117 --- either side of the track, between Port-auestablish banana plantations on that McDonald used Haîtien. Apart from the possibility Prince and Cap in the first place, his engineers' manners bribery to obtain the concession the local peasants who did offended the local elite and his plans threatened inspired an land tilled. 38 Altogether, his presence not hold titles to the they McDonald engaged in difficult strugimpassioned nationalist response, and before the and with the Haitian government gles with Haitian peasants headed by the W. R. Grace concession was taken over by a consortium Wilson adminactively contributed to the Company in 1911. Yet McDonald formulation of the need for toward Haiti. Specifically, his istration's policy of the central tenets of U.S. paternalism employment in Haiti became one there. 39 that he would brook no * special concessions" Thus, while Wilson insisted nations, his administrawith Latin American and Caribbean in his dealings would encourage U.S. investment in tion was keen to know what conditions Stabler reported his findings Haiti generally. In the spring of 1914Jordan of the United Fruit Comfrom representatives on that question, gathered ensuring an end to the cycle of Their answer? A U.S. occupation, pany. revolution." makers had been strengthened in the Bankers' connection to policy William Howard Taft. administration of Wilson's immediate predecessor, influence of Wilson would be in time, with the economic Concerned, as to reduce that influence by powers in Latin America, Taft sought Latin European American banks, to financially troubled providing loans, through has out, this brought states. of 1914Jordan of the United Fruit Comfrom representatives on that question, gathered ensuring an end to the cycle of Their answer? A U.S. occupation, pany. revolution." makers had been strengthened in the Bankers' connection to policy William Howard Taft. administration of Wilson's immediate predecessor, influence of Wilson would be in time, with the economic Concerned, as to reduce that influence by powers in Latin America, Taft sought Latin European American banks, to financially troubled providing loans, through has out, this brought states. As Brenda Gayle Plummer pointed American relation with the policy-making structure the banks into a more intimate loans to poor risks, bankers Asked to extend of the federal government. formulation." 41 In 1909 the Department wanted "a stronger voice in policy City Bank and Speyer and of State succeeded in persuading the National the of a their hatsin the ring when there arose possibility Company to throw Nationale d'Haiti. Both reorganization of the French-controlled Banque railroad concession institutions had extended loans to a German financial of the National City in Haiti, and certainly Frank A. Vanderlip, president institution initiated international ambitions, but neither Bank, had great National Bank. 42 By the time the deal surrounding the Haitian negotiations bankers held a 50 percent controlling interest. was closed, American in Mexico, and balked at the actions of some banks, particularly Wilson material interest at Mobile in 1913, but he criticized them as he renounced their as on bankers and to accept perspectives and Bryan came to rely toward Haiti. 4The most bases for the development ofl U.S. policy legitimate OCCUPATION --- Page 118 --- the Wilson administration in this connection significant figure to influence Farnham was an officer ofthe friend of Boaz Long. 44 Roger] L. wasa a personal of the Haitian National Bank National City Bank as well as vice president in Haiti. On Janurailroad company and president of an American-owned crucial briefings on the Farnham gave Bryan the first ofseveral of ary22, 1914, sense of himself as a champion Haitian situation, appealing to Bryan's memoranunderscored that appeal in a follow-up commoners. Boaz Long the country," he system which obtains throughout dum. "The political for the masses, and no helping "constitutes a certain form of slavery wrote, in an effort to improve hand has been stretched out to the common pcople in December with Farnham, their condition. 45 Aftera another consultation of marines to escort $500,000 ofthat year, Bryan arranged for a detachment National Bank, via gunboat, funds from the Haitian of Haitian government after receiving this assistance the National City Bank in New York. Shortly to Haitian Bank lowered its French flag and from the U.S. government, the would henceforth be under raised the Stars and Stripes, signaling that "it crucial conference of the United States.' >46 An even more the protection occurred in late March 1915. On that occabetween Farnham and Bryan of enemy cooperation a highly dubious account sion, Farnham presented whose object was to undermine the U.S. between France and Germany American busiin Haiti. He then added his own threat to remove this position Haiti if there was to be no occupation." It was ness interests from between Bryan and Wilson, in conference that precipitated an exchange and effiasserted that the United States must move quickly which Wilson ciently to assume control of the Haitian government." seemed to deceive themWilson and his cabinet members In some ways, between private capital and public selves about the intimate connections for guidance Bryan asked Wilson explicitly policy. was to undermine the U.S. between France and Germany American busiin Haiti. He then added his own threat to remove this position Haiti if there was to be no occupation." It was ness interests from between Bryan and Wilson, in conference that precipitated an exchange and effiasserted that the United States must move quickly which Wilson ciently to assume control of the Haitian government." seemed to deceive themWilson and his cabinet members In some ways, between private capital and public selves about the intimate connections for guidance Bryan asked Wilson explicitly policy. In early January 1915 sufficient ground for intervenwith regard to the bank. "There is probably business like the idea of forcibly interfering on purely tion, but I do not know how far you think we ought to ' Bryan wrote. "Iwould like to grounds, views and interests. 49 Wilson never responded go in forcing the Bank's affirmed the substantive: agreement directly, at least in writing, but implicitly by the bank. We must tell between his own conviction and the point pressed is consistent "as firmly and definitely as the Haitians, Wilson responded, States cannot consent to stand with courtesy and kindness that the United exist there. 50 Itisalso conditions constantly to byz and permit revolutionary officials persisted in referring to striking that, at various points, American bank."51 It was, indeed, techthe National Bank of Haiti as "the French correct. Yet, as we have that sense they were nically a French corporation;in PATERNALISM --- Page 119 --- banks and bankers held a controlling interest in seen, after 1910, American bank itself had hoisted an American the Haitian bank, and after 1914 the correct to refer to It would have been equally flag to indicate its allegiance. bank" of Haiti. Referring to it as "the the same institution as the "American well have helped to keep blinders on certain uncomfortFrench bank" may well the sources of information and guidable facts. Finally, Wilson knew Both Bryan and Lansing rewhich his secretaries of state relied. ance on hesitation. Yet Wilson wrote to his fiancée, ported such information without after the occupation began, Edith Bolling Galt, in early August 1915.just the threads which threads of [the Haitian situation), "the small guiding I do not see clearly or at really define the pattern of the whole transaction, lead of the Secretary of all, and I feel that I am rather blindly following the sincere or disinwhat lead he is following?"se Whether State. I wonder fiancée resonates with an observaWilson's private remark to his "when serious genuous, by a British diplomat in 1917, that any tion made of Wilson the on to somedecision is taken, [he] always tries to unload responsibility one else. 53 Wilson declared, on March 12, Fresh from his inauguration, President through "orderly prohis commitment to international cooperation or 1913, based upon law, not upon arbitrary irregular cesses of just government, sides. On one hand, it underwrote force. 54 Yet, for Wilson, "law" had two rhetoric: the rule of law at the heart of his the democratic egalitarianism the authoritarOn the other hand, it represented before which all are equal. the body of his disthat ran like a central artery through ian paternalism before whom one can only obey or be discicourse: the law of the father between thesetwo "laws" once plined. Wilson confronted the contradiction the authority to do what had landed. "I fear we have not legal the Marines his new secretaryof ought to do,' " he wrote to Robert Lansing, we apparently there is nothing for it but to take the state, on August 4, 1915; "I suppose called attenand restore order.' 55 At least one journalist bull by the horns Digest editorial remarked, stern hand in Haiti; a Literary tion to Wilson's if not corporal punishment, at "small-boy Haiti is evidently going to receive, least the strictest sort of discipline. authority to do what had landed. "I fear we have not legal the Marines his new secretaryof ought to do,' " he wrote to Robert Lansing, we apparently there is nothing for it but to take the state, on August 4, 1915; "I suppose called attenand restore order.' 55 At least one journalist bull by the horns Digest editorial remarked, stern hand in Haiti; a Literary tion to Wilson's if not corporal punishment, at "small-boy Haiti is evidently going to receive, least the strictest sort of discipline. 56 in Haiti would fall to a proud The job of meting out Wilson's discipline Littleton W. T. Waller. Smedley descendant ofVirginia slaveholders, Colonel friend and mentor, commanding officer, as well as his Butler's immediate in the ruthless campaign against Waller was well known for his leadership the fall of 1 In Haiti, he on the island of Samar in 1901.97 Filipino insurgents, with regard to the Cacos; "I committed to a policy of - "positive firmness" was handle him, " he once wrote to, John A. Lejeune, know the nigger and how to OCCUPATION --- Page 120 --- Marine Corps. 58 In April 1916 Waller, already assistant commandant of the officer resident in Haiti. As commander, would become the ranking Cabrigade Admiral Caperton still held that position. of December 1915, however, Tennessee, was clearly no less interested who originally hailed from perton, control over Haiti, but he projected a more respectful in securing American leaders and kept himself aloof from attitude toward Haitian and diplomatic 59 Therefore, when Smedley the daily business of "handling" the insurgency. be his new his father that December, proud to undertaking Butler wrote to of two forceful and conflictunder the leadership mission, he was operating under the direction of both in an occupation taking shape ing personalities, decision makers in Washington. diplomatic and military THY LOVING SON his work with the Gendarmerie as a thirty-four-yearSmedley Butler began children at home in Pennsylvania. He old man with a wife and three young time he had lived with his family had been married for ten years and in that state, of and in Panama as well as in his home though, in the Philippines stretches of time, especially during the course, he had been absent for carried on an and Mexico. 60 While apart they interventions in Nicaragua she was his "Bunny" and he affectionate and substantial correspondence; adoring, homesick, but "Daddie Piddie" (as in "Your loving, lonely, was her Piddie Smedley had a daughter, named slightly cheered up, Daddie and two sons, Smedley Jr., who Ethel but known as Snooks, who was nine, as The elder Smedley'sreputation and Tom Dick, three (Figure 9).027 was six, warrior hero was fairly well developed marine" and a roughneck -in a "bulldog and in the eye, as well as - no doubt by this time, among his men public in Cuba, the Philippines, sons. 63 He had served the eyes of his two young and Mexico, and although he had China, Honduras, Panama, Nicaragua, sons and preferbeen the butt of more than one joke about congressmen's: the as a verhimself to corps he had made indispensable ential treatment, the of Colonel enforcer. He learned much as young protégé satile colonial back in 1905, his best man." 64 Waller, his mentor, friend, and, Butler evinced pride in Writing to his fatherin December 1915, Smedley that pride. young and Mexico, and although he had China, Honduras, Panama, Nicaragua, sons and preferbeen the butt of more than one joke about congressmen's: the as a verhimself to corps he had made indispensable ential treatment, the of Colonel enforcer. He learned much as young protégé satile colonial back in 1905, his best man." 64 Waller, his mentor, friend, and, Butler evinced pride in Writing to his fatherin December 1915, Smedley that pride. and embraced the paternal metaphor to express his new project along hard with my little black "For the past two weeks I have been working 79 he wrote. He had 4, about to like the little fellows, Army: and am beginning that they would do well, "in time, goo" Haitians enlisted and was hopeful as he had prolead them. 65 If he still believed, and as long as white men PATERNALISM --- Page 121 --- Figure 9. Smedley Butler with his Ethel, and Tom Dick. Marine Jamily. Left lo right: Smedley Sr, Corps Research Center Smedley/, "Snooks, *> Archives, Quantico, Virginia. fessed to his father two months a soldier" because he knew earlier, that Colonel Waller not employ that how "to end a row with a was his "ideal of ther's wisdom. metaphor in this letter.o 66 savage monkey' " he did them Like helping his sons Instead, he acceded to to adulthood, it would to walk for the first time his fa- "little nation.' 9) be a credit to his own manhood and guiding In the to raise up this unofficial coming months, Major Butler basis.. At last, on May pressed forward with his work portant step toward 3, 1916, the Haitian on an American legitimizing the Gendarmerie government took an imX stated treaty, which the U.S. Senate had by ratifying the Haitianthat "the Haitian accepted in delay an government February.s Article efficient obligated itself - to create tians. "The constabulary, urban and rural, without continued, constabularys shall be composed of native Haiand "the Haitian organized and officered by proper and government shall clothe their Americans," " it American Inecesaryauthority *68 In plain officers with the marines. By treaty, then, English, "their officers" serving in the Haitian Marine Corps officers and meant act as an arm of the Haitian Gendarmerie would be vested with enlisted men Haitian president government, a the authority to and, by representative, American extension, the technically, ofthe men Haitian "clothed" as Haitian officers. people. They would be OCCUPATION their Americans," " it American Inecesaryauthority *68 In plain officers with the marines. By treaty, then, English, "their officers" serving in the Haitian Marine Corps officers and meant act as an arm of the Haitian Gendarmerie would be vested with enlisted men Haitian president government, a the authority to and, by representative, American extension, the technically, ofthe men Haitian "clothed" as Haitian officers. people. They would be OCCUPATION --- Page 122 --- however, for this diplomatic sleight A few more steps were still necessary, had to authorize For one thing, the U.S. Congress of hand to be complete. temporarily, under and enlisted men of the U.S. military to serve, officers For another, there were details not the authority of the president of Haiti. Gendarmerie that were to be worked out in a separate covered in the treaty when, on May 16, Neither of those steps had been completed agreement. his father with bravado, "We had a cablegram Smedley Butler reported to Bill but whether it had passed the the Marine Corps last night announcing did not learn, however, we Gendarmes House or just been introduced we *69 Here was the can-do, to care much one way or another. are all too busy that Smedley had exhibited SO many no-nonsense bulldog marine spirit had made it official, the times before. Whether or not the U.S. Congress 970 Never had "settled down to the hardest kind ofwork. marines themselves American marines and not, in mind the bureaucratic detail that these were embraced his asSmedley eagerly, and with humor, fact, Haitian gendarmes. unofficial status as a Haitian officer. from yet Thomas Butlerin May, Smedley had just returned When he wrote to he had taken the opportunity to a trip to the States. While in Philadelphia in the House of Representatives lobby at least one of his father's colleagues Marines acting as Haitian ofof the constabulary bill.71 "Our >7 for passage in their power to assist the native population," ficers are doing everything from IlJames R. Mann, a fellow Republican he wrote to Representative Butler wrote, "all Mann with regard to his constituency, linois. Reassuring realize what we're trying to do for that is necessary is for our own people to Ameri99 of course, he meant the this little republic. 72 By "our own people, different note. He Butler closed his letter on a can public, but the younger further information which you the congressman with "any offered to supply at any time you say, for we desire" and to "come immediately to Washington side of the fence. 73 we possibly can on our Haitians want to get everybody indeed, on some level, emWe Gendarmes. We Haitians. Smedley was his May 16 letter to his his new status. In the same vein, he opened bracing with a bit ofwordplay: "Herel father, on the heels ofhis trip to Philadelphia, home? My native land.' * My native land? My am, 99 he wrote, "back in my found a pun he could not resist. If Butler, thej jokester, had natives? Smedley then Haiti was Haitian as an officer of the Gendarmerie, he had become land.' " He bounced his jest off the evocative surely his home, his "native whole train of connotations invoking, at the same time,a nationalist phrase, SO natural to the word 'native." 19 The discourse of primitivism attaching to Wirkus in 1929 gave life to Butler's who would write Faustin the schoolboys lurked there as well, not least, a sense of witticism. But other meanings PATERNALISM aitian as an officer of the Gendarmerie, he had become land.' " He bounced his jest off the evocative surely his home, his "native whole train of connotations invoking, at the same time,a nationalist phrase, SO natural to the word 'native." 19 The discourse of primitivism attaching to Wirkus in 1929 gave life to Butler's who would write Faustin the schoolboys lurked there as well, not least, a sense of witticism. But other meanings PATERNALISM --- Page 123 --- natives, or, as he had called them a possession: 772y native land and even my chocolate soldiers. 74 home, "my little few months earlier in anotherletter months later, he was in a very When Smedley wrote to his father some setback in his plans, occadifferent frame of mind. He was frustrated by a the refusal to sign on to sweeping sioned by the Haitian government's Gendarmerie. He had wanted he had envisioned for himself and his was now powers communications: under his direction;it to have all public worksand "We lost our fight with the Haitians clear that this would not come through. was now dead se- ?9 he wrote. 75 His tone over the Gendarmerie agreement, when he had experienced a rious, as it has been back in January 1914, diminution at what he regarded as a significant similar kind of resentment he had been ordered to leave Panama of his authority. At that time, when of the canal, he comof residence and prior to the opening after four years of the Navy Josephus municated his "keen disappointment" to Secretary Elliott command" at Camp Daniels. Butler had had his own "independent officer with ordered to report as a shipboard in Panama and was now being in I have spent the for possible action Mexico.2 the Caribbean squadron and most successful," " he wrote to best years of my life here and the happiest under some old Daniels, and now "have to go back to a subordinate position naval officer in diminished by having to report to a fool.' 77 Yet, if he had felt "Inhis new situation in Haiti as thoroughly degrading. 1914, he regarded whole of Haiti to run, 19 he wrote to his father stead of having practically the humiliating position, am the first of October, "I am reduced to a very on force. 78 subservient chief of a nigger police simply the very from "my little fellows" to "a nigger police Here, in the distance traveled break down."" Yet, the disto force,' 9 the rhetoric of paternalism appears outburst to the same degree structured this epistolary course of paternalism in his gendarmesinButler's expressions of fatherly pride that it structured was the relation of power the-making. For central to the logic of paternalism the relation dyad. In the paternalist framework, implicit in the father-child protection, and child was not only marked by the care, guidance, of father to the child, but also by the father's proprietary affection of the father for claims to, and mastery over, the child. routine funcmastery upset the would-be Haitian resistance to American its side. This process the discourse and forced open to view uglier tioning of facade of months earlier, as to create cracks in the paternalism had begun Butler addressed to General John A. Lemay be seen in a letter Smedley stall on the Gendarmerie agreeHaitian leaders continued to jeune in, July. the additional pay that would ment, which among other things specified American civilians workofficers. as Gendarmerie accrue to marines serving OCCUPATION --- Page 124 --- ing for the Haitian Butler, intent government had begun to draw their on pleading the case of his men Haitian salaries. "the rest of us, who have worked (as well as his own), wrote or eight months for these on an average of ten hours a day for seven Butler's negroes should be given the same "80 patience and good humor were privilege. which among other things specified American civilians workofficers. as Gendarmerie accrue to marines serving OCCUPATION --- Page 124 --- ing for the Haitian Butler, intent government had begun to draw their on pleading the case of his men Haitian salaries. "the rest of us, who have worked (as well as his own), wrote or eight months for these on an average of ten hours a day for seven Butler's negroes should be given the same "80 patience and good humor were privilege. officers wearing thin. performing duty in the bushes are "Non-commissioned these wretched people, 9 he certainly working like dogs for wrote, "and I consider it an government is not required to sign this outrage that this pay. "81 If Smedley's letters agreement, and let them get their relation to his father were, to some to political necessity, his letter extent, calculated in nal. One could argue, to General Lejeune was strictly interalong these lines, that his letter to honest. On the other hand, Lejeune was more Major Butler wanted too. Claiming that it was an honor to work something from Lejeune, with rhetorically foolish in the context of this gendarmeswould have been The Haitians' ultimate plea. refusal to accede to Butler's Gendarmerie opened the cracks wider, demands for the gust to the andSmedley: at last expressed his discongressman as well as the general. ures to native gendarmes lived and Marines serving as father figtheir recruits. worked in relatively close contact They were associated with Haitians with rinesg garrisonedi lin Port-au-Prince more directly than maor Cap Haîtien. racism - and paternalism, it should be Within the contextofU.S. relative intimacy between obvious, was always also racism -this Americans and cause it took place within Haitians was palatable only beButler and other a rigid hierarchy. A sense of mastery marines to avoid thei enabled degraded by their implication that they were themselves association with a profoundly when Butler felt that he faced a loss of stigmatized racial other. Yet, mastery, he chafed at Haitians, now thrown into sharp relief. hisintimacywith "these wretched "My little black army" had become people. A further aspect of Smedley's October the significance of domestic 1 letter to his father underscores space in the discourse of sense of degradation and paternalism. When his diately turned anger came to the fore in that his attention to the domestic letter, he immelife to explain why he would and familial dimension of his been stay on to work with the Gendarmerie. humiliated, he wrote, he would now be He had he continued -in the subservient to Haitians, and, very same run-on to save a little nest egg for the sentence- "were it not that I hope he went future, would leave the d- dj on, finally pausing to job. As it is," for punctuate, "I have rented Bunnya and the Babies and have quite a nice house status as sent for them. "82 father and provider within his Turning quickly to his the blow to his status own "little family,' 7) Butler as father and master over his "native land. ' blunted We are PATERNALISM --- Page 125 --- letter to his mother from Panreminded again of SmedleY'sjanuary 1914 between his domestic For there, too, Butler drewa close connection he ama. Smarting at the loss of his command, space and his military authority. of the loss of his "beautiful Camp expressed his sense of injustice in terms time, once but twice. At the same removing and home, " underlining homenot "who took this place" and him and his men was an injustice to the marines, thereby had a right to it.83 client government in Butler's frustration with the insufficiently pliant "These wretched polcontinued into the next calendar year. For there, too, Butler drewa close connection he ama. Smarting at the loss of his command, space and his military authority. of the loss of his "beautiful Camp expressed his sense of injustice in terms time, once but twice. At the same removing and home, " underlining homenot "who took this place" and him and his men was an injustice to the marines, thereby had a right to it.83 client government in Butler's frustration with the insufficiently pliant "These wretched polcontinued into the next calendar year. Port-au-Prince 16, "do not intend to fall in with our iticians, " he wrote to his father on May the United States had plans and ideas. *84 The previous month, American and Butler's desire to get to the front as entered the war against Germany, his impatience with Haitian accentuated quickly as possible undoubtedly of leaving his work unHe some regret at the prospect leaders. expressed this poor wretched counfinished in Haiti: "I feel a little badly over leaving work of a lifeunsettled state, >1 he wrote, "but it is the try in its present a field for valori rin action. time. 85 Besides, the warl beckoned him, promising all the more was this little nation was a credit to his manhood, If raising up: a honors, honestly won. to his sons a record of military SO of leaving France resonated with Smedley Butler'ssense The prospect of fighting in in his own mind, connected to and his manhood was, of his own manhood, Back in August 1912, on the eve of the legacy he would leave to his sons. assignment as a fieldhas called "his first dangerous what his biographer "ifa anything should officer, 99 he had written to his wife from Managua, idea grade with the firmly Blessed Son [Smedley Jr.] up happen to me bring my 86 After the action, he in his head that his Dadda was not a coward.' of planted somewhat embarrassed, "I am ashamed wrote again to his wife, this time before leaving Managua but weakness in writing such rot to thee as I did was "rot" my would have trouble. *87 For Butler, it everybody was sure. . that we would return again to his concern fear on the eve of battle, but he to express that he would leave to his son. for the legacy in Haiti, Butler tried to prevent that In the course of his first two years decoradiminished by what he regarded as a meaningless legacy from being off to Haiti, he had been informed that tion. Some months before shipping Medal of Honor for his role in enemy he would be receiving a Congressional The medal What role that was, he could not imagine. action in Veracruz. 1916, and he wrote to his for him in Port-au-Prince in February arrived moments,' > he could "not rememmother that, even in his "most puffed up that in the slightest action, orin fact any collection of actions, beras single I did my duty as best I could in Vera degree warranted such a decoration. OCCUPATION --- Page 126 --- heroic in it.' *88 Butler contrasted his Cruz but there was absolutely nothing in a fight against Caco record in Veracruz with his daring and leadership the latter action he Fort Rivière, Haiti, in November 1915. For rebels at did in fact receive) the medal that he would be happy to receive (and "should I get it I will accept with a regarded as his "Conntry'sgreatest; gift";" I deserve some for my men think, SO I understand, feeling of satisfaction of a man's service. *89 Butler and that is the best criterion such recognition medal awarded for Veracruz, and even to refuse the tried, unsuccessfully, Daniels to take it back. He explained asked his father to persuade Secretary he did not want his sons (now two in the letter to his mother: his persistence display this wretched and Tom Dick) to "proudly of them, Smedley Jr. "Conntry'sgreatest; gift";" I deserve some for my men think, SO I understand, feeling of satisfaction of a man's service. *89 Butler and that is the best criterion such recognition medal awarded for Veracruz, and even to refuse the tried, unsuccessfully, Daniels to take it back. He explained asked his father to persuade Secretary he did not want his sons (now two in the letter to his mother: his persistence display this wretched and Tom Dick) to "proudly of them, Smedley Jr. time and have a bystander smile medal, or rather wretchedly.awarded, some been under the impression that wink -when they, my Boys, had always or deserved all he left them. 90 their father had honestly status as a father who could inspire If his legacy to his sons, as well as his his own father that day in in his sons, was on his mind as he wrote to the pride his Frightened of family's his younger son was literally on lap. May, "Uncle Sam," " Tom Dick was clamoring butler, whom Smedley referred to as still and attention. Yet, if his son was young enough for some paternal care the little warrior -that is, he was to show his fear, he was already playing fellow.' Thus Ethel despaired, Smedleyreported Butler'sother sort of f"little "when a precious little about the possibility for world peace to his father, most of his time . aiming a make beinnocent thing like Tom Dick spends 'boom." 1 91 Here was: a moment freighted lieve cannon at birds and shouting in a colonial context. of fatherhood and masculinity with the significance obligations to Haiti and to Butler weighing his paternal Here was Smedley his mark in war, getting a chuckle over the his own sons, yearning to make black "Uncle Sam' frightening a absurd inversion of power embodied in a warrior claiming and waxing proud ofl his son, a little savage small white boy, in as he addressed his own father, masculinity?" 92 All this wasi play his dawning "Thy loving son, * this time adding "and signing himself in the usual way, his own signature." grandson," 1 with the boy's mark following he was enButler embraced the paternal metaphor, Thus, as Smedley of and affection surrounding sconced in the intertwined relations power for that matter to his mother, fatherhood. When he wrote to his father, and citizen, he when he wrote to other congressmen as a loyal as a loving son, "America. "We Gendarmes" are all could afford to play "Haiti" to their Or, as he wrote work. "We Haitians" are eager for American support. busy: at the Gendarmerie and now settled into on, January27. 1918, still heading up "we don't seem to be business of leading a nation in wartime, the routine PATERNALISM --- Page 127 --- therefore very poor as a nation. 194 able to get rid of our coffee crop and are be on his way to thereafter he received word that he would, finally, Shortly the States. "Thy little Family from Haiti,' he France after a brief stopover in New York before the end of the wrote to his mother in March, should reach Haiti and to ideninvited American men to adopt month. 95 The occupation their sons. Butler accepted the tify with Haitians as fathers identify with he used that identificacalculated, and routine ways, invitation. In playful, and to Congress. His perforhis deference to his parents tion to perform relations inherent in his own paternal mance, in turn, affirmed the power was challenged in that rolei in Haiti. France after a brief stopover in New York before the end of the wrote to his mother in March, should reach Haiti and to ideninvited American men to adopt month. 95 The occupation their sons. Butler accepted the tify with Haitians as fathers identify with he used that identificacalculated, and routine ways, invitation. In playful, and to Congress. His perforhis deference to his parents tion to perform relations inherent in his own paternal mance, in turn, affirmed the power was challenged in that rolei in Haiti. And, as we have seen, when his mastery the ugly unand deference disappeared, exposing context, all playfulness derbelly of his paternalism. THE LAW OF THE FATHER of fatherhood and childthe metaphors Not all paternalists foregrounded chief of the Haitian Gendarmerie. In hood as explicitly as the American such blatant refercontrast to Butler, Woodrow Wilson scrupulouslyawoideds friendHis rhetoric emphasized ences to inequalities of power. egalitarian States and Latin America were ship rather than fatherhood. The United with regret, in 1915 "that it neighbors, he said again and again, remarking, the Americas how truly a crisis of the world to show should have required 96 At Mobile, he said that the United they were neighbors to one another.' "the of a famwith Latin America was relationship States' real relationship fathers or children specifically ily of mankind,' ' but he never mentioned within this "family." At the who held authority that is, he never specified he used the term "trustees" to refer to Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York, unlike Butler, he kept who had seized the land of others but, U.S.Americans relations among adults, never menin the realm of business his metaphor would also, logically, have been affected tioning the supposed "wards" who by the transaction. reference to "wards, ?1 it was to drive home Indeed, when Wilson did make race of of one of his opponentsint the presidential the paternalist arrogance Theodore Roosehimself from such paternalism. 1912 and thus to distance for a federal workwelfare - which included proposals velt's social program in labor disputes, an exact, federal intervention men's compensation of fair wages to and the use tariffs"toinsure' panded federal health program, "make the people nothing workers in industry" - would, Wilson charged, Board of Guardians, with than mere wards and puppets of a National more OCCUPATION --- Page 128 --- heads. 97 Speaking to an such men as Frick and Gary as its supervising before the elecin Buffalo, New York, two months audience ofworkingmen democratic country we should resign tion, he went on, "God forbid that in a over to experts. 98 ourselves: andhand the Government the task ofg governing himself with the digsleight of hand, Wilson aligned With this remarkable even as he refused to chalof white workingmen nity and independence domination over labor. Moreover, lenge the power of corporate owners' foster stronger ties bewould, in various ways, Wilson's first administration denouncing Roosevelt's paternaland business. Yet, by tween government of"the liberties ofthe people. ism, Wilson could style himselfa champion outlook but to sweat workingman, who had no "He urged every despondent York Times the following through his life to its very end,' " the New reported would lead, he said, in the Democratic platform, which day, "to take hope" look and say to his fellow man:" 'I, too, every wage slave can upa to a day"when citizens. *100 am of the free breed of American the more direct paterIn other ways, too, Wilson's rhetoric sidestepped that obscured inin favor of a democratic universalism nalist metaphors The gender dimensions of within the citizenry. every despondent York Times the following through his life to its very end,' " the New reported would lead, he said, in the Democratic platform, which day, "to take hope" look and say to his fellow man:" 'I, too, every wage slave can upa to a day"when citizens. *100 am of the free breed of American the more direct paterIn other ways, too, Wilson's rhetoric sidestepped that obscured inin favor of a democratic universalism nalist metaphors The gender dimensions of within the citizenry. equalities and differences in his appeal to the honor Wilson's discourse, for example, can be glimpsed reference to men as a but he made no direct of southern men at Mobile, to address "the woman distinct from women. Only when pressed form of human group acknowledge gender as a question" did Wilson explicitly Wilson tried hard to erase addresses.' 101 Likewise, difference in his public His liberal rhetoric was racial matters from his explicit public speeches. without naming any, a fact inclusive, insofar as it embraced "all" nominally leadersin him the support of a few keyAfticanAmerican) that helped garner of exclusions by virtue ofits 102 Yet that same rhetoric worked a variety 1912." the connotative weight of its metaphors. silencesand omissions as well as by of racial meanslave,' ?7 for example, bore a complex legacy The term "wage white labor movement of the ing, coming as it did out of the northern, and sexist. that Wilson was racist nineteenth century. My point is not simply corresponfrom his actions, as well as from his private It is plain enough hierarchies; his approval of dence, that he embraced racial and gender in several branches of his administration formal and systematic segregation instead, is that such of the most obvious examples. My point, is only one the that seemed to reject embeddedi in veryrhetoric hierarchies were deeply them. it have been at times, either by the Paternalism- 1-however obscured may disavowal -was of his rhetoric or by his own explicit egalitarian aspects Wilson's liberal vision. In 1914 the obvious deeply embedded in Woodrow PATERNALISM --- Page 129 --- racbetween his talk of equality and the newly institutionalized both disjunction that would expose first led to a confrontation ism of his administration racial codes of his moralism. On two his paternalism and the barely masked American leaders Monroe Trotter, one of the African occasions, William led a delegation of African Ameriwho had supported his election in 1912, in the federal Democrats to the White House to challenge segregation can first visited Wilson in November government. Trotter and his delegation "Afro-Americans in thirty-eight bearing a petition signed by 20,000 their later, on November 12, 1914, to press states. *103 They returned a year public huwitnessed no remedy to this institutionalized case again, having 'new freedom' for white Amerand 104 "Have you a miliation degradation. for your Afro-American > Trotter asked Wilson, "and a new slavery icans," fellow citizens' '? God forbid." >105 of his liberalism as it atWilson's reply betrayed the racial structure Wilson segregation with egalitarianism. tempted to square institutionalized American as a whole, * by on behalf of "the people, began by speaking "I think that I am perfectly which, of course, he meant, white Americans. as a whole, sin- ? he ventured, "that the American people, safe in stating," they can, the advancement of cerely desire and wish to support, in every way evidences of the really extrarace in America. fellow citizens' '? God forbid." >105 of his liberalism as it atWilson's reply betrayed the racial structure Wilson segregation with egalitarianism. tempted to square institutionalized American as a whole, * by on behalf of "the people, began by speaking "I think that I am perfectly which, of course, he meant, white Americans. as a whole, sin- ? he ventured, "that the American people, safe in stating," they can, the advancement of cerely desire and wish to support, in every way evidences of the really extrarace in America. They rejoice in the the Negro has made. **106 Thus, even as he attempted to ordinaryadvancest that the race Americans as outside the Trotter's charge that he regarded African counter" the distinction between "the American circle of citizenship, he reinscribed went on, still "the race. 1 "In my view," the president people" and Negro "the best way to help the Negro in reaching for a complimentary tone, relieve him of his depenhim with hisindependence - to America is to help as he is relieving himself dence upon the white element of our population, Wilson insisted, was fashion. 107 The point of the segregation, in splendid kind of friction" between the races merely to remove the possibility of"any American employees from offices, to prevent African within government that a white employee might do, being made "uncomfortable" by anything and conceded, the imFinally, Wilson addressed directly, and vice versa.0 sort of inequality. "It is not a quesplication that segregation implied some we all have human souls. 9 he explained, "because tion of intrinsic equality," It is just at the present a question of equal in that respect. We are absolutely can do the same things with equal economic equality - whether the Negro After they have Now, I think they are proving that they can. efficiency. to solve themselves. 109 proved it, a lot of things are going that Wilson repointed directly at the paternalism Trotter's response ? he stated flatly. "Weare "We are not here as wards, fused to acknowledge. OCCUPATION --- Page 130 --- here looking for charity or help. We are not here as dependents. We are not of citizenship by American citizens, vouchsafed equality here as full-fledged what was only implicit in federal Constitution.' *110 Trotter recognized the and "efficiency" functioned Wilson's statement - that "economic equality" attributed uniquely to codes for a kind of adult political status that Wilson as " but it was, for African Americans, a state to whites. Equality was "intrinsic,' had sufficiently advanced, at some future time when the race be realized in ability to whites. For Wilson, the when had proved themselves equal they in America' 99 was no basis at all for fostering "advancement of the Negro racei Trotter called for. On the conamong equal citizens that the "fellowship" of the race, the very need for "adtrary, however "splendid" the progress Americans were still in the signified for Wilson that African vancement" economic development that Angloearly stages of a process of political and centuries. sufficiently advanced, at some future time when the race be realized in ability to whites. For Wilson, the when had proved themselves equal they in America' 99 was no basis at all for fostering "advancement of the Negro racei Trotter called for. On the conamong equal citizens that the "fellowship" of the race, the very need for "adtrary, however "splendid" the progress Americans were still in the signified for Wilson that African vancement" economic development that Angloearly stages of a process of political and centuries. This developSaxons had mastered over generations and, indeed, notion of enabled Wilson to embrace a "equalmentalist racial framework the full measure of citizenship to ity" for all, while effectively reserving Americans of European -and not African - ancestry. attitude that he was rigorous in his respectful Wilson may have imagined visited him that day, but he could not toward the African Americans who implications of his overthe racist and, for that matter, the gendered in erase have used the word "man,' as arching political perspective. He may of the federal American employee "colored man, " to describe an African violence and condescenheard "boy," with all the government, but Trotter the temperature rise as he 111 No doubt feeling sion attached to that address.' Wilson invoked yet another observed Trotter's as-yet nonverbal response, associated with emotion and grid of racial and gender meanings -those not, he warned, "alTrotter's response: "we must rationality-to temper 112 Faced with such the hands of our judgments." low feelings to get upper grown man, and thus ifindirect, assaults on his status as a rational, repeated, finally brought gender to the surface, a full and rightful citizen, Trotter "We ought to to be truthWilson's character as a man of faith. frank and true questioning "I you want to be ful," he admonished the president. hope thing to faith you know it would be an unmanly and not be false to your Trotter's speech a bit longer, then to be false.' P113 Wilson endured appear showed him the door.' 114 such clarityin this second which revealed itselfwith Wilson's paternalism, of racism, relemeeting with Trotter, was not simply an isolated expression instead, one of the interactions with African Americans. It was, vant only in heart of his philosophy. "I you want to be ful," he admonished the president. hope thing to faith you know it would be an unmanly and not be false to your Trotter's speech a bit longer, then to be false.' P113 Wilson endured appear showed him the door.' 114 such clarityin this second which revealed itselfwith Wilson's paternalism, of racism, relemeeting with Trotter, was not simply an isolated expression instead, one of the interactions with African Americans. It was, vant only in heart of his philosophy. It principles that lay at the political elaboraorganizing Americans and in his revealed itself, too, in his addresses to white PATERNALISM --- Page 131 --- tion of the meaning of College, for leadership and democracy. In a talk at Swarthmore example, Wilson praised William Swarthmore, "asas sort of Penn, the - 'patron saint" of spiritual knight, who to carry the torch that had been went out upon his: adventures have the path illuminated put in his hands SO that other men for them which led to might This man Penn . crossed the justice and to liberty. America, but to set ocean, not merely to establish estates in upa free commonwealth in was of the lineage of those who had America and to show that he human been bred in the best spirit. to see to it that every foot of this land traditions of the free, selfgoverned who should be the home of did people, should have no not rest upon the consent of the government whatever which ied not only a governed. "115 For Wilson, Penn embodpolitical tradition but also a racial America, in the name of freedom, heritage. His conquest of lineage, the fine showed that he was descended from "the lineage, of those who have virtue oft that lineage, he could sought justice and right. "116 By racial inheritance light the way for others less fortunate: in their and, thus, in their ability to lead. Wilson identified justice, Here, as elsewhere, Anglo-Saxon racial liberty, and democracy as markers of a heritage. 117 unique For Wilson, there was no irony in the selfgovernment in this proximity between conquest and account of William Penn's himself used the term great adventure. Wilson "conquest" to describe Penn's bringing democracy to America. It was, of accomplishment in ried out in the name course, a righteous conquest, carofjustice, and it made for fine lineage to take way otherswhoshared Penn's possession of the vast American liberty from coast to coast. Both the continent, spreading vastness of the territory righteousness of the conquest and the conquered testified, greatness ofthe American according to Wilson, to the is people, for, as he said, as big as the thing that he takes "every race and every man boast, Wilson told Swarthmore possession of. "118 Americans are right to students and own domain as a nation,' faculty, about "the size of our for"the size of the size and capacity of the ofAmericaisins some sense a standard American vast and righteous people. "19The historical fact of a conquest, then, verified the cans for greatness. lineage that destined AmeriIf "the American people, as a whole" were down the path of justice and to especially fit to lead others fortunate, Latin support "the advancement" of those less Americans, as well as. African to be helped and supported. That Americans, were. among those is to cans in the same racial say, Wilson regarded Latin Amerilight that he regarded African commiserating with his fiancée over Americans. Thus, that Edith'sniece, Elizabeth, a family disaster consisting of the fact had announced her intention to marry a Pan112 OCCUPATION people, as a whole" were down the path of justice and to especially fit to lead others fortunate, Latin support "the advancement" of those less Americans, as well as. African to be helped and supported. That Americans, were. among those is to cans in the same racial say, Wilson regarded Latin Amerilight that he regarded African commiserating with his fiancée over Americans. Thus, that Edith'sniece, Elizabeth, a family disaster consisting of the fact had announced her intention to marry a Pan112 OCCUPATION --- Page 132 --- Wilson wrote, family background, amanian man of apparently questionable we love marry into any "it would be bad enough at best to have anyone that the bloodis family, because there is the presumption CentralAmerican must not turn away from and abannot unmixed." 3 But, he cautioned, "we obvious to Wilson, who is of ourblood." 120 The racial issue was don the girl, view themselves as raciallyi inferior and the fact that Latin Americans did not while amusement to him. In August 1915, was apparently a source of some actions in Haiti, pondering the impact of the United States' high-handed the rest of again to his fiancée, that "the effect on Wilson wrote privately, down there will not, we think, be serious, 'Latin America' of our course of the theyare not regarded as fraternityt"i21 because, being negroes, that constituted Wilson's paterracial framework The developmentalist to Latin America. The United nalism was fundamental to his approach Wilson felt. In to its southern neighbors, States had a special responsibility in Mexico drew Wilson's attendisturbances the fall of 1913, revolutionary in which he would these lines. Preparing an address to Congress tion along intervention there, he wrote, "the paramount argue the importance of U.S. of land the circumstances rests upon us, because fourlongesablished: of dutyin with regard to the political development universally recognized position 122 Revolutionary disorder was, for the states of the Western Hemisphere. Wilson scholar, Arthur S. Wilson, a sign that, in the words oft the preeminent the northern Latin America' ? were not "much beyond Link, "the peoples of fine of such as William *123 Lacking "the lineage" stage of political infancy. seek development" only Mexico could 'political Penn and his descendants, teacher fell to the United States by virtue through tutelage, and the role of of the United States, tradition. Indeed, the veryidentity of longestablished to shoulder such responsiWilson asserted, depended on its willingness of honour and by bound, " he wrote, "by every obligation bilities. "We are which to the very foundations of our of sacred interests go the compulsion of constitutional governnational life to constitute ourselves the champions of free states throughout ment and of the integrity and independence America, North and South. 124 consistent with Wilson's paternalism was, in important respects, Finally, order based on capitalist economic develhis vision of a liberal international basic assumptions about free trade, and the rule of law. Sharing the ecoopment, Wilson rejected with European imperialists, white racial superiority colonialism, but replaced them with nomic and political forms oftraditional and political domination. founded upon racial hierarchy a scheme equally democratic forms was tied to a racial Aswe have seen, Wilson's reverence for a "fine lineage. 19 Moresignified constructin which the geniusfordemocracy PATERNALISM --- Page 133 --- was tied to a framework of free-enterprise over, his commitment to liberty initiative and efficiency without capitalism, in which the best men exercised themselves as men - and in which others who had not yet proved under restraint, their"economic equality" -developed those who had not yet proved the leadership of enterprising white men. other white capitalists, prevented Wilson, as well as Racial assumptions models founded upon alternative nofrom seeing the value of economic To cite only the most pertinent example, tions of initiative and efficiency. cherished by Haitian peasants oriented subsistence agriculture the locally as little more than a sign of backwardregistered with American progressives: for a people at odds ness. the best men exercised themselves as men - and in which others who had not yet proved under restraint, their"economic equality" -developed those who had not yet proved the leadership of enterprising white men. other white capitalists, prevented Wilson, as well as Racial assumptions models founded upon alternative nofrom seeing the value of economic To cite only the most pertinent example, tions of initiative and efficiency. cherished by Haitian peasants oriented subsistence agriculture the locally as little more than a sign of backwardregistered with American progressives: for a people at odds ness. Its value as an optimal economic arrangement within a racial and class was inadmissible with international capitalism to determine their own framework that denied black peasants the ability the "less develnotion of - that developmentalism: interest. The very along the lines of should have the opportunity to develop oped" countries in the footsteps of the "more advanced" capitalism, supposedly following toward progress and that there was but one path nations - presupposed followed by western European And this assumption - that the path light. the for all - was, among countries and by the United States was proper path undergirded In this sense, racial hierarchy other things, a racial assumption. liberal developmentalism at every point. was, in Wilson as a path to world peace The rule of law that championed it was no mere this racial framework. For this reason, turn, founded upon themselves on the wrong side of the law coincidence that nations finding for Germany coded in racial terms. This was true, for example, came to be Latin American nations during this the First World War as well as for during in other ways as well, the legalist framework period. In this way, and perhaps the rights and intended to secure world peace and to guarantee that Wilson carried within it the seeds and logic selfdetermination of small nations the racial Kennan made this observation - minus of domination. George tradition ofA American foreign policyin aspect-inl his critique ofthe idealist Kennan, "must of course be "Whoever says there is a law," wrote to him." 99 1951. and feel a moral superiority indignant against the law-breaker spills over into military "And when such indignation Kennan continued, reduction of the law-breaker to the contest, it knows no bounds short of the surrender. Itisa submissiveness- - namely, unconditional point of complete to world affairs, curious thing, but it is true, that the legalistic approach and violence, is in a desire to do away with war rooted as it unquestionably and more destructive to makes violence more enduring, more terrible, interest. A war than did the older motives of national political stability OCCUPATION --- Page 134 --- finds no early end short of some fought in the name of high moral principle observation describes more domination." 126 Kennan's astute form of total the United States occupation of Haiti. or less accurately what happened in identified as strucomitted the element of race, but he correctly Kennan of and the right to the sense superiority tural, rather than epiphenomenal, and enforced international law control others held by those who defined and order. Wilson's authoritarian actions in contradiction between The apparent and the liberal political philosophy for Latin America and the Caribbean these unstated, yet he is best known may be explained, in part, by which domination at the heart ofliberalism. In this central, racialized structures of result from the failure of his Wilson's policy toward Haiti did not sense, but rather from the logical, if usually liberal vision in this particular case have been right to oppose of that vision. Wilson may hidden, implications based upon law" to the use of"arbi- "orderly processes of.. between The apparent and the liberal political philosophy for Latin America and the Caribbean these unstated, yet he is best known may be explained, in part, by which domination at the heart ofliberalism. In this central, racialized structures of result from the failure of his Wilson's policy toward Haiti did not sense, but rather from the logical, if usually liberal vision in this particular case have been right to oppose of that vision. Wilson may hidden, implications based upon law" to the use of"arbi- "orderly processes of.. government, to the idea of the law force.' 11 Indeed, he clung righteously trary or irregular action, even when the letter of the law as the only proper basis for military as in Haiti in 1914 and insufficient grounds for the use of force, provided that justice inhered in "orderly proNevertheless, his assumption 1915. conceived within a framework of liberal developcesses" of government, of racial, class, and gender mentalism, ignored the systematic inscription hierarchies within the law itself. THE AMERICAN IDEA blatant like discourse of the occupation was sometimes The paternalist but it had certain and sometimes coded like Wilson's, throughout Butler's, to view or just below the surface, paterconsistent features. Whether open domination that was revealed nalism in Haiti always embodied the logic of that Haitians outburst. It was based on the assumption in Butler's angry development as a peoin the early stages of their evolutionary were, as yet, into its own as a nation only after a ple. It posited that Haiti would come known the hand of that paternal figure period of tutelage under guiding revealed themSam. These elements of paternalism affectionately: as Uncle Haiti: in Captain Beach's characselves in very different forms in occupied Dr. ination that was revealed nalism in Haiti always embodied the logic of that Haitians outburst. It was based on the assumption in Butler's angry development as a peoin the early stages of their evolutionary were, as yet, into its own as a nation only after a ple. It posited that Haiti would come known the hand of that paternal figure period of tutelage under guiding revealed themSam. These elements of paternalism affectionately: as Uncle Haiti: in Captain Beach's characselves in very different forms in occupied Dr. Rosalvo Bobo, as "a small terization of the Haitian revolutionary leader, hearted master"; in in the relentless grasp and power of a hard to be schoolboy "the mentality of the peasant" State Department reports estimating of in references to Haitian "that of a child between six and ten years age"; PATERNALISM --- Page 135 --- primitivism and savagery; but also in official ment of Haitian plans for the efficient resources under American developpragmatic aspect, U.S. supervision. 127 For in its most paternalism toward Haiti economic as well as political encompassed a program of imperatives of finternational development based on the assumptions and capitalism. Occupation officials and policy makersi in Haitians into the logic of this Washington tried hard to enlist more than a little resistance paternalist-capitalist scheme, encountering Butler raileda along the way. In a letter to his father, against "these wretched Smedley in with our American politicians" who "do not intend to fall plans and ideas. "128 Farther removed power struggles between occupation from the daily ment, Woodrow Wilson officials and the U.S. client was more sanguine about Haitian governvately acknowledging his appreciation for the resistance, priHaitian politicians found difficult position in which themselves. are seeking to play fast and loose with "Apparently > the Haitian authorities when Haitian cabinet us, he wrote to Edith Bolling Galt financial members refused to sign onto the adviser; "I am wondering whether plan for a U.S. poor chaps," ' he had to blame them or not!" written to her a few days earlier, "The and the deep sea. They dare not offend "are between the devil enemies would make us, and yet if theyyielded to us a great case them their tions. *129 Meanwhile, against in any subsequent elecSecretary of State Robert can chargé d'affaires with a series of Lansing supplied the American control to be carefully worded rationales for Americonveyed to Haitian leaders in society. The United States he government and civil the establishment hoped, wrote on August 18, of peace to give the 1915. "to aid in dence and to inspire them into people renewed trust and confiSecretary of the pursuits of industry and commerce. "130 NavyJosephus Daniels also sentatives of the United States in Haiti repeatedly urged military repreto cans had come in the spirit of impress upon Haitians that Amerithe road to friendship to help their Haitian on progress. Caperton, as we have seen, hawked neighbors Dartiguenave, and Beach led the effort, paternalism with officers, toimpress Haitians with more junior Marine with the benevolenti Corps occupiers and the expansive tintentionsoft the American for Haiti, possibilities that would come with their plans Adolph Miller was one of the officers detailed relations campaign that was deemed to carry on this public In October, Miller SO crucial to the and his occupation's success. Fort Liberté, company were transferred from a small village east of Port-au-Prince to border. 132 At Fort Cap Haîtien, near the Santo Liberté, Miller was responsible for Domingan projects under way as well as for getting public works convincing peasants to with cooperate the OCCUPATION , possibilities that would come with their plans Adolph Miller was one of the officers detailed relations campaign that was deemed to carry on this public In October, Miller SO crucial to the and his occupation's success. Fort Liberté, company were transferred from a small village east of Port-au-Prince to border. 132 At Fort Cap Haîtien, near the Santo Liberté, Miller was responsible for Domingan projects under way as well as for getting public works convincing peasants to with cooperate the OCCUPATION --- Page 136 --- Americans. He would travel through the countryside, peasants together to give them gathering groups of noted in his log, "encouraging talks.' ' On December 1 "arrived at Bédoux. Sent 1, he Gave them a long talk on the for natives & held audience. Some 'American Idea in Haiti. '133 sense of what Miller said, through hisi Bédoux and other villages, interpreter, to the peasants at may be gathered from ten in Port-au-Prince, in which he an earlier log entry, writsoon as the revenues explained: "The American Idea is this. As commence to come into the Customs employ several thousand natives to clean and House we will a water supply system, and pave the streets, put in sewers, [an] electric light We daily SO that they can accumulate plant. will pay the natives their belleys [sic]. As a little money and get the wrinkles out of [Haitian] soon as they find out that we will not stand Generals confiscating their farms, for the them into the army, they will be for stealing their cattle, enforcing While the us and will not revolt for a public works projects fortune.' cal to those undertaken at Bédoux would not be identiplanned for the capital city, the In Miller's formulation of the underlying logic was the same. finances would "American Idea,' U.S. control of benefit Haitians by allowing the creation Haitian program with Americans of a public works These serving as the employer of Haitian laborers would Haitian wage laborers. improve the material country while putting food in their bellies infrastructure of their elite Haitians who, hea and securing protection from averred, had been the sole date. The "Generals," source of their to once vanquished by problems no longer harass or coerce American military might, would reason to revolt. peasants, who, in turn, would no longer have The "American Idea " that Miller in effect, a presented to his Haitian audiences promise. At the center of this was, concepts: the state's promise were two fundamental the guardianship of the peasant and the wage relation. The Americans salutary nature of U.S. promised modernization achieved management and direction by under infrastructural improvements wage-earning Haitians. But beyond the that would be lay other supposed pots of gold. accomplished in this manner Occupation ments not as ends in themselves officials sought these improveElectricity, but as means to economic plumbing, telephones, paved and development. two major changes possible. roads, bridges would make of stability First, they would facilitate the because policing could be more establishment in communication and effective with improvements increased American transportation. Second, they would make investment in the Haitian possible turn, would create more opportunities economy. This investment, in This for wage labor. 135 was, of course, the local economic phase of Wilson's liberal internaPATERNALISM --- Page 137 --- assistance from the United States, the nations tionalist vision. With technical that would lead away from could follow, in U.S. footsteps, a path of theworld and integration into the international isolation and toward modernization of a material inThe American idea entailed the establishment economy. as well as the creation frastructure in Haiti to support such modernization (Recall that efficient labor force to man the machinery of production. of an McDonald had helped to formulate this the railroad entrepreneur, James of Wilson's vision was also of a for Haiti's future.) Miller's version blueprint under American paternal piece with Butler's plans for Haitian development of industrial and comInexperienced in matters guidance and leadership. theworld and integration into the international isolation and toward modernization of a material inThe American idea entailed the establishment economy. as well as the creation frastructure in Haiti to support such modernization (Recall that efficient labor force to man the machinery of production. of an McDonald had helped to formulate this the railroad entrepreneur, James of Wilson's vision was also of a for Haiti's future.) Miller's version blueprint under American paternal piece with Butler's plans for Haitian development of industrial and comInexperienced in matters guidance and leadership. schooled.Never mind the business, Haiti would have to be carefully mercial nation of the Western Hemifact that Haiti was the second independent States; within the years after the United sphere, founded only twenty-nine the adult nation nearest at framework, the United States was paternalist hand to guide the "young" Haiti. discourse in various ways. Some Haitians responded to this paternalist turning it to of the elite embraced the language of paternalism, members for example, G. F. Geffrard adopted it their own purposes. In August 1920, D.C." for more to "the Government at Washington to frame an appeal economic and political development. effective assistance to advance Haitian basic view of Haiti. the Wilson administration'st Geffrard began by: affirming of civilization, 9 he wrote, "has "The experience of more than a century has not yet attained that the Haitian, left to his own resources demonstrated where he would be capable of self governunto that degree of advancement of the country for "the definitive occupation ment. * He called, therefore, ideal 1 Geffrard's can then their program." by the Americans . who apply the American" but "the Haitian's animosity against letter acknowledged Washington had placed attributed that animosity largely to the limitations would in Haiti. More effective assistance, he pleaded, on American action and occupied" that would be bring about the harmony "between occupier nation." >) Haiti, he evolution of our young necessary "for the progressive and generosity" of the United explained, must rely on "the philanthropy ability [to bring stability] in States, which has "given undeniable proofs ofits ' Describing Rico, the Hawaiian islands and the Philippines." Cuba, Puerto who have been left to their and turbulent people Haitians as "a young of missionaries like W. F., Jordan devices,' ' Geffrard echoed the paternalism lamented Haiti's "road to ruin." 136 who framework but used Haitians adopted aspects of the paternalist Other the abuses of the occupation. The them in a very different way to counter official as "outspokenly Courrier Haitien was described by one occupation OCCUPATION --- Page 138 --- hostile both to the present Haitian cupation"; its editors, government and to the American OCJoseph Lanoue and to President Dartiguenave, Constant Vieux, were, according considered a essentially Cacos. 137 In the wake of what cursory and wholly insufficient they and Vieux published a dispatch naval inquiryin 1920, Lanoue countries, seeking a new convention one that would give not more but between the two and the Haitian less power to the government it supported. Yet, like occupation Vieux referred to Haiti as "oury Geffrard, Lanoue and U.S. officials for positive young country"when they were appealing to change. Like Geffrard, course of civilization, but their they too called on the dissomehow outside its bounds. formulation in no way implied that Haiti was entire They expressed "the sincere country to progress" and made their desire of our D.C., but also to be € "placed before plea not only to the Washington, Other Haitian critics of Conscience of the civilized world. ieux referred to Haiti as "oury Geffrard, Lanoue and U.S. officials for positive young country"when they were appealing to change. Like Geffrard, course of civilization, but their they too called on the dissomehow outside its bounds. formulation in no way implied that Haiti was entire They expressed "the sincere country to progress" and made their desire of our D.C., but also to be € "placed before plea not only to the Washington, Other Haitian critics of Conscience of the civilized world. *138 the occupation of paternalism rejected the language and altogether. The editor of Les Annales logic printed an article with an altogether Capoises, for example, 1921, it included a wholesale different tone. Published March 4, baneful prejudices condemnation of Woodrow Wilson, "a man of may he be perpetually canker of a guilty tormented by remorse[] that consciencel.] have a sad and taciturn gnashing his teeth, a prey to horrible ending continually be always pursued by the invisible hallucinationsand) believing himselfto martyrs to the specter of those of us who cause of liberty.' 3 This author did have died fact, went further, not mince words and, in according to Russell in a telegram to quarters: "May he on his death bed Marine Corps headPresident Dartiguenave eat 'les excréments de son vase.' "139 claimed, in response to such being smothered under insults, that "liberty is licentiousness." "agents of thisanarchy:" Bya Newspaper men were, he said, the the allowing them to continue, the occupation were "demeaning themselves government and Russell agreed, informing the more and more each day." Marine tion was being "insulted in Corps commandant that the a most outrageous manner" occupathat the United States "act under and recommending Meanwhile, martial law" to put a stop to the among the peasants, attitudes toward insults.140 cautious at best, and there was, above the occupation were slavery. In the nineteenth all, the desire to avoid any form of lish a peasant century, Haitian peasants had struggled to estabeconomy and to resist forces urging them wage labor. Picking coffee and toward plantation market in their growing food for themselves and own garden plots afforded for the over their lives than plantation them greater levels of control were squeezed by agriculture would allow. By 1915 peasants exporters who kept the price of coffee peasant farming remained the depressed, but occupation of choice. Peasants repeatedly PATERNALISM --- Page 139 --- of the plantation model of their desire to farm and their rejection and expressed of overseers. U.S. marines agricultural work under the supervision failed to underAmericans living in or visiting the Haitian countryside other both amusement and consternation stand such preferences and expressed farmers, who seemed methods" " employed by peasant at the "primitive Given the mounting wholly uninterested in more efficient technologies. leading up to and difficulties facing Haitian peasants in the years economic difficulties that fueled the Caco revoluduring the occupation (the same plantation labor as tions), it is not surprising that some peasants accepted continued to vote with several poor choices. Yet, the majority one among and their hands, for economic independence." their feet, their backs, deemed important for the AmerIfsome level of Haitian cooperation was businessmen, experts in the involvement of American ican idea to succeed, more -h hence economic development, was even importantefficiency and designed to present Haiti as an the publication, in 1918, of a pamphlet The author and photo potential U.S. investors. "island of opportunity" ofthe U.S. - Navy, stated his intention to tographer, Tamerlyn T. Yet, the majority one among and their hands, for economic independence." their feet, their backs, deemed important for the AmerIfsome level of Haitian cooperation was businessmen, experts in the involvement of American ican idea to succeed, more -h hence economic development, was even importantefficiency and designed to present Haiti as an the publication, in 1918, of a pamphlet The author and photo potential U.S. investors. "island of opportunity" ofthe U.S. - Navy, stated his intention to tographer, Tamerlyn T. Chamberlain industrial in the commercial and possibilities 'give an idea of the many in the near future.' 1 "Haiti await development Republic of Haiti . which Chamberlain wrote in his field for commerce and industry." offers a new at the time, are chiefly . introduction. "The industries of Haiti, present are exported in large quancoffee, fruits, and some sugar cane. Dyewoods and most modern erected . . one of the largest tities. There is now being Company, and in a comparamills, by the Haitian-American Sugar sugar chief There are many undeveltively short time, sugar will be the export. within easy access to the resources throughout the island, and oped mineral 142 The advantages of investing in Haiti, various seaports along the coast. work of the U.S. accrued from the commendable argued Chamberlain, He highlighted the formation ofa occupation over the previousthrees years. countries,' 99 as well as im- "unsurpassed in the Latin police constabulary and the protection afin sanitary conditions and housing, provements forded by the Haitian Coast Guard.13 shots illustrated as before-and-after A series of photographs presented area for investment. of the occupation in creating an attractive the success of a rather impressive Chamberlain placed side by side one photograph another of a small Haitian residential structure (home to an American) and Modcaptions: "One of the many them with the following shack, identifying While this view shows the characHomes of Haiti ern andAmericanized and customs. >144 While these two teristic Haitian dwelling of previous years Haiti, Chamberlain's homes existed in the same temporal space of occupied OCCUPATION --- Page 140 --- - training and after 'From Portau-Prince, Figure IO. "A Civilian before Military Chamberlain, U.S.N. Haiti, a pamphlet by Tamerlyn' T. Marine Corps Research CenterArchives, Quantico, Virginia. marked one "future" and the other representation of them effectively Chamberlain sought to illuspast." ? With another pair of photographs, about by the American changes in the population brought trate important dressed in rags, with his eyes cast presence. One shot presented a man in a clean uniform, the other showed a man, downward, standing on grass; street (Figure 10). to be a paved standing at attention on what appears shows the develChamberlain described them this way: "This reproduction in Haiti. A by the American Marine Forces operating opment accomplished The new soldier promised training and after."15 Civilian before Military investments and a disciplined both effective police protection for American work force. from which to drawa productive population success in inviting investors to participate The occupation did have some Admiral H.S. Knapp project in Haiti. In November 1920, in the paternalist near St. Michel, owned observed with pleasure a thriving cotton plantation Admiral Knapp rethe United West Indies Corporation. and operated by large tracts using modern methods ported that the company was cultivating "The spirit of the manageunder the direction of "a resident engineer." self interest, to be one of enlightened ment, 99 Knapp commented, "appears the Haitians as well as to pay dividends. success in inviting investors to participate The occupation did have some Admiral H.S. Knapp project in Haiti. In November 1920, in the paternalist near St. Michel, owned observed with pleasure a thriving cotton plantation Admiral Knapp rethe United West Indies Corporation. and operated by large tracts using modern methods ported that the company was cultivating "The spirit of the manageunder the direction of "a resident engineer." self interest, to be one of enlightened ment, 99 Knapp commented, "appears the Haitians as well as to pay dividends. with the desire to do something for for altruistic but does not pretend to bei in Haiti purposes, The management PATERNALISM --- Page 141 --- realize that it is wiser to carry on in a way apparently has vision enough to themselves than to enthe of the people of Haiti that will obtain support of Haitian soil to go out of the country deavor to wring the last dollar out told that the payment of of foreign shareholders. I am and into the pockets of wages that has ever taken wages by this company was the first payment scale. *146 The company, in the valley on any but the very smallest who are place "conducts a small school for about 70 children Knapp explained, within a few days to have a employed on the estate" and "is expecting of all was that, at least in officer" for the plantation.' 147The best news medical Idea" had come to pass. Knapp proudly rethis instance, "the American on the of the old Caco bands are now being employed ported that "many of trouble. 148 and have ceased entirely to be a source consisplantation at St. Michel was wholly The paternalism of the cotton plantation as well as with older management practices, tent with emerging progressive Reconstruction, white back in the States. During racial political strategies, politics as a means southerners of the patrician class had forged paternalist African American leadership in the face of to maintain their own political rule. 149 More recently, northern enfranchisement and challenges to white work force not yet respondeding part to an immigrant corporate paternalism "work ethic.' * It flourished, as David Montgomsocialized into a controlling of prosperity when workers ery has pointed out, especially during periods off and even quitting their, jobs asserted their independence by taking time 150 The same logic inschedules.' without regard for employers' production formed in response in Haiti; it was a strategy formed American paternalism Fred McMillen and, more generto the sort of "labor troubles" described by by the United States to anticolonial resistance experienced ally, in response Thus, if American corporate paternalism in its recent colonial career.151 toward immigrants in their flourished especially in employers' attitudes fertile groundi in Amerland, in Haiti paternalism found even more adopted in their homeland. Paternalism was, ican attitudes toward black peasants military figures in and an approach shared by progressive then, a language States. investors in the United Haiti and potential industrial leaders were toward the Still, however sympathetic American did not flock to Haiti as occupapaternalist outlook of the occupation, they attracted U.S. had hoped they would. The occupation never tion planners while the occupation succeeded in transinvestments on a large scale. Thus, extent in bringing about Haitian societyand politics and to a great of that forming desired, it did not succeed in taking advantage the order that Wilson of U.S. investors, absence of revolutionary change - - on behalf order that at least not in the short run. OCCUPATION --- Page 142 --- discourses failed, on the whole, to persuade Although U.S. paternalist and ideas, and failed as well to attract Haitians to sign on to American plans in crucial ways, U.S. investment to occupied Haiti, it succeeded, large-scale the task of carrying out the occupain conscripting the marines assigned discourse that chafed most for tion.' 152 Indeed, the aspect of paternalist military the element that appealed most to American Haitians was precisely nation's supposed need for in Haiti-that is, the occupied representatives discourse appealed to marines as massupervision by white men. . paternalist and ideas, and failed as well to attract Haitians to sign on to American plans in crucial ways, U.S. investment to occupied Haiti, it succeeded, large-scale the task of carrying out the occupain conscripting the marines assigned discourse that chafed most for tion.' 152 Indeed, the aspect of paternalist military the element that appealed most to American Haitians was precisely nation's supposed need for in Haiti-that is, the occupied representatives discourse appealed to marines as massupervision by white men. Paternalist of their and it addressed them in terms masculinity ters and managers; their racial identity, their class aspimanhood, their relation to fatherhood, of this process of cultural rations, and their national pride. The success observed Haitians and can be seen in the ways that marines rhetoric. conscription of the dominant paternalist Haitian society within the framework of marinesin then, an important part of Ttheindoctrination. Paternalism was, much more thorof this process are explored Haiti. (The implications oughly in the next chapter.) officers and enlisted idea defined the role of Marine Corps TheAmerican As such, its appeal may men in Haiti in terms of mastery and supervision. the Marine Corps and in been reinforced by the fact that, both in well have marines faced various forms of disempowertheir lives back in the States, enlisted men were conWithin the military hierarchy, for example, ment. fact of their subordinate status, as Corporal Overley fronted daily with the in Haiti. Officers, too, as we sawin the suggestedi in his reflections on his tour sometimes Butler's reaction to his transfer out of Panama, case of Major becausei it either limited their range of acchafed at the command structure Evidence of this phenomethem of their subordination. tion or reminded structure may be found in Lieutenant non lower down in the command of information available Miller's diary, where he reveals the scarcity that Adolph ofthe occupation and the plans to young officers regarding the progress Miller noted, for examhigher officers had for them. On August 14, 1915, would not us a [in] around 1 1pm but give ple, "Capt. Van Orden dropped "thereisarumor" floating around 153 One month later, he wrote, bit of dope. down here to relieve us, and we will to the effect that the Army is coming "home" could beloved U.S.' 154 Yet, as we have seen, return home to ourdearl of either of subordination or of the precariousness also harbor reminders they had faced in the States - their status. Given the various challenges "feminist" women - young white patriarchal fathers, oppressive employers, an invitation to serve as had many reasons to embrace: a call to mastery, men cast as children.' 155 father figures to a people discourse to address the American Finally, policy makers used paternalist PATERNALISM --- Page 143 --- fireball. Cabinet the became a political public, especially once occupation by assuring them, for example, members responded to citizens' inquiries "the. American feeling of its actions in Haiti were actuated only by that U.S. faced with a radical critique of U.S. imperitrusteeship. *156 In one instance, the secretary of the navy Haiti and elsewhere in the Caribbean, alism in as it was revealedi lin his converechoed the structureof Wilbson'spaternalism: learn, Daniels told Walter sation with William Monroe Trotter. Haiti must evolution and Michigan, that "liberty must come by Carrier of Lansing, and not the freedom of enlightenOtherwise it is license not revolution. defined equality for African Ameriment.' *157 Just as Wilson had effectively Daniels defined libertyas to be arrived at at some future time, cans as a state had matured by a process of slow a state to be claimed once a people revolution rather than by evoluevolution. lin his converechoed the structureof Wilbson'spaternalism: learn, Daniels told Walter sation with William Monroe Trotter. Haiti must evolution and Michigan, that "liberty must come by Carrier of Lansing, and not the freedom of enlightenOtherwise it is license not revolution. defined equality for African Ameriment.' *157 Just as Wilson had effectively Daniels defined libertyas to be arrived at at some future time, cans as a state had matured by a process of slow a state to be claimed once a people revolution rather than by evoluevolution. For a nation to claim liberty by would be not liberty oxymoronic. What they claimed tion was, for Daniels, (an ironic claim, of course, for but license and, indeed, even licentiousness in his response to CarDanielksarticulation of paternalism an American). discourse, notions of primitivrier illustrates the ways that evolutionary other of paterdovetailed with and contributed to aspects ism and savagery, nalist ideology. THIS AMERICAN AFRICA Butler and Woodrow Wilson to blur the Paternalism enabled both Smedley between America and the between America and Haiti, indeed differences reinforce those differences at anand then to Americas, at one moment, Haitian officer and guiding his his role as a other. For Butler, embracing of the national differences "little fellows" entailed a rhetorical suspension identities. Referring to Haidefined his American versus their Haitian that the other hand, posited a radical distance tians as "savage monkeys," on black Haitians. Similarly for between civilized white Americans and savage of mankind" the unity of the Americas as part of "a family Wilson, hailing boundaries and racial differences, while pointtemporarily erased national the family backof William Penn and questionable ing to "the fine lineage" Panamanian suitor reinscribed them. ground of a young white woman's in different ways at and together, These two sides of paternalism, separately in Haiti. enabled the United States to claim power different times, of the American Bible The Reverend Wilhelm F.Jordan, a representative both sides of in Haiti in the early 1920S, brought together Society operating "ThisAmerican Africa " he named Haiti, paternalism in one handy phrase. OCCUPATION --- Page 144 --- to the "Politically, we Christians to lend a hand occupation. as he called on wounded and exhausted the Good Samaritan to our badly are now acting more needed to be done: "So few are neighbor, * he declared.' 158 Yet, much small are the bandsof laboring in this American Africa, and SO those that arel of darkness and evil that surround believers who are fighting the powers hand, the fact that Haiti on one them." 159 Jordan's invitation highlighted, connection, a likeness, American nation. In this sense, it emphasized a was an States. On the other hand, it likened Haiti to between Haiti iand the United difference embeddedi in Africa and thus drew on the connotations of radical the and We explore implications U.S. discourses of civilization primitivism. in Haitiin Chapter 4- For contradiction for marines serving of this apparent that each side of the contradiction now, let us consider some of the ways facilitated U.S. goals in Haiti. blurred boundaries institutionalized paternalism's The U.S. occupation of the Haitian Gendarmerie, ofthrough the founding most pointedly existence of the Gendarmerie, with U.S. ficered by Americans. The very Haitian state, entailed a kind of officers dressed in the authority of the indeed. Article X of the confusion that was convenient institutionalized the actions of the new treaty laid out the lines of authority governing of for, shall, under the direction body: "The constabulary herein provided and control of arms and amthe Haitian government, have supervision throughout the country' 160 military supplies, and traffic therein, munition, would supervise this new body? the Gendarmerie, with U.S. ficered by Americans. The very Haitian state, entailed a kind of officers dressed in the authority of the indeed. Article X of the confusion that was convenient institutionalized the actions of the new treaty laid out the lines of authority governing of for, shall, under the direction body: "The constabulary herein provided and control of arms and amthe Haitian government, have supervision throughout the country' 160 military supplies, and traffic therein, munition, would supervise this new body? But what part of the Haitian government officials would Haitians decide for themselves which government Could Or could it only be the client president oversee the new Haitian military? would authorize police and himself, who, with the approval of U.S. advisers, militaryaction? exercised sovereign control over In fact, the Haitian government never During Smednominal military force as long as the occupation persisted. its from December 1915 ley Butler's tenure as chief of the Gendarmerie, "adviser" most often at the Butler himselfs served as the throughApril 1918, effectively directed the president'ss side. Thus, the chief of the Gendarmerie unorthodox means he of the republic on key decisions, often by president in letters to his wife. 161 Butler's successor, called "undershirt diplomacy" conducted himself with colonel Alexander S. Williams, U.S. Marine Corps Williams commented, on his retirement less bravado but no less authority. difficult "that he had frequently an exceedingly from the post in July 1919, obey' 99 that is, the president which of his two bosses he should time deciding in Washington. Yet, it is Headquarters of the republic or Marine Corps from Washington rather clear that in practice he took his cues abundantly PATERNALISM --- Page 145 --- retired, the Haitian government atPort-au-Prince. 163 As Williams than the Dartiguenave crecontrol over Gendarmerie; tempted to wrest proper that of prefect, vested with within the Haitian government, ated a new post His attempt was short-circuited: at a direct supervision of the Gendarmerie. First Briofficials, when the chief of the occupation, meeting of the treaty and successfully routed Commander Louis McCarty Little, objected gade the Haitian effort.' 164 confusion that was Smedley Butler stumbled over the institutionalized the Senate in 1921. Gendarmerie in the course of his testimony before the Colonel Waller notified him that "the He stated that, in January 1916, to maintain law and Government had decided to give up trying Haitian Americans do it with your Gendarmerie. order and had said, Now, you clarify this: "What did the Walter Bruce Howe asked Butler to with their Attorney saying to the Americans to preserve order Haitians mean, then, by the Haitian was gendarmericzwe gendarmerie, when the gendarmerie but his next slip of the tongue Butler may have misunderstood the question, it to be an We understood "It was the Haitian gendarmerie. was revealing: because they well knew that our gendareffort on their part to embarrass us, them under the provisions their that we were establishing, for merie, OT gendarmerie but in two days we estabconfirmed, was not complete; of a treaty already 166 Butler's slip highlights the useful around the country. lished 1 17 posts that facilitated U.S. action in Haiti. Havand calculated blurring of identity Haitian military and police himself as father figure to the new ing styled took action, in the name of the Haitian governforce, Butler repeatedly comprehended within the language ment, well beyond anything reasonably furthermore, came from His mandate to form a constabulary, of the treaty. endarmerie but in two days we estabconfirmed, was not complete; of a treaty already 166 Butler's slip highlights the useful around the country. lished 1 17 posts that facilitated U.S. action in Haiti. Havand calculated blurring of identity Haitian military and police himself as father figure to the new ing styled took action, in the name of the Haitian governforce, Butler repeatedly comprehended within the language ment, well beyond anything reasonably furthermore, came from His mandate to form a constabulary, of the treaty. officials. Haitians andAmericans adopted against the will ofHaitian at treaty whose Gendarmerie it was. both used the proper language to indicate Haiti, his officer, position in superior Making light of Butler'sambiguous with the Waller, later related a story about a conversation Colonel Littleton Waller, Butler askedwhetherhisnew "Haitian" militaryleader. According to would favor him for a better seat in the Gendarmerie rank as major general he that if Butler dined "as a the officers' dining table. Waller said replied at to rank," but if he he would take his place according Major of Marines, he could "feed" in the pantry with the dined as a Haitian general, then was the edge of dis167 Evident in Marine Corps humor such as this servants.' playacting in the service of Ameriease caused by extensive cross-national can military rule. with their institutional counterparts, If metaphors of fatherhood, along references to primiboundaries between Americans and Haitians, blurred OCCUPATION --- Page 146 --- tive savagery bolstered U.S. claims to chotomies between the two nations power by inscribing profound diof the exoticizing and peoples. A very standard discourses that supported U.S. example Haiti stands out as remarkable only paternal claims to power in in the because it was authored a opening acts of the occupation and by key player the States while the marketed as pulp fiction back in American occupation was still under way. As of legation in Port-au-Prince, Robert secretary the lutionary upheaval Beale Davis observed the revosurrounding the overthrow of laume Sam in the days President Vilbrun Guilpreceding the U.S. invasion. scenes of violence in the capital His telegraph reports of cityl brought Admiral Caperton and the USS Wiashingtonsteaming toward Port-au-Prince, 168 Davis worked military representatives to establish U.S. side by side with the intervention and in control in the opening months of that created 1916, now as chargé d'affaires, a legal basis for the occupation. 169 signed the treaty from Haiti, Brentano's Several years after his return Publishing Davis's sensational novel, The Company brought out [Robert] Beale Goat without Horns. 170 A romance amid tropical danger, Davis's formulaic tale of counted in formal memoranda, novel replayed scenes he had reracial mysteries, Voodoo embellishing them amid purely fictional That ceremonies, and tales of child a diplomatic sacrifice. representative of the United States ily to pulp fiction, as an outlet for the would turn SO readtenure in "the Black acts of imagination inspired by his Americans Republic, highlights the cultural lens came to "know" Haiti. Even through which to which. Americans' beliefin more striking, perhaps, is the extent mal Haitian primitivism and reports issued in the name of the savagery shaped forstriking occupation itself. One example comes from the pen of John H. particularly chief of the occupation, relied Russell, who in 1920, as on rumors of to serve as the in cannibalism and child sacrifice linchpin an argument for court: system. Can "an. American seizing control of the Haitian Haitian courts?" Russell asked businessman. be assured ofjustice in the at the start of his to the secretary of the navy.' 171 confidential memorandum Russell methodically. elaborated substantiate his not surprising twenty-four discrete points, designed to Haitian citizen conclusion. chief of the occupation, relied Russell, who in 1920, as on rumors of to serve as the in cannibalism and child sacrifice linchpin an argument for court: system. Can "an. American seizing control of the Haitian Haitian courts?" Russell asked businessman. be assured ofjustice in the at the start of his to the secretary of the navy.' 171 confidential memorandum Russell methodically. elaborated substantiate his not surprising twenty-four discrete points, designed to Haitian citizen conclusion. Point 12 cited the that, with internal civil conflict statement of a presence in their midst of still raging "in spite of the a civilizing element, 1 expected to mete outj justice, Haitians could hardly be especially when their ness against the Americans. "172 hearts are "full of bitterlated social Point 14 cited statistics on indices, indicating that about literacy and rebordering on a state of 95 percent of the population "is What constituted savagery, if not actually existing in such a "173 "a state of savagery" Russell did state. not specify. Not surprisPATERNALISM --- Page 147 --- of was devoted to an examination ingly, a good deal of his memorandum noted that the highly eduas he called it. Russell Voodoo or "Vaudism," and the ignorant classes, participated cated, as well as the less educated to be among bethough secretly, and that "there appears in the religion, them to assist one of Masonic feeling which naturallyimpels lievers . a sort indicating that there was, at that very another.' P174 He cinched his case by "itis believed, awaiting trial in Portan-Princewho, moment, a Voodoo priest the of eating their flesh sacrificed at least 12 or 15 children" for purpose " he concluded, others to do the same. "With such a condition, and inviting in the courts is remote. "the probability of a white man obtainingjustice cannibals and child killers who Effectively Russell argued that Haitians were businessmen could and for that reason American stuck up for one another, of this argument, of course, not be assured justice. The larger implication the rights necessary to guarantee property was that the sort of legal system economic development, in Haiti of American citizens, and thereby enable remained in charge of the judiwould not be possible as long as Haitians thorough AmerAmerican idea, therefore, called for more cial system. The ican control. invoked by Robert Beale Davis The discourse of civilization and savagery invoked by Smedley Russell, and the metaphors of fatherhood and John coin. One posited a two sides of the same paternalist Butler, represented United States and Haiti; the other emphavast cultural distance between the relation that was supposed and connection of the family sized the proximity: Haitians, "bordering on a state of to have existed between them. Primitive of white men. Civilized required the guidance and supervision savagery," burden of this responsibility, bound as they Americans must shoulder the obligation of honour and by to Woodrow Wilson, "by every were, according the cham- . of sacred interests. to constitute [themselves] the compulsion 3 American businessmen stood pions of : . constitutional government." but they required the ready to do their part for Haiti, Russell implied, of Haitian society, moreof a proper legal system. Given the state about protection constitutional liberty" could come over, the "development of true only under an American father figure. of fatheroccupation of Haiti, metaphors In the context of the 1915-34 Linked to a complex history of hood were never simply figures of speech. constituted a crucial part of connotation, such metaphors racial and gender They functioned as mechamachinery of the occupation. ions of : . constitutional government." but they required the ready to do their part for Haiti, Russell implied, of Haitian society, moreof a proper legal system. Given the state about protection constitutional liberty" could come over, the "development of true only under an American father figure. of fatheroccupation of Haiti, metaphors In the context of the 1915-34 Linked to a complex history of hood were never simply figures of speech. constituted a crucial part of connotation, such metaphors racial and gender They functioned as mechamachinery of the occupation. the ideological the construction of a temporary state apparatus nisms of power, enabling and government. That U.S. control over Haitian society sufficient to secure of the U.S. Marine Corps, the the First Brigade apparatus - encompassing OCCUPATION --- Page 148 --- d'Haiti, the new Haiin Port-au-Prince, the Gendarmerie U.S. legation the official Haitian press, the Service tian presidency, the provost courts, in to the the Service Technique - owed its existence part d'Hygiène, and Crafted out of race, gender, and class relaideological work of paternalism. felt personal histories and tions in the United States, and fueled by deeply do with U.S. foreign relations of power (which often had nothing to local underwrote the institutional machinpolicy), the language of paternalism ery of the occupation. roles in the process by Woodrow Wilson and Smedley Butler played key in the lanFor this reason, we have been interested which that took place. and private their actions in public speeches guage they used to represent of building one of the most central musings. Butler did the hands-on work d'Haiti. His letters afford the Gendarmerie institutions of the occupation, the discourse of paternalism in to see the operation of us an opportunity of fatherhood (as a father and as a son) relation to his personal experience work he carried out. In his and in relation to the crucial institution-building a blurof identities that paternalism entailed, language, we see the blurring We also see the tension ring of identities that also enabled U.S.imperialism. and its central but conface ofl fbenevolence between paternalian'souvard: cealed structure of power. in Butler's discourse, we can identified that tension SO clearly Having in Wilson's paternalism, despite readily recognize the same dynamic more rhetoric. Although Wilson seldom used exhis more carefully fashioned was never far from the metaphors of fatherhood, the paternalist trope plicit what he regarded as the obvious patersurface of his discourse. He rejected but his vision of social welfare legislation, nalism of gonernmentaponored of human deand justice rested on metaphors international cooperation and accorded mastery to others. velopment that infantilized some brand of free-wheeling "unthe contradiction between Butler's In 1920 international vision, affirming the rights dershirt diplomacy" and Wilson's In the midst of threatened to rupture the whole operation. of small nations, advisers began to examine the legal basis the controversy, Navy Department Haiti. Some among them attempted to in for the U.S. military government fact" with the of cold triclyinternational the occupation "as: a matter "Melling, 9 square by it.' 176 At least one, however, a certain legal questions posed 177 Melling voiced strong criticisms confronted the obvious contradictions.' of military power. He critextension of the occupation as an inappropriate where the United States of martial law past the point icized the continuance other means), clearly entering into a treaty with Haiti (and by had, by Haitian state. for the U.S. military government fact" with the of cold triclyinternational the occupation "as: a matter "Melling, 9 square by it.' 176 At least one, however, a certain legal questions posed 177 Melling voiced strong criticisms confronted the obvious contradictions.' of military power. He critextension of the occupation as an inappropriate where the United States of martial law past the point icized the continuance other means), clearly entering into a treaty with Haiti (and by had, by Haitian state. To Melling it the existence of an independent acknowledged PATERNALISM --- Page 149 --- of Haiti did not approve of the U.S. clear that the citizens was patently to the stated goals of the occupamilitary government there. In contrast does not preserve, but tion, he asserted, "the present military government the of Haiti might which people destroys any vestige of independence in favor of a more genwas rejected claim. #178 Ultimately, Melling'*s-analysis courts and for the confor the continued use of provost eral justification Military rule was strengthened, moretinuation of military government. Corps colonel John H. Russell the in 1922, of Marine over, by appointment, with the status of a direct diplomatic reprecommissioner to Haiti, as high of the United States. sentative of the president for the next seven years. Protest Russell would rule Haiti with a firm grip jailed readbelow the surface, with public agitators would be forced largely Navy intelligence operand U.S. Marineand) ily, local disturbances quashed, Intelligence reports from the pulse of Haitian communities. ations assessing continued to demonstrate -for those, the 1920S, as well as other evidence, was not well.. As Gendarmerie who cared to notice - that all like Mr. Melling, from Le Trou in the wake ofthe first lieutenant Norman Poritz had reported does not like white peodefeat, "the entire population it is thought Cacos' and a white race maintaining a ple down in their heart [sic] especially from Aux Cayes, 179 And as. J- L. Perkins reported military rule over them. Gendarmerie and the Occupation be- "the people in general respect the them. 180 Thus, as the occupaknow that there is force behind cause they rhetoric flourished untrammeled tion entered a new phase, paternalist Russell's Pax Americana, until secure in High Commissioner once again, in 1929. Haitian resistance burst open again OCCUPATION --- Page 150 --- MORAL BREAKDOWN THE OFFICIAL STORY Black John Houston Craige memoir of Haiti, Bagdad,) In his first sensational Ivan Virski. A respected guard at related the story of Marine Corps sergeant "an efficient, SOin Port-au-Prince- - according to Craige, the U.S. legation drunk at the waterreliable young man" - Virski turned up ber and entirely shaking hands with the in the spring of 1927- He began front one morning work; then, all at once, he pulled out an stevedores as they arrived for hand he Having killed and shot the man whose grasped. automatic pistol 1 Virski turned and ran toward his post, the Haitian "dead in his tracks, the way. Arriving at the wildly and injuring two more people along shooting climbed the stairs to the upper balcony, legation, he entered the building, into the street. 9 The and from there "emptied a magazine of cartridges effects of alcoattributed Virski's spree to the unfortunate Marine provost in Haiti decried yet another violent incihol, while opposition newspapers military. Tried by general courtdent suffered at the hands of the American linsane" and sent back martial for murder, Sergeant Virski was "pronouncedi to the United States for hospitalization.' the Genalso told the story of Lieutenant South, highest-ranking Craige marine, stationed at St. Michel. Lieutenant darmerie officer, and the only wrote Craige, "and of that he was king in the district," South "thought he to show signs of wear, he was." 11 Little by little, however, began course, with whom he interacted daily, though especially evident to the gendarmes less As the officer whom he saw frequently. hidden well from his superior South ordered his to wear him down, constant sound of drumming began and he began to it They did not succeed, gendarmes to have stopped. immediate danger. He sent a disthat he was under siege and in imagine assistance, but before anyone officer requesting patch to his commanding to show signs of wear, he was." 11 Little by little, however, began course, with whom he interacted daily, though especially evident to the gendarmes less As the officer whom he saw frequently. hidden well from his superior South ordered his to wear him down, constant sound of drumming began and he began to it They did not succeed, gendarmes to have stopped. immediate danger. He sent a disthat he was under siege and in imagine assistance, but before anyone officer requesting patch to his commanding --- Page 151 --- toward a Haitian gendarme, gun in arrived, he reached his limit. Advancing inside stopped to kill his subordinate, but something hand, he was prepared and barricaded his door.? him. South ran back to his room South, Captain Craige With the stories of Sergeant Virski and Lieutenant violence against discussion of American violence - or potential framedhis instances in which marines lost their Haitians in terms of seemingly unique underscored the concluand mental balance. In this sense, he emotional Mayo Courtand the Senatei inquiry. sionsofformali investigationss such asthe only a "small Admiral Mayo had found through his investigation In 1919 that had been committed by"a few number of isolated crimes or offenses" would be committed," 99 the offenses individuals."' ) "Irwasinevitable that some conditions of service in Haiti, it admiral had reported, and "considering the number and that they all may is remarkable that the offenses were SO fewin character.' n3 In 1921 and to the ordinary defects of human be chargeable more extensive charges of the Senate inquiry had brought to light similarly Court, but the Senate's conclusions violence than had the Mayo exonerating the occupaidentified violence with partcuhariaedhasakehies found that "there had been a 4 In the Senate tion as a whole. Craige'swords, madmen and brutes, but these had few isolated instances of inhumanity by attention oft the authorities. 5 been punished as soon as they had come to the would do violence to No marine in his right mind, Craige seemed to suggest, decent Haitian citizens. of what happened to Sergeant Virski At the same time, Craige'saccount were not altogether isoSouth suggested that their cases and Lieutenant view it was neither alcohol nor racist lated from one another. In Craige's Virski's spree and South's such incidents. Instead, brutality that connected mental and emotional degeneration that near miss were symptomatic of the for any length of threatened to afflict white men on duty often afflicted or who stay south too long, something time near the equator. "To white men blow up. 6 Craige stolid slow the nervous happens," 1 wrote Craige: "the up, terrible psychologithe of what he called "a mysterious, described symptoms one's head, waking walking "queerly," ? mumbling, shaking cal disorder": the that caused one's terrorstricken, if one slept at all; these were symptoms "the tropics have got him. 7 messmates to say, to Craige? The What about the tropics would "get" a man, according Yet, as the heat, and loneliness each played a part. intense rays of the sun, Virski's case, a woman might well Craige went on to explain about Sergeant s Accordtrouble. For Virski, the trouble was "Chiquita. be the source of the from the Domini was a "Dominicaine, a prostitute ing to Craige, Chiquita and skin "the clear With "eyes the brown ofa a butterfly'swing" can Republic. OCCUPATION --- Page 152 --- wrote, "a dream of of the ripened orange, ? Chiquita was, Craige red-gold like seldom get into official reports," Craige loveliness." "Chiquita and her affairs for all of that. 8 He exnoted, "but they have a way of influencing down into the byways of the effect she had on Ivan Virski: "Straying danced. plained marine saw Chiquita one night as she the native city, [the] young had stimulated certain functions of The marine was lonely. --- wrote, "a dream of of the ripened orange, ? Chiquita was, Craige red-gold like seldom get into official reports," Craige loveliness." "Chiquita and her affairs for all of that. 8 He exnoted, "but they have a way of influencing down into the byways of the effect she had on Ivan Virski: "Straying danced. plained marine saw Chiquita one night as she the native city, [the] young had stimulated certain functions of The marine was lonely. The tropical sun climate he would not have and deadened others. In a temperate his being he yearned for her with a desire noticed such a woman. In Port-au-Prince States, made him a ache. His service pay, a pittance in the United that was an Chiquita became his of wealth in Haiti. The inevitable happened. man with a Haitian man, leaving the sergeant girl." 19 But when Chiquita "eloped" behind, "Virski had blown up. *10 Virski'sin some respects. differed from Lieutenant South's predicament while South had to contend with life Virski suffered in the city, for example, "he had been in the of Haiti's interior. According to Craige, at an outpost more than a year in the flea-bitten, sunGendarmerie for a couple of years, of the Michel, where he was the sole representative scorched village of St. none oft the features Hel had no movies, no radio, white man's government.t accustomed. He saw white faces rarely and of civilized life to which he was of a dark-skinned hardly at all. *12 Thus, whereas the presence white women troubles, it was the absence of contact with woman began Sergeant Virski's sound of drumming, that drove with the constant white women, coupled disorder that afflicted both SerLieutenant South over the edge. But the the same, for South, in Craige's telling, was geant Virski and Lieutenant biological realities of race, gentheir violence resulted from the systematic for Craige, added up to a These biological realities, der, and geography. afflicted white men too long in the tropics, psychological disorder that and especially when when isolated from white companionship, particularly influence of white women. deprived of the civilizing side of Marine the individual, psychological Whereas Craige emphasized Colonel Harold Utley pointed violence in occupied Haiti, Lieutenant Corps side of military violence, or, as he preferred to the institutional and systemic former officers of the occuforce. Of course, these two to call it, military U.S. American actions in Haiti for pation ostensibly chose to write about served as the Marine different reasons., John Houston Craige, having to very relations after his tour of duty in Haiti, hoped Corps's director of public again in 1934 with Cannibal in 1933 with Black Bagdadand create a sensation of Small Wars," on the Cousins. Harold Utley's "Tactics and Techniques the of neither to titillate nor to play up mystique other hand, was intended treatment of the Marines' the Marine Corps, but to provide a systematic MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 153 --- wisdom accumulated with "small wars. * He presented tactical for the experience in Haiti and elsewhere, through years of Marine Corps experience, in former colonial setcombatants in undeclared wars guidance of future to improve rates of His narrative goals were to increase efficiencyand in tings. Despite their differences success in reaching U.S. policy objectives. ways, and Utley, in distinct but complementary genre and intent, Craige violence in occupied Haiti. commented on the nature of U.S. American acknowledged, of discussion of military tactics and techniques Utley's small countries - Or, as he somethat undeclared wars in tropical use course, Wars"- -nevertheless relied on the times called them, "wars that are not instances," ? to improve rates of His narrative goals were to increase efficiencyand in tings. Despite their differences success in reaching U.S. policy objectives. ways, and Utley, in distinct but complementary genre and intent, Craige violence in occupied Haiti. commented on the nature of U.S. American acknowledged, of discussion of military tactics and techniques Utley's small countries - Or, as he somethat undeclared wars in tropical use course, Wars"- -nevertheless relied on the times called them, "wars that are not instances," ? wrote Utley, of trained soldiers, guns, and gunboats. "In some small as a section, force, sometimes as "the mere occupation by an adequate mission.' "In other affected area will suffice : to carry out our of the to overrun the entire country, as cases, ' he continued, "it will be necessary discussion of military "14 Here, in the context of a frank in HAITI in 1915. forces stated plainly the character tactics, a former officer ofthe occupation in the Marine Corps had no of the U.S. project in Haiti. Decision makers their mission. They about the necessity of force in accomplishing illusions them with open arms. They directed the did not expect Haitians to welcome with a view to subduing local movement of marine and naval personnel much force as necesestablishing American control with as opposition and radicals, and even disaffected brass may sary. While journalists, politicians, and "excessive, 9 in Utley's have described this force as "indiscriminate" more force than view the operation in Haiti simply required retrospective most, other such operations. many, perhaps interested in conventions of military pracAlthough Utley was primarily marines, his tactical manual also tice rather than in the actions of individual institutional and the individgestured toward the relationship between the Small Wars "The rules of Land Warfare for : ual dimensions of violence. " wrote Utley, because, and probably never will be written," have not been, rather than doctrine would always be in his view,, judgment and experience and Techniques' was a step in guide. Yet, Utley's "Tactics the paramount codified - formalby which small-wars doctrine was eventually the process could rely less on the happenstance of individized - SO that military action has argued, the occupation of Moreover, as Hans Schmidt ual experience. from the earlier roughneck conduct assoHaiti was pivotal in the transition colonial exploits to the ciated with the Indian wars and other unabashed and of U.S. control through client governments more subtle imposition mass of from which operations." 15 Thus, the experience counterinsurgency to colonial warfare, carried drew a range of approaches Utley encompassed OCCUPATION --- Page 154 --- in the United States' relationship to on during a period of transformation prided themselves on getting colonialism. In the roughneck spirit, marines "undershirt seat-ofthe-pants methods where necessary; the job done, by more subtle version of diplomacy" was merely a newer and only slightly in hand." which marines "took the situation the informal means by doctrine suggests a framework for Utley's hesitation in the move toward In what ways and to what the nature ofviolencei in occupied Haiti. and in exploring action in Haiti rely on formal military conventions extent did U.S. of individual ofwhat ways did it rely on the proclivities and personalities in understand the violence of U.S. imperialism ficers and enlisted men? To of military practice ask how the formal and informal aspects Haiti, we must motivations challenged and / or interacted, how institutional and individual have been espeThe move toward doctrine may reinforced one another. Utley seemed to suggest, for, as in the case of small wars, no cially complicated in "wars that are not Wars, we are at peace he cautioned his readers, *16 matter how thickly the bullets: are flying. personalities in understand the violence of U.S. imperialism ficers and enlisted men? To of military practice ask how the formal and informal aspects Haiti, we must motivations challenged and / or interacted, how institutional and individual have been espeThe move toward doctrine may reinforced one another. Utley seemed to suggest, for, as in the case of small wars, no cially complicated in "wars that are not Wars, we are at peace he cautioned his readers, *16 matter how thickly the bullets: are flying. the of this contraflourished in Haitiin space U.S.American paternalism with Haiti. Consistent with the United States was at peace diction. Formally, conferred on the United States the this official state of affairs, paternalism of care and guidbrother, in Haiti on a mission paternal status of an elder in the idea was "to make out Butler told the Senate 1921, ance. As Smedley To clarify matters, attorney Walter ofHaiti a first-class black man's country." held forth on this topic, and Butler, as the general Bruce Howe interrupted whom did you have to conasked him to describe the enemy: "[With] Butler replied, "We down there - [with] whom were you fighting?" tend . to overcome certain anybody. We were endeavoring were not really fighting obstacles in the road of accomobstacles created by the political element, >17 "The political element" plishment of the object I have just pointed out. there was no for the occupation, but in the official story, created "obstacles" enemy, for there was no war. of bullets and dead bodies took Yet bullets flew. And the material realities First and foremost, in the context of U.S. paternalism. on specific meanings military action were couched in official orders and reports surrounding oft- "teaching the Cacos a lesson" wasthe terms of discipline and protection;' Haiti. road of accomobstacles created by the political element, >17 "The political element" plishment of the object I have just pointed out. there was no for the occupation, but in the official story, created "obstacles" enemy, for there was no war. of bullets and dead bodies took Yet bullets flew. And the material realities First and foremost, in the context of U.S. paternalism. on specific meanings military action were couched in official orders and reports surrounding oft- "teaching the Cacos a lesson" wasthe terms of discipline and protection;' Haiti. This was, of course, consisstated goal of military action in occupied in Central America and tradition of U.S. colonial wars tent with the punitive invent the ugly side of paternalism elsewhere; the Marine Corps did not Haiti.' 18 But training our lens on this particular occupation especially for and punitive the between palemnalin'sati-cdenaed leads us to connections on both sides of the line iterations. Discipline was an especially key trope MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 155 --- between caring and violence. A wayward nation devices for too long had to be that had been left toits own attitude brought into line. An was deemed affectionate paternal appropriate in some merie officers were instances. American Gendartheyinstructed encouraged, for example, to adopt such an their recruitsin the use of the attitude as to shoot straight and do well in "the Springfield rifle. Ift theylearn an article in the Gendarmerie big interdepartmental shoot, >) urged Goodadvice News, "tell them you will be for a father, no doubt, but proud of them. *19 There were good affection could not do the wholej job. Haitians, and there were bad, and placed the latter at the wrong end of the punitive discipline proach, it was urged, could Springfield rifle. No other secure Haiti for its apIn this way, the occupation hailed peaceful inhabitants. figures, inviting them to individual marines as would-be father aj protective adopt a stern paternal relation to bad relation to bons habitants. In the Haitiansa and called "a rotten undeclared context of what Homer Overley marines war," such paternalist make sense oftheir role and invocations could help to join the Gendarmerie purpose. One lieutenant, who decided after hearing Butler talk about goals of the occupation - the need the humanitarian feet"-later commented, to "assist the Haitians in getting on their "we faced an obvious needed our help." *20 Haiti needed challenge, a country that economic discipline, protection, support, according to the education, and The war against the Cacos reigning discourse of the was a necessary step occupation. "the American idea,' 99 and both along the road to achieving bodied fatherly roles. phases of American assistance to Haiti emthe Thus, bya appealing to the marines' rhetoric of paternalism invited sense ofmanhood, their own. By marines to make the imperialist project the white characterizing U.S. goals in terms of the male paterfamilias, subjective identity of ize the goals of the paternalism encouraged marines to personaloccupation. Of course, the discourse of rines in Haiti. Nor could it paternalism did not successfully hail all maMarines talked about successfully hail any of the marines all the time. Racial killing, bagging, hunting, and animosity and hatred fired marines' bumping off Cacos,21 the Cacos, and erupted as well participation in the wars against outside the of Virski and South. Thus, bounds of the war, as in the cases issued bullets flew in Haiti not only because officers dispassionate tactical decisions about war because marines wielded maneuvers, and not only because guns as tools of discipline and a Sergeant Virski or a Lieutenant South pedagogy, but also Butler, could chafe or, for that matter, a against the limitations of his Major tions of his daily life, or his authority, the deprivaproximity to a racially stigmatized other. In136 OCCUPATION . Thus, bounds of the war, as in the cases issued bullets flew in Haiti not only because officers dispassionate tactical decisions about war because marines wielded maneuvers, and not only because guns as tools of discipline and a Sergeant Virski or a Lieutenant South pedagogy, but also Butler, could chafe or, for that matter, a against the limitations of his Major tions of his daily life, or his authority, the deprivaproximity to a racially stigmatized other. In136 OCCUPATION --- Page 156 --- those serving as Gendarcalled on marines especially deed, paternalism themselves into Haitian communities, to blur merie officers to integrate other. The marines' authority between American self and Haitian the lines the relative intimacy of made more palatable over Haitians undoubtedly Haitians challenged that aurelationships, but as we have seen, only paternalist While some marines may have arrived ready thority in various ways. backed themselvesinto battle with a racial enemy, others undoubtedly to do assaults on the integrity of their whiteness, such corners as they faced daily was implicated framework of the occupation In this sense, the paternalist but also in the "excesses" of vioin violence, per se, not only paternalist within the language of discipline and lence that could not be contained protection. relationship to the subThe official occupation thus had a complicated put individual marines. In a sense, the occupation jective experience of The of national, where they would erupt. complexities marinesi in a position desire to affirm identity in the occupation - the marines' racial, and gender and their social distance from Haitians their whiteness, their masculinity, injunctions. tensions that could not be fully managed by paternalist created occurred depended on its relation to What happened when the eruption in field military effort. If it fueled the marines' participation the official lesson, * and, above all, if it did not lead to campaigns, if it "taught Cacos a official uses and explained in then it could be harnessed for bad publicity, If, on the other hand, it spilled overinto terms of discipline and protection. mess for the occupation, the realm of civil society, or created a publicity of individual "excessive": and chalked up to the vagaries then it was deemed that structured individual macharacter. In this way, the relations of power "the infinitesimal what Foucault referred to as rines' subjective experience, of the state that of 9 fueled the temporary machinery mechanisms power," relations of power At the same time, such infinitesimal was the occupation. had to rein in marines' obstacles in that the occupation created potential fiction in interactions bein order to uphold the paternalist power plays natives. 99 tween marines and "peaceful inhabitants, and distinction between bons habitants, or peaceful The crucial for managing these commauvais habitants, or Cacos, was especially at rhetorical Smedley Butler, who was SO adept plex dynamics. Although fact of the war in Haiti in his Senate could elide the obvious of gymnastics, it quite SO handily. Frederick Spear testimony, others could not erase in the Marine Corps Nebraska, who had served as a lieutenant Fremont, Walter Bruce Howe's questions more straightforin Haiti, thus answered MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 157 --- warfare"? Howe asked. "Yes," wardly. Were our forces "engaged in regular and "what to Senate, we knew exactly who we were fighting Spear told the of regular modern them.' 51 And did "the rules and customs from Cacos were expect replied, because "those warfare" prevail? "Not entirely' Spear they would and if they had captured one of our marines very savage men, alive.' s When as to the instructions have skinned him questioned probably arrival in Haiti, in the middle of the war against he had received upon his he had received no formal instructhe Cacos, Spear told the Senate that other officers. exactly who we were fighting Spear told the of regular modern them.' 51 And did "the rules and customs from Cacos were expect replied, because "those warfare" prevail? "Not entirely' Spear they would and if they had captured one of our marines very savage men, alive.' s When as to the instructions have skinned him questioned probably arrival in Haiti, in the middle of the war against he had received upon his he had received no formal instructhe Cacos, Spear told the Senate that other officers. "The but that he was shown "how to take charge" by and the tions, "was that we were there to kill Cacos, attitude,' > as he understood it, natives. When I the better; but to be very careful about peaceful of quicker they instructed me, regardless went out to this town to take command, be careful . . before belief that I held toward the black race, to very and not be any of the town, and work with [the magistrate), taking command But all Cacos were to be killed. It was antagonistic toward peaceful men. there was an enemy, and there guerrilla warfare, asI understood it.' "2Thus, be alive if a clear but the paternalist fiction could kept was a savage war, inhabitants and the bad Cacos. distinction was drawn between the peaceful official basis within in turn, that marines act on an That clear line required, animosity they may framework and put aside any personal the paternalist Cacos, marines were enjoined to have had toward blacks. Thus, to vanquish all motives that could be they were expected to set aside kill; but to govern, considered personal in nature.2 and for the individual both for the occupation All this had implications marines, paternalism who carried it out. For individual American men Haiti and face the myriad questions and posed a choice. One could adopt Balutansky of Pennsylone's sense of oneself. John challenges of refiguring After completing his tour vania chose this option in a rather permanent way. his and his country of the occupation, he left corps: of duty in the early years family. Hisassociation with the Haitian woman and raise al Haitian to marryal and tension in his wife's family occupation was a source of embarrassment he himself became but, by marrying into that family, for some time to come, less ways, but they too Haitian.25 Other marines adopted Haitiin permanent marines' and As we shall see, struggled with questions of identity power. these sorts of struggles. skinned alive, or cannibalized, fed on fears of being one' 's sense ofdistance from the Violence offered an alternative for asserting for. Whether experione was sent to guide and care nation and the people and discipline or as a encedi in terms ofthe paternalist injunctions to protect itself, such personal violence was an integral rejection of paternalist rhetoric structure of domination. part ofthe occupation'soverall: OCCUPATION --- Page 158 --- ile-à-Tortue ATLANTIC OCEAN AM A Port-de-Paix Cap Haitien MÔLE ST. NICHOLASE 4 M T AA a Cape Haîtien, headquarters for the Department of S & the North Gonajves Hinche, headquarters for the Department of the Central Plateau St. Marc PAMRA Hinche Portau-Prince, headquarters for the Department of the - Mores A mr West orice ascahobas Les Cayes, headquarters for the Department of the South ile de la Gonave Port-au-Prince) DOMINICAN mAtane D Petit Goâve REPUBLIC Botnetaterctes Miragoane MeS Jacmel Les Cayes CARIBBEAN SEA Map 3- The remapping ofHaiti shaped the conduct of this For the occupation, the logic of paternalism the occupation reFirst on paper, then on the ground, war with no name. A mr West orice ascahobas Les Cayes, headquarters for the Department of the South ile de la Gonave Port-au-Prince) DOMINICAN mAtane D Petit Goâve REPUBLIC Botnetaterctes Miragoane MeS Jacmel Les Cayes CARIBBEAN SEA Map 3- The remapping ofHaiti shaped the conduct of this For the occupation, the logic of paternalism the occupation reFirst on paper, then on the ground, war with no name. to realize the fiction of boundaries of Haiti in an attempt drew the internal the country, dividing literally remapped paternalism. Military cartographers) which could be policed and districts, and subdistricts, it into departments, traditional configuration.2 26 Then, more readily than the nation' 's to managed automatics, the occupation attempted with Springfields and Browning the rebelsand the population at mark out a clear line of distinction between that is, in the first phase of U.S. large. In the early war against the Cacos, succeeded to a large action in Haiti in 1915 and 1916, this strategy military between the Cacosand their supportextent. Military cartographers) which could be policed and districts, and subdistricts, it into departments, traditional configuration.2 26 Then, more readily than the nation' 's to managed automatics, the occupation attempted with Springfields and Browning the rebelsand the population at mark out a clear line of distinction between that is, in the first phase of U.S. large. In the early war against the Cacos, succeeded to a large action in Haiti in 1915 and 1916, this strategy military between the Cacosand their supportextent. The warbegan to drive a wedge the "excesses" of violence unraveled in ers. But the fiction of paternalism much part of the population the corvée. In response, a larger that attended making the second phase of turned toward the Cacos than ever had before, nations. Thus, as Woodthe Caco War, in fact if not in name, a war between soldiers" waged the terms of peace in Europe, his "sea row Wilson drew up war against Haiti. MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 159 --- THE WAR AGAINST THE CACOS, 1915-1916 The Cacos who fought to rid their them a long tradition of country of U.S. marines carried with bird native rebellion and revolt. The taco, to the island of Hispaniola, a small but fierce tradition.27 "God feeds the little probably inspired the name of this including birds" became the motto of some Charlemagne Péralte. 28 During the last Cacos, Revolution, Cacos referred to former campaigns of the Haitian guerrilla slaves who "harassed the irregulars in support of French" as appeared again in the historical Christophe and Dessalines,29 The phrase name record in 867, at which given to small-holding time it was the took peasants in the North around up arms under the leadership of "local Cap Haîtien who officers" to challenge the chiefs" or "disaffected army Caco bands would remain government of President Sylvain Salnave. These in the vicinity of their tion when government homes, return to cultivatroops arrived in the area, and government forces had departed, Cacos reassemble once the "opportunities for would be paid for their service, with pillage"i if not with cash. At the David Nicholls, their activities same time, according to the masses." "30 were directed at "defending the interests of Between the Cacos' revolt of 1 1867 and the arrival of in 1915, rural chiefs maintained U.S. forces in Haiti them in times of need. Peasants reciprocity with Caco forces, calling on in with small and turn, viewed such revolutionary medium-sized landholdings, excesses of the national activity as an effective lever against the deemed unjust government, a kind ofveto power against what measures taken in they to the Portau-Prince,31 In the occupation, as the government in years leading up creasing pressure from the Port-au-Prince bowed under inant disaffection great powers, especially the United States, stepped up, and the peasbecame much more revolutionary activity of the Cacos frequent. Caco armies after another, as each tried, brought down one president foreign unsuccessfully; to balance the of concessionnaires, the demands of the requirements cal and economic aspirations. 32 In peasants, and their own politiofa 1911 1, Caco bands concession for the McDonald railroad opposed the granting occupation, the Cacos' revolt contract. With the advent of the power in Haiti, the U.S. was now squarely aimed at the new central the Marines and their client Cacos' activity was not originally government.ss, Although occupation nationalist in its orientation, as the progressed the Cacos' activity took on an vently, anti-American cast. explicitly, and ferHow did military Cacos and representatives of the United States their activities? From the first understand the days of the U.S. presence in Haiti, OCCUPATION occupation, the Cacos' revolt contract. With the advent of the power in Haiti, the U.S. was now squarely aimed at the new central the Marines and their client Cacos' activity was not originally government.ss, Although occupation nationalist in its orientation, as the progressed the Cacos' activity took on an vently, anti-American cast. explicitly, and ferHow did military Cacos and representatives of the United States their activities? From the first understand the days of the U.S. presence in Haiti, OCCUPATION --- Page 160 --- Daniels, Admiral telegrammed to Secretary of the Navy, Josephus in reports of the Cacos, and his belief in the Caperton set out his understanding American control. "Large of subduing them in order to secure soldiers called importance Haitian revolutions due [to] existing professional number 2; "Cacos are feared by all Haitians Cacos,' > reported Caperton on August hundred Cacos now in Portcontrol politics. About fifteen and practically in Haiti until Cacos are Stable not possible au-Prince. : . government [in] Port-aubroken. Such action now imperative disbanded and power for financial control [of] Prince if United States desires to negotiate treaty Cacos' crucial role in of course, about the Haiti. P34 Caperton was correct, financial control of and about their objections to U.S. the political process claim that the Cacos were "feared by Haiti. Yet, on what basis did Caperton the admiral's intelAt that early stage of the occupation, all Haitians"? elite sources in Port-au-Prince. That ligence was largely limited to certain but Caperton's elites feared the Cacos was no doubt accurate, some urban "all was pure fiction. attribution of this fear to Haitians" the situation, based on his Private Faustin Wirkus's understanding of the summer of participation in curfew patrols in Port-au-Prince during how he and his fellow another view. Wirkus later recalled 1915, provides their orders on these patrols. "Any Negro or any marines had understood whose behavior makes him out of doors after nine o'clock, dark person Caco rebels, is to be shot on sight by the patrol, seem like a sympathizer with could shoot "on sight" and at the 35 How marines ifhe does not surrender.' Wirkus did not make to surrender same time give someone an opportunity between dark-skinned Haitians clear. Nor did he question the association is Wirkus's challenge to of the rebels. Yet, most interesting and supporters soldiers" who characterization of the Cacos as "professional HaiCaperton's and were "feared by all stood apart from the rest of the population the lookout, not only remembered that he had been on tians. " For Wirkus with them. but also for those who supported or sympathized for Cacos, emphasized the problem of the Cacos, In mid-August Caperton again for the United States to solve in claiming, it "will be the most difficult one "these men have long Haiti.' s If so, was this because, as he wrote to Daniels, life without work"2% life of a bandit and to a been used to the wandering of fortune" or "bandits' " with no Were the Cacos only or primarily 'soldiers and unwilling to do down to the farming life of a peasant interest in settling SO without police supervision297 appears to have drawn a From the relative distance of his ship, Caperton inhabitants than distinction between Cacos and non-Caco much more rigid he received from diplohave been indicated by some of the reports might MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 161 --- officers operating on land. Presenting a matic personnel and subordinate consular at Port-de-Paix the U.S. agent contrast to Caperton's perspective, town "was entirely and openly of that reported that the general population the Cacos. The residents of the and "ready to join hostile to Government" commence what they term 'guerre Port-de-Paix, he warned, were about "to and the American occupainternationale" against [President] Dartiguenave: excited and inclined to extion." *) They were, he went on urgently, "very the revolt. matic personnel and subordinate consular at Port-de-Paix the U.S. agent contrast to Caperton's perspective, town "was entirely and openly of that reported that the general population the Cacos. The residents of the and "ready to join hostile to Government" commence what they term 'guerre Port-de-Paix, he warned, were about "to and the American occupainternationale" against [President] Dartiguenave: excited and inclined to extion." *) They were, he went on urgently, "very the revolt. In Portthereafter to suppress cesses. *38 Marines arrived shortly blurring the lines beforces, de-Paix, then, Cacos and non-Cacos joined Here which Caperton sought to maintain. tween inhabitant and insurgent, the United States faced serious moreover, an early instance in which was, residents who were not professional soldiers. opposition from resistance and cooperation in the Glossing the complexities of popular news continued to report encouraging face of U.S. military force, Caperton inhabitants who were not Cacos. In as to the welcome marines received from comstated to Daniels that "Captain Campbell's late November, Caperton there and en route which went to Hinche, found the population revealed, pany, to see our troops. Campbellsmenwrandas apparently delighted set ofnative reactions. At Hinche in contrast, a somewhat more complicated believe the Campbell had some reason to population and Pignon, indeed, the chief of the arrondissement welcomed them. At Pignon, he wrote, as we were of Pignon looked upon us as liberators, "stated that the people submitted Haitians from slavery." *40 Shortly thereafter, Campbell freeing the that "the Chiefs at Pignon and commanding officer his opinion to his in the interests of men and seem to be working Hinche appear to be good the marines in a vacuum, 17 These men did not approach the government.' may have been at stake in making however. Campbell's memoi indicateswhat ofwhat the the "Am sending in a memoranda ag good impression on captain: is due in salaries for his emChief of the Arrondissement of Hinche says and his troops had sucployees." 941 Given the level of control Caperton of militarily and financially, the allegiance government ceeded in taking, of the sentiments of the populaemployees may have been a poorindication this when Miller put a fine point on dynamic tion. 42 At Fort Liberté, Adolph Bartlett had become the local in his log that his friend he noted personal for the loyal Haitians. 43 "paymaster diary also shows very clearly how systematic Captain Campbell's company with the occupation. On Nomilitary violence shaped Haitian compliance friendlyand displayed a "the inhabitants all appeared vember 8, at Bertol, the their shacks."' 3 Campbell went on, "from questioning white flag from OCCUPATION --- Page 162 --- women, it appears evident that the Cacos in the to quit. Through their women, I have vicinity of Bertol are ready fact that, ifin the future. tried to communicate to the Cacos the a single shot is fired by them, disturbance, we would return and burn all orifthey, create any destroy their "44 their houses and crops. Earlier entries in the completely these tactics had been company diary confirm that usedalready. On November erated in eastward burning all shacks 3, Campbell wrote: "opnoted: "to Bahon, burned in that direction"; on November all shacks along 4, he "burned many shacks. Lieutenant route"; and on November 12, the occupation, Clark burned district to River.' "45 clergy at Dupity confirmed the After town at the hands of the marines: destruction suffered by the into some rifle shots in the "One detachment of the occupation ran heights of Fond-Bleu. confirm that usedalready. On November erated in eastward burning all shacks 3, Campbell wrote: "opnoted: "to Bahon, burned in that direction"; on November all shacks along 4, he "burned many shacks. Lieutenant route"; and on November 12, the occupation, Clark burned district to River.' "45 clergy at Dupity confirmed the After town at the hands of the marines: destruction suffered by the into some rifle shots in the "One detachment of the occupation ran heights of Fond-Bleu. The delay. The officer who commanded the Reprisals did not in the area. The detachment set fire to all the houses chapel went up like the rest. flames: chapel, presbytery, Everything fell prey to the patrols had burned vestments, organ. "46 By early November, down villages marine operated; throughout the areas in which marines had killed scores of the Cacos this context, white flags and Cacos and wounded many more. In conveyed assurances that the Cacos were defeat, but not delight. ready to quit These documents suggest that the marines' attitudes toward the Cacos perceptions of inhabitants' which marine were inextricably bound up with the manner in patrols soperated to enforce. rejection of the Cacos. Patrols acceptance of the occupation and followed operating in the North orders to clear the during the fall of 1915 country of "bandits. ' or gathered together in bands in the "Men with arms in hand, unless they surrender are liable disaffected locations, are bandits and to be shot, ' read one set of camps, forts, or strongholds field orders. "All northern occupied by Cacos are to be destroyed."' "47 correspondent for a Port-au-Prince As a committeei in 1922, these tactics newspaper told the Senate houses worked: "The Americans. having served as resting burned all the them places for the Cacos, SO that away themselves, knowing that they had people drove way, marine patrols drove a everything to lose." *48 In this would wedge between Caco forces and support them. those who Cacos employed similar tactics, ing and destroying the perhaps on a more limited scale, property of tradespeople who pillagoccupation government in an cooperated with the tors. 49 attempt to dissuadeother Noting the parallel between Caco potential collaboraWirkus asserted that and Marine Corps operations, "they wanted peasants supported the Cacos simply to avoid safety. They sought it from the source that reprisals: seemed most reliMORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 163 --- it from us all the time. 50 Yet, the sense of able at the time. Later they sought significant differin this observation ignored parity that Wirkus conveyed and the marines to the population at encesin the relationships of the Cacos they could tactics to enforce solidarity, large. While Cacos used intimidating economic measures imposed by to onerous also rely on peasant opposition held nationalist convictions. Port-au-Prince and, increasingly, on deeply have been on the other hand, may Support for the occupation government, crossed swords with of families that had already bolstered by the existence but it had little else to go on. Support for the Cacos in previous campaigns, accession to the superior military cathe occupation thus represented an a later phase ofthe ofthe U.S. Marines. As Wirkus wrote regarding revolupabilities the economic dimensions of the peasants' Caco War, acknowledging before one could start reasontionary activity, "a lot of killing was necessary had made him join whose hungerand general poverty ing with the peasant different view. the occupation government, crossed swords with of families that had already bolstered by the existence but it had little else to go on. Support for the Cacos in previous campaigns, accession to the superior military cathe occupation thus represented an a later phase ofthe ofthe U.S. Marines. As Wirkus wrote regarding revolupabilities the economic dimensions of the peasants' Caco War, acknowledging before one could start reasontionary activity, "a lot of killing was necessary had made him join whose hungerand general poverty ing with the peasant different view. The Cacos' violence the Cacos. 51 Official accounts offered a not but the marines had come to Haiti to protect, was a sign of savagery, to bully. 52 between hostile Cacos employed to distinguish The categories Caperton on the Haitian inhabitants imposed an artificial separation and friendly "The Cacos against whom these population. Caperton wrote to Daniels, and simply, owing no have been undertaken, are bandits purely under operations faction, but organized allegiance to the Government or any political the Government chiefs for the sole purpose of stirring up: strife against 53 Lieutenant petty and murdering innocent people. and robbing, pillaging, back on the occupation from a General Merwin H. Silverthorn, looking Asked about the of several decades, put this analysis in perspective. distance called bandits. Now, during the so-called Cacos, he responded, "They were weren't for the government were of dissidents who banana wars, any group people with a different politicalled bandits. They might be veryhonorable; were chased around Nevertheless they were bandits, and they cal feeling. whenever you could catch them." Wirkus the hills and shot at and killed in stark contrast to Caperevaluation. He wrote, provided a more specific learned about the Cacos, the less I have ton's assessment: "The more I have habitual criminals. They deserved to be called bandits, or found that they revolutionists rather than brigands; have always seemed to me to be foraging work honestly for wages who would rather steal than starve, but rather men and of cloth that Cacos steal. 55 Referring to the red hatbands pieces than to Caperton's view of the wore, Wirkus added his counterpoint proudly against the established governCacos' politics: "The battle ofthe opposition OCCUPATION --- Page 164 --- The red badge is in itself a ment is to them a battle of right against wrong. 56 Some inhabideclaration of a holy war against wrong and oppression." in the fall of 1915, the Cacos' challenge to the occupation tants supported succeeded, by violence and intimand others did not. Yet as marine patrols originally ficto reject the Cacos, Caperton's idation, in convincing people and the at large became between the Cacos population tional separation increasingly material, at least for a time. the Cacos and their the campaign to drive a wedge between Alongside offensive campaigns directly against supporters, marines also conducted aimed at destroying and in operations the rebels. fall of 1915, the Cacos' challenge to the occupation tants supported succeeded, by violence and intimand others did not. Yet as marine patrols originally ficto reject the Cacos, Caperton's idation, in convincing people and the at large became between the Cacos population tional separation increasingly material, at least for a time. the Cacos and their the campaign to drive a wedge between Alongside offensive campaigns directly against supporters, marines also conducted aimed at destroying and in operations the rebels. In raids on Caco camps, direct combat with centuries-old forts used by the Cacos, marines engagedin of Cacos killed, to Daniels included tallies the rebels. Caperton' S reports throughout the North. Mawounded, and captured in military campaigns rifles and often resorted that the Cacos were not handy with rines reported marines had the better of them with rocks instead.37 Trained to throwing casualties. As the number of Haiwide disparities in numbers of campaign the situation. On Novemmounted, Caperton tried to clarify tian casualties statement: "the operations we have ber 19, 1915, he issued the following character for the preservation of been conducting are purely of a defensive of the innocent and for the of life and property law and order - protection ofthe population in the tradesmen who form by fart the majority farmersand who, as we have seen, had been districts patrolled." 58 Yet Captain Campbell, months, put a different against the Cacos over the previous out on patrols mother, dated November 14:"We Caco in a letter to his spin on the question taken most of it out of these people, don't expect much fighting as we have before they will know will have to give them a few more lessons but we enough to quit." 59 of the situation was more consisSecretary Daniels, whose understanding immediately, ordispatched a telegram to Caperton tent with Campbell's, strongly impressed with numto dering him stop the killings: "Department lesson has been taught feels that a severe ber Haitians killed. Department maintained to preserve order Cacos and believes that a proper patrol can be 60 Dewithout further offensive operations." and protect innocent persons Daniels and the marines in the spite Caperton's official reports, Secretary offensive to that had been conducting an campaign field knew well they Consistent with the goals of a with the U.S. occupation. enforce cooperation used to describe that enforceintervention, the language they Haitians, paternalist of a father: in order to protect ment invoked the responsibilities marines had to teach them a lesson. MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 165 --- of marine patrols and counterinBy early 1916 the success of months Marines of Caco activity in the countryside. surgency tactics led to a waning destroyed most Haitian forhad burned countless villages to the ground, acts of vioof Haitians. These were systematic tresses, and killed hundreds their but they caused no directed against human beings and property, lence, campaign, they caused the United States. They fueled no political uproarin these were deemed official and legitimate no scandal in the press because and benevolent intervention. carried out in the service of a righteous acts, the violence of these acts might have An exposé focusing attention on coverage of the occupabut none did. U.S. press changed that perception, Butler and others in camfocused instead on medals of honor won by tion of Haitian insurgents. The political representation paigns against unruly intervention stood firm not destructive, the occupation as a protective, Cacos. through this first phase of the wara against the overtones: established its "moral" The paternalism of the occupation Cacos in order to of killing marines took on the unpleasant responsibility The separation of the innocent Haitian farmers and tradespeople. the occupabut none did. U.S. press changed that perception, Butler and others in camfocused instead on medals of honor won by tion of Haitian insurgents. The political representation paigns against unruly intervention stood firm not destructive, the occupation as a protective, Cacos. through this first phase of the wara against the overtones: established its "moral" The paternalism of the occupation Cacos in order to of killing marines took on the unpleasant responsibility The separation of the innocent Haitian farmers and tradespeople. protect was, then, essential to the ruling repreCacos from the population at large That separation sentation of the occupation as a paternalist undertaking. as well; by but in local communities: occurred not onlyi in Caperton'srhetorich closed ranks with the Haitians knew what they had to lose if they 1916 most nature Caperton insisted on the defensive, protective Cacos again. Whereas identified the offenSecretary Daniels and Captain Campbell of the killings, referring to them as teaching the Cacos a sive character ofthe operations by coin. lesson. Here were two sides of the same paternalist affected not only of the marines' official purposein Haiti Aconsciousnesse orders and Campbell's actions in the Caperton's rhetoric but also Daniel's have served, it or economic goals paternalism may field. Whatever strategic enable the violence necessary to secure functioned on a day-to-day level to the marines' underin Haiti and, at the same time, to uphold U.S. control Americans. Whether protecting innostanding of themselves as righteous marines were carrying out the inhabitants or teaching Cacos a lesson, cent While their violent acts were deemed dictates of a paternalist undertaking. his field orders when he for example, was following official - Campbell, also, on another level, individual burned the shacks in his path-t they were with them into the next U.S. Americans would carry this fact along acts. Santo Domingo, or back to the States. As phase oft the occupation, or over to over the next few years, the of paternalist rule sharpened the contradictions both official and individual, would dual nature of the marines' actions, become increasingly apparent. OCCUPATION --- Page 166 --- CONSTABULARY AND CORVÉE the Haitian Gendarmerie was on its way In this first phase of the Caco War, the end of 1915 Butler in occupied Haiti. By to becoming a major player around the country, and had established more than 100 Gendarmerie posts Haitian-American military he continued to build this hybrid through 1918 men and American officers. Butler and police organization with Haitian the recruitment process; at the thick of rhetoric in laid on a layer paternalist the material incentive for marines same time, a double paycheck provided the uniform of the Gendartheir Marine Corps khakis and doff to fold up their double status.61 "There will be merie, with nothing added to signify Millerin his diarythe for the bachelor officers," wrote Adolph some fatjobs 62 Some enlisted men, too, could day he learned about the arrangement." a rank or two over their of the offer, because marines gained take advantage and first sergeants generally became status in the corps. Gunnery sergeants second lieutenants generally in the Gendarmerie, while first lieutenants became captains. tremendous tasks and powerful roles. Gendarmerie officers took on around the country, some district headquarters Posted to one or another governors in their effectively served as military marinescungendarmes from, their fellow maenjoying little contact with, or assistance districts, tax collection, police functions, rines. 63" They oversaw public works projects, Silverthorn described his affairs, and military defense. Gunnery sergeants second lieutenants generally in the Gendarmerie, while first lieutenants became captains. tremendous tasks and powerful roles. Gendarmerie officers took on around the country, some district headquarters Posted to one or another governors in their effectively served as military marinescungendarmes from, their fellow maenjoying little contact with, or assistance districts, tax collection, police functions, rines. 63" They oversaw public works projects, Silverthorn described his affairs, and military defense. 64 Merwin Aux judicial and district commander for Cayes: authority as a Gendarmerie captain in this area, and I was "A town was called a commune. I had 13 communes That meant that no communal adviser to each of these communes. the had it.' " He ofthese communes. . until I approved ordinance passed by any of the town council of Auxspecified further, "I sat in on every meeting budget "for and approved every Cayes, which is a city of 15,000 people" politithe whole district." In addition to his militaryand every commune in thejustice system every time he added, he had to overseet cal responsibilities, described their authority in even Other officers someone was arrested. had complained to the more stark terms." 66 By 1917, enough communes officers' excessive conabout Gendarmerie government in Port-au-Prince took it upon himself to convey trol that the Haitian minister in Washington American officers of the to the State Department. "The these complaints "have extended their 1 he informed Jordan Stabler, Haitian gendarmerie, that wish to act as councils to such an extent they powers for the communal and not rest within their powers : . as administrators of the commune intended by the president. 67 MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 167 --- as well as doubly paid. On Gendarmerie officers' status was double-edged of their Haitians bolstered crucial aspects one hand, their authority over and superiority that was SO identity as white men. The sense of mastery from the Haitian of themselves: as set apart essential to their understanding reinforced and maintained through communities in which they lived was alike. On the other hand, of peasants and politicians their daily supervision Silverthorn described it, "mantour in the Gendarmerie could be, as a were out in the hills; you had no social killing work." " "You werei isolated;y you French. *68 Perhaps this is contacts. All of your work was donein Creole or in one Miller opted to turn down such a "fatj job' b";"Iwouldn'chavee why. Adolph in his interview month extra, s he wrote. 69 In this connection, for $1000 a Lieutenant General Silverthorn for the Marine Corps oral history project, told about Lieutenmuch like the one that Captain Craige told a story very said Silverthorn, "the former South. When he took over at Aux Cayes, ant had killed a native, and had been relieved commander had lost his mind, "the of the suicide by jumping out porthole under guard" only to commit 70 Silverthorn took over, he said, ship that was taking him to the States."' and only one American handful of white people in the vicinity with only a woman -his wife.71 basis, and lived and worked with Haitians on a day-to-day These marines these marines carried it out. officialsinstituted the corvée, when occupation the for enforcing in August 1916, they took on responsibility Beginning roads to facilitate military corvée labor for the purpose of constructing officers specified 72 Orders to the Gendarmerie control in the countryside. fed, and not taken out of the vicinity that inhabitants were to be paid wages, that wages and meals of their homes. 73 While occupation officials professed forced labor simply would be welcomed by the peasants, for many Haitians of this, the promthe slavery they abhorred. On top resembled too closely forthcoming. when occupation the for enforcing in August 1916, they took on responsibility Beginning roads to facilitate military corvée labor for the purpose of constructing officers specified 72 Orders to the Gendarmerie control in the countryside. fed, and not taken out of the vicinity that inhabitants were to be paid wages, that wages and meals of their homes. 73 While occupation officials professed forced labor simply would be welcomed by the peasants, for many Haitians of this, the promthe slavery they abhorred. On top resembled too closely forthcoming. In St. Marc, in 1918, it ised wages and meals were not always or, in American that corvée laborers received "1 gourde was reported food. >74 money, about 20 cents a week; without any enforce the corvée by Gendarmerie officers to The methods employed desire for mastery and no doubt were fueled by racism and the rank were Haitians' belief inflamed by Haitian resistance. The procceitelfrcintoacedl forcibly indeed a new form of slavery. Gendarmes took peasants that this was and used brutal discipline with the from their homes, roped them together; in the North, Altidor, from the town of Maissade, corvée gangs. Capsine while it was in Haiti that a group of testified before the Senate committee white man, 99 came to his house on June 8, 1917, gendarmes, including"one struck him on the head and made and took his son "for the corvée. "They OCCUPATION --- Page 168 --- before him to the of blood," Altidor explained, taking him lose a quantity Gendarmerie office. He never saw his son again. testified that on a American Baptist missionary L. Ton Evans European to church, he had witnessed Sunday morning in June 1918, on his way of his own con- "native preachers" and members inhabitants, including and driven like slaves" toward gregation "roped tightly and cruelly together, to the commitAs a rule, Evans explained the Gendarmerie headquarters. orders of the marines, would catch, acting "under official tee, gendarmes, and drive them to prison, and from prison arrest, and rope the natives conditions often cruelly deal with work on the roads, and under such to had witnessed these practices, or evidence of them. 76 Evans testified that he in the South, he different of the country. In Jacmel, them, in several regions as he told the senators, "I was visited the prison and the hospital, where, like or raw beef with their arms jelly startled to see two or more prisoners 19 When Evans asked the marine and being treated by our American doctor.' the captain explained what had been the cause of their condition, to captain business connected with the corvée. According that it was "the roping occurred constantly and were "a disthe doctor, Evans added, such cases testified further as to the brutal to the United States.' 77 The reverend for merely grace workers: "I have seen in the gangs at work men, use of corvée as faraslcould see their head and without the slightest provocation and turning stunned.' Evans told of dead bodies "exposed struck until actually around." 78 He could not say for naked for days, " that he had seen "lying who had been killed by had been the bodies of corvée workers sure that they but he believed this to be the case. brutal to the United States.' 77 The reverend for merely grace workers: "I have seen in the gangs at work men, use of corvée as faraslcould see their head and without the slightest provocation and turning stunned.' Evans told of dead bodies "exposed struck until actually around." 78 He could not say for naked for days, " that he had seen "lying who had been killed by had been the bodies of corvée workers sure that they but he believed this to be the case. marines' ingendarmes, anxious to establish the extent of Senator Atlee Pomerene, with the corvée, asked Evans volvement with the violent practices associated Evans re- "You do not mean that our Marines used violence?" directly: that he had never seen a marine strike sponded affirmatively, but explained that marines would want to He attributed this to the likelihood a peasant. Christian missionary. He added, howavoid behaving that way in front of a carried out." 9 the orders and see that they are ever, that the marines "give "Iverily believe that more [HaiEvans further asserted to the committee: the corvée thus illegally practiced, tians] have met their deaths through and acquiesced in by by marines and gendarmes willfully or ignorantly, than were killed in open command and at Washington those in supreme indeed the chief cause and mainstay of conflict with the Cacos, if it was not Cacoism. 79 Colonel Russell, who had recently beIn response to reports of abuses, ordered the corvée ended commander of the Marine brigade in Haiti, come MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 169 --- however, in the North. When investigations in October 1918. It continued, insisted that it had been carried out revealed this fact, occupation officials Colonel Clark H. Wells, a Gendarmerie officer, illegally by one particular for the North." The Senate and district commander Marine Corps major known about, and allowed, the bruinquiry later established that Wells had Clark Wells was never tried by tal treatment and killing of corvée laborers. court-martial.s corvée in the North, other forms of coerced Even after the end of the employed prisoners as laGendarmerie officers routinely labor persisted. sometimes made arrests in order works and even borers on public projects, of charges to levy sufficient labor. There was no shortage possible to have cursing Americans, for example, against less-than-fully compliant peasants; Haiti. 82 In at least one incould bring nine months' jail time in occupied talked openly the district commander at Hinche, stance, Selden Kennedy, General Bennett Puryear, who had about this practice; years later, Major d'Haiti between 1925 and 1928, served as a colonel in the Gendarmerie had building projects If a Gendarmerie captain recalled his explanation. number of prisoners to do the that needed completion and an insufficient him he needs SO many prisjob, he would go to the local judge and "tell 77 Then men without maoners" and "tell him to go out and get them." actively- would chetes-that is, those that appeared not to be working Louis B. Another district commander, be picked up and put to work.ss for himselfin the Pacific War *Chesty") Puller, who went on to make a name conditions under told his biographer about the severe and again at Inchon, barracks for the gendarmes at St. labored to build a new which prisoners stone, cut it into rough blocks, and Marc. "For months the men quarried broke down under the Puller's watchful eye. Dozens of them bore it under work. A few of them died." 99 "I may go to burdens, and were useless for the officer."1 " to have said to a visiting hell for this, Pullerisreported ROUTINES OF VIOLENCE, 1918-1921 had resumed with renewed By 1918, the Cacos' war against the occupation of abuses associated with dedication and force in response to the escalation later, "internal explained a few years the corvée. Puller's watchful eye. Dozens of them bore it under work. A few of them died." 99 "I may go to burdens, and were useless for the officer."1 " to have said to a visiting hell for this, Pullerisreported ROUTINES OF VIOLENCE, 1918-1921 had resumed with renewed By 1918, the Cacos' war against the occupation of abuses associated with dedication and force in response to the escalation later, "internal explained a few years the corvée. As the Union Patriotique and brutal violation be because the permanent peace could not preserved to reof Haitian citizens was a perpetual provocation of individual rights Haitians to the Cacos. In turn, the volt. *85 Simply put, the corvée drove elite agitators' became that Cacos were shiftless peasants stirred up by fiction OCCUPATION --- Page 170 --- more difficult to uphold. As one marine officer interview, it was obvious that the explained in an oral history these areas; and, because of insurgents "were natives who had lived in mountains the corvée, a lot of them had and joined the bandits. "86 At the taken to the not fight with the Cacos offered same time, Haitians who did more consistent they had before,s7 The lines support for the rebels than between their between the Cacos and their supporters, and supporters and the general to clarify by rhetorical or population, thus became harder The Marine military means, although the attempt was made. Corps, with the help of its d'Haiti, prosecuted the war with offspring, the Gendarmerie and "bon determination, habitant passes" - to those rebels who whileoffering money, food, arms. But this time, success would be would agree to lay down their the hard won. The Cacos, leadership of Charlemagne Péralte, "the organized under Forces Operating the Commander in Chief of the Against Americans, ' Benoit leaders, fought with spirit and Batraville, and other key Some tenacity to reclaim "Haiti wore "holy virgin for the Haitians. "88 sustain them in the scapulars and medals blessed in Saut D'Eau" to liberation of their country" More they were, as Péralte called solidly than before, them, a patriot In response to the renewed army." vigor ofthe more viciously, Cacos, marines themselves taking them farther and farther fought paternalist affection. away from any semblance of rived in Haiti, in "Chesty" Puller later recalled that when he first arJune 1919, "the orders down there filled; we don't want any more were: the prisons are were clear enough, and prisoners. The implications of such orders Puller's memories are from the files of the corroborated by documents secretary of the navy. 90 scribed the escalation of the Historian Arthur S. Link dewar against the Cacos this way: pacification, which had "The begun SO easily soon became almost processof mination, as the Haitians fought back a war of exterpleted until some two thousand fanatically, and the job was not comthan of them had been shot. *91 3,000 Haitians, and possibly thousands In fact, more campaigns against the Cacos, with more, were killed in military tion, Link even higher numbers failed to understand what wounded. In addihe could was at stake for see only excessive and Haitiansin the conflict; account of the second unreasonable zeal. Yet Link's phase of the Caco War is summary long imperialist tradition of instructive, for it echoes a the Haitians' fanaticism, projecting violence onto savage natives. 92 It was this implied, not the upped the ante of violence in the Americans' brutality, that creating what was "almost conflict. in military tion, Link even higher numbers failed to understand what wounded. In addihe could was at stake for see only excessive and Haitiansin the conflict; account of the second unreasonable zeal. Yet Link's phase of the Caco War is summary long imperialist tradition of instructive, for it echoes a the Haitians' fanaticism, projecting violence onto savage natives. 92 It was this implied, not the upped the ante of violence in the Americans' brutality, that creating what was "almost conflict. Link thus shifted the onus for a war of extermination' did the killing to the Haitians from the marines who In who were killed. keeping with this imperialist tradition, marines themselves attributed MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 171 --- - à A - Marine Figure II. Caco leader: Valerius Pierre. Corps Research CenterArchive, Quantico, Vinginia. --- Page 172 --- Caco leader Figure 12. Unidentified Quantico, Virginia. Marine Corps Research Center Archives, --- Page 173 --- the nature of a primitive people. As the escalation of violence to savage from the told the Senate, "we knewwhat to expect" former lieutenant Spear modern warfare" could not that "the rules and customs of regular rebels SO officers who served in the latter years of the prevail. The comments of two Asked whether he ever saw any occupation highlight this same dynamic. Brigadier General Ivan of American brutality in occupied Haiti, indication for the final year of the occupation, was quick to W. Miller, who was in Haiti "there was some talk about some clarify the situation. He explained that brutality have to remember that what we consider brutality, but then you from what they considered in the United States is different of bruamong people at that time there, their idea brutality. Those people, particularly of kindness different from ours. They had no conception tality was entirely of course, exactly what the 93 And "helping people" was, or helping people. Lemuel C. Shepherd, who served in marines were there to do, as General "We wanted to establish law from 1929 to 1934, stated. the Gendarmerie backward country. "I have a soft spot in my and order" and to "clean up" a his in Haiti,' > said Shepherd, recalling relationships heart for my four years command. Yet Shepherd likened who served under his with the gendarmes to the "Frontier fighting" or "Charlemagne and his Cacos" the war against century and to the war in Vietnam, "Indian fighting" of the nineteenth "[You've got to fight that which was under way at the time of his interview: ? he said, calling for the kind of war in the way that they're waging it on you, purposes; of client armies for counterinsurgency development and training "a white man can't do it.' >94 with the brutality they Yet white men did do it, or at least they fought of the wars sought to vanquish. 95 Indeed, none attributed to those they Indian wars, the war in Haiti, or mentioned by Shepherd, not the so-called without white men, that is, could have taken place the war in Vietnam, or, later, masculinity, that without the discourses ofwhiteness: and manhood with discourses who they were. 96 Moreover, in conjunction made white men discourses of race and gender civilization, and national identity, ofs sexuality, of and conduct in the most and directed U.S. marines' experience shaped the meanings associated violent phases of the occupation. By examining to glimpse second of the Caco War, we may begin with violence in the stage individual experience, among broad cultural patterns, the relationships bullets and bodies. The words marines and the hard material realities of their feelings and thoughts their actions in battle, and used to describe shed light on the processes by which about what they were doing, may context. As this stage of the and consciousness took shape in that of identity marines reflected upon matters race, Caco War intensified, individual OCCUPATION --- Page 174 --- In the face of official paternalism, native morality, identity, and motivation. with violence in the stage individual experience, among broad cultural patterns, the relationships bullets and bodies. The words marines and the hard material realities of their feelings and thoughts their actions in battle, and used to describe shed light on the processes by which about what they were doing, may context. As this stage of the and consciousness took shape in that of identity marines reflected upon matters race, Caco War intensified, individual OCCUPATION --- Page 174 --- In the face of official paternalism, native morality, identity, and motivation. struggled to maintain their hostility, and bad press for their corps, they us understand from the field mayh help sense oft themselves. Their reflections in which subjective surrounding violence, and the manner viothe meanings in the context of this individual and group identities were challenged lent international conflict. rich and reflective record of his Faustin Wirkus left behind a particularly in the Marine Corps in consciousness in battle. Wirkus left Haiti a private Wirkus was two years later as a sergeant. In April 1919 1916, to return in the Gendarmerie. Facing battle for commissioned as a second lieutenant for his first stint in the counthe first time (he had served in Port-au-Prince his on a Caco leader considered his actions, as he trained sights try), Wirkus this man's coolness in facing fire made leaving his camp: "something in before, I grew a little sick at the lower gun. I had never killed a man me my I thought, would be murder. thought of taking a life like this-this, "Olivier," 3 the that his qualms had been misplaced. Wirkus later explained his hostile acts and brought many Caco leader he let slip away, continued later date. If he had been along with him, only to die in battle at a Haitians the man, he thought, he would have able to shoot when he first had seen the issue of interpretation. lives.98 Nonetheless, Wirkus raised saved those murder? Not necessarily, Wirkus Did killing an enemy leader constitute followers. Wirkus's if it saved the lives of his peasant scemed to suggest, seemed to shift the moral the way in which context reflections suggested weight and meaning of a violent act in battle. some of the of his memoir, Wirkus made explicit In other passages marines' dehumanization of processes that contributed to the Wirkus thought other marines spoke of "hunting" Cacos, Cacos in battle. Whereas involved in that attitude. 99 On one occaarticulated the intellectual process they "seemed more like sion, he noted that seeing Cacos raiding a village, a few Haitians than armed enemies." 100 And coming on frightened animals come on wild animals in a wilderness in a thicket, he wrote, "often I have the four-footed creatures which has not been troubled by hunters, where the same way- standing mieamansomaleren acted exactlyt between racial attitudes at home Wirkus also articulated the connection described a battle in which of killing Cacosin battle. He and the experience located in front of a tall "chalk-like the Cacos hid behind a line of boulders around the side of over the top or cliff." "Every time a black head appeared on a painted he wrote, "it was as clearly outlined as a bull's eye "I a boulder," to aim and shoot: Wirkus related his thoughts as he proceeded target. at black heads, which appeared very steadied down to my, job of popping MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 175 --- at. American behind the 'hit the nigger and get a cigar' games: much as those earlier the Haitian rebels 102 Here, despite his reasoning, amusement parks. top or cliff." "Every time a black head appeared on a painted he wrote, "it was as clearly outlined as a bull's eye "I a boulder," to aim and shoot: Wirkus related his thoughts as he proceeded target. at black heads, which appeared very steadied down to my, job of popping MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 175 --- at. American behind the 'hit the nigger and get a cigar' games: much as those earlier the Haitian rebels 102 Here, despite his reasoning, amusement parks. dehumanized. Killing came to seem like an became simply targets, utterly back home in front of a The racism that placed white men amusement. resounded in this foreign context, beebee gun and an image of a black man him pull the trigger. the logic of paternalism that earlier helped challenging can be observed ofracist sport, of killing as amusement, And the resonance who, as we have seen, referred to their in the discourse of other marines military activityin Haiti as "hunting Cacos." racial attitudes at demonstrated the connection between Wirkus thus Cacos in battle. Marines who shot at home and the experience of killing here, did not, in SO doing, carry Cacos while under fire, as Wirkus describes a most tradikilling. 79 They were, presumably, waging on "indiscriminate likeness between this activity and the sport tional form of warfare. Yet the them, whether or not images of blacks at home did not escape of shooting level, as in Wirkus's case. Thus, racit was present to them on a conscious tone of the occuboth contributed to and undermined the paternalist ism as children enabled marines Seeing people of African heritage pation. and disciplinary motivations. themselves acting on protective to imagine however, did not. Seeing them as targets, with paternalism and vioWirkus's dissection of his own engagement these which marines negotiated lence lends insight to the processes by after the fact, and written but his account, written some years complexities, In the face of paternalism's tells too neat and tidy a story. for publication, and seemingly threatening culture, contradictions, in the face of a foreign war's escalation face of one's own doubt, marines confronted the in the less Homer Overley's lingerand their own violence- - with much certainty. telling, in this respect, than Wirkus'scareful ing sense of doubt seems more the time, also reveal the sense of Letters home, written at explanations. have felt. In a letter to his mother, for example, confusion marines must a medal from the Haitian Pulleradmitted his surprise at receiving "Chesty" Puller wrote, "You may rest assured I was for killing Cacos. to be government found out that I had been ordered to Port-au-Prince 103 relieved when I for the same. decorated for killing Cacos and not to be court-martialled marines felt from contributed to the sense of separation Such confusion the difficulties of field campaigns and their home country as they faced for a week or two at a time, battles. Marine patrols took to the mountains in the daytime and sometimes little food. They"hid out with little sleepand One marine described it as sweaty, backtraveled at night," ever watchful. drums, associwork. 11 At the same time, the sounds of conchesand breaking OCCUPATION --- Page 176 --- Marine Figure 13. Marines with prisoner Corps Research Center Archives, Quantico, Virginia. ated with Vodou tling and ceremonies poorly understood demoralizing. Stories of by the marines, were gave marines the "jitters. in the daytime and sometimes little food. They"hid out with little sleepand One marine described it as sweaty, backtraveled at night," ever watchful. drums, associwork. 11 At the same time, the sounds of conchesand breaking OCCUPATION --- Page 176 --- Marine Figure 13. Marines with prisoner Corps Research Center Archives, Quantico, Virginia. ated with Vodou tling and ceremonies poorly understood demoralizing. Stories of by the marines, were gave marines the "jitters. P104 cannibalism added a unsetIn this gruesome twist that ties jarring. context, marines could find U.S. "Chesty" Puller, in a letter press coverage of marine pressed his frustration to a friend back atrociand made over Americans who in the States, exa fuss over misunderstood the once in a while some something that seemed to him occupation the trouble here, misguided fool upin the inconsequential: "every off."105 Homer sets up a howl over a few black States, who knows nothing of Overley recalled how bandits being ports, knowing (he painful it was to hear knocked thought) that the about such nibalism that plagued marines papers never told the stories reburned all his unofficial daily. And Faustin Wirkus of canhands of someone field notes for fear that claimed that he In who might not they would fall into the light of the moral understand the situation. 106 difficulty expressed confusion, normative by these men, it is dissonance, and emotional especially notable that marines MORAL seem BREAKDOWN --- Page 177 --- to have had a good deal of autonomy in the field, ing as officers in the Gendarmerie. particularly when operatofficers in Perodin, Upon joining three other Gendarmerie Sergeant Wirkus recalled himself up here. Each being told, for man "It'severybody told of one Gendarmerie takes his orders in his own way.' 9 Wirkus methods. officer, named Williston, who devised Williston had madeithist trademark his own he killed. He stacked them to collect the hats of all those of intimidation. on a pole as a visible body count and as a Another officer weapon that orders to explained to Wirkus: "Williston 'get' a Caco (or a bandit) mean believes him before he first gets you. 1 So Williston literally You had best get touch ofred about his clothing. 'gets' every Caco he sees with a time, because he's It'sgoing to get him into trouble, apt to get' somebody he shouldn't."17 somesuggested, was. a story of Here, Wirkus "indiscriminate ' ton from other marines in the killing. What distinguished Willisfailed to draw field, according to Wirkus, was that Williston proper distinctions between victims in battle. appropriate and inappropriate This failure to maintain the Haitians and another proper distinctions between one was precisely the issue at stake category. of "indiscriminate killing. - To conduct in the scandal over paign in the context of a successfully: a counterinsurgency campaternalist foreign intervention maintenance of several crucial analytic necessitated the acceptable and unacceptable distinctions, between, for forms of example, able motivations and violence, honorable and dishonorYet these purposes, and appropriate and victims. distinctions, if they had ever been inappropriate down, in the face of Haitian clear, were certainly breaking against the Cacos. resistance, in the second phase of the war On October 15, 1919, Colonel Russell issued such activities if they in fact were confidential orders to stop "troops in the field have going on. crucial analytic necessitated the acceptable and unacceptable distinctions, between, for forms of example, able motivations and violence, honorable and dishonorYet these purposes, and appropriate and victims. distinctions, if they had ever been inappropriate down, in the face of Haitian clear, were certainly breaking against the Cacos. resistance, in the second phase of the war On October 15, 1919, Colonel Russell issued such activities if they in fact were confidential orders to stop "troops in the field have going on. The "alleged charge" was that declared and carried on what asan 'open season'where care is is commonly known natives not taken to determine whether encountered are bandits or good or not the been ruthlessly burned citizens' and where houses have merely because they were property otherwise destroyed." **108 Russell's unoccupied and native process long in the making; however, his confidential orders identified a tion attempted to deal with the concurrent address to the populathem nonexistent. problems that resulted "The simply by declaring occupation is of Haiti and have them determined to enforce only the laws all the respected, and it will assure its entire good and peaceable citizens while it will drive protection to statement reaffirmed the out the bandits. ruthlessly burned citizens' and where houses have merely because they were property otherwise destroyed." **108 Russell's unoccupied and native process long in the making; however, his confidential orders identified a tion attempted to deal with the concurrent address to the populathem nonexistent. problems that resulted "The simply by declaring occupation is of Haiti and have them determined to enforce only the laws all the respected, and it will assure its entire good and peaceable citizens while it will drive protection to statement reaffirmed the out the bandits. *109 His ideal: good distinctions that were crucial to the citizens and bandits were mutually paternalist exclusive categories; Ameri158 OCCUPATION --- Page 178 --- citizens; the occupation in Haiti iin order to protect good cans were present it was a benevolent presence. was in no way an outside imposition; Haitian indignation over would not be sufficient to erase This declaration Nor would it change the and abuses they experienced. the usurpations later, Russell issued yet another occupied Haiti. A year nature of violencein "officers attached to confidential memoranda. It instructed in his series of should bring them that when and where their responsibilities this Brigade" such duty will be performed with the "in contact with the Haitian people situation. *110 Clarifying the with the minimum of harshness compatible be to understand it, he of this order, for those who would not apt a logic reasons for this: personal self respect and continued, "There are two good of the Officer, in the and human kindness on the part regard for decency the interest of his own government, in first place, and public expediencyin can view the occupation of the second place.' 99 "No people with any spirit other than as a by the troops of another nation in any light their territory treatment may soften the blow, but considerate heavy blow to their pride; that goes to defeat the harshness is bound to harden it into resentment American officers nation. Itis) plain that largerinterests of the occupying and goodwill ofthe Haitian should exert every effort to gain the confidence firmness is *111 relaxing firmness where required. people, without in any way to shore up the distinctions In this way, the brigade commander attempted But the Caco maintain the benevolent face of paternalism. that alone could and discipline. Viothe of protection War had come to defy justifications discriminate among -that is, to lence that had rested on the ability to become indiscriminate. forms, victims, purposes, had discern -appropriate restore the fiction of paternal care. Nothing short of conquest would talk about it, could be conneither the violence, nor In the meanwhile, disclosures, that led, intained. The event that led to the most damaging the killing, 99 did not take place on of "indiscriminatel deed, to public charges woods behind a prison in the vicinity of field of battle, but rather in the noncommissioned officer (NCO) Hinche. On May22, 1919, a Marine Corps Brokaw led two marine prilieutenant named Louis A. and Gendarmerie out back of the prison into those three and two prisoners vates, gendarmes, ordered the prisoners to dig graves, one each, woods. Brokaw is said to have ordered Private WalterE. and then to stand in front of those graves. He then to shoot along with the gendarmes, Johnson and Private John, J. McQuilkin, trials for Johnson and Mccourt-martial the two prisoners. Subsequent men shot at but did not kill the Quilkin established that the two enlisted but fearhis authority to order such an execution, prisoners. [DJoubting shot 'wide' SO as not to kill,' 99 read one stateing to disobey orders, [they] MORAL BREAKDOWN to have ordered Private WalterE. and then to stand in front of those graves. He then to shoot along with the gendarmes, Johnson and Private John, J. McQuilkin, trials for Johnson and Mccourt-martial the two prisoners. Subsequent men shot at but did not kill the Quilkin established that the two enlisted but fearhis authority to order such an execution, prisoners. [DJoubting shot 'wide' SO as not to kill,' 99 read one stateing to disobey orders, [they] MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 179 --- were still alive," " shot of the case. Then Brokaw, 'seeing the prisoners ment The on trial were convicted and killed them "with his own pistol. privates never tried by courtLieutenant Brokaw was of striking the prisoners. martial because "he was adjudged insane. Critics of the occupaaccounts, a startling atrocity. This killing was, byall of a corrupt intervention; who learned of it, saw it as emblematic tion, event, from a public relations Colonel Russell also viewed it as a horrible he did not see the as well as in other ways. As far as we know, Barnett. standpoint, before they were passed along to General court-martial records Barnett found something more startling Buried in those records, General Spear, whom we have met, than the event itself. Marine Corps Lieutenant that neither his defense counsel for Private, Johnson, had argued serving as be too harshly for their acMcQuilkin, should judged client, nor Private custom. "He had himself tions, for they were merely following a general seen many similar cases. 113 in the court-martial record, Responding to the revelations contained letter to Colonel Russell and confidential" Barnett sent a stern "personal with all "guilty parties ordering an end to the corvée and an investigation for the killing of a "The court-martial of one private brought to justice. his counsel that showed me that native prisoner brought out a statement by for time," killing of the natives has gone on some practically indiscriminate gained only from the cases that wrote Barnett. "Judging by the knowledge has been sadlyl lacking in before me,. the Marine Corps have been brought that thisi is corrected and corrected andj ljustice, and I look to you to see right the letter that made its way to the American press,, just at once. 114 This was when George Barnett stepped five months before a presidential election, Frederick Wise, then commandantofthe down as commandant ofthe corps. led to the idea that "the shooting Gendarmerie, later wrote that these events 115 Wasit? ordinary routine. of nativesin Haiti was comparatively in the war against the Cacos We have seen how "the shooting of natives" warfare from indisrighteous of distinctions separating led to a blurring the practice of burncriminate killing. Shooting natives also accompanied the shootagainst the Cacos, although ing inhabitants') homes in campaigns Heraux Belloni invisible in official descriptions of that activity. ing was often committee that he had seen a group testified before the Senate of Maïssade shoot his mother and burn down their of gendarmes, led by a white man, being hit; from the nearby house. Belloni escaped from the house without the tree to where he hid, he saw his dead father slumped against ravine which he was tied. 116 the notorious case of Johnson and There were other instances, besides OCCUPATION --- Page 180 --- McQuilkin, in which gendarmes or marines shot ments and testimony that prisoners. Some docuemerged at the Senate hearings widespread practice of shooting pointed to the Turner conducted prisoners. Marine Corps major an Thomas C. investigation at Maïssade after the Quilkin case came to light. he hid, he saw his dead father slumped against ravine which he was tied. 116 the notorious case of Johnson and There were other instances, besides OCCUPATION --- Page 180 --- McQuilkin, in which gendarmes or marines shot ments and testimony that prisoners. Some docuemerged at the Senate hearings widespread practice of shooting pointed to the Turner conducted prisoners. Marine Corps major an Thomas C. investigation at Maïssade after the Quilkin case came to light. Upon Johnson and Mcthat he questioned concluding his investigation, he many gendarmes and reported of hearing many rumors of marines; "while they all admitted able to testify under oath that murdering Caco prisoners none of them were Haiti such was SO. Almost during the early part of this everyone stationed in the fact that both marines year seemed to have some knowledge of and gendarmes were difficult to get any witnesses to killing prisoners. It was very undersigned, they testify directly as, in the of were all equally culpable. P117 opinion the and many of them is "That there were undoubtedly true, ) wrote killings cluded, however, that all of these Turner. His report conmany killings could Major Clark H. Wells, 99 the same be "directly traced to after man who continued to enforce the receiving orders to stop it. Turner believed corvée darmerie officers were that because the Genthey had a deeply noncommissioned officers in the Marine Corps, instructed ingrained sense of obedience to senior them, wrote Turner, "to officers. Wells ried their orders out bump off Caco and to the best of their ability. "118 prisoners, they carWells was not alone in his culpability. Turner, there: are several other Beside the cases discussed by prisoners that have instances of marines or made it into the historical gendarmes shooting darme was court-martialed record. One Haitian for shooting three genafter two otherse escaped from him. prisoners "in cold blood" committed in It was determined that the an attempt to silence the victims. murderswere was sentenced to death, and the The gendarme in question send a execution was carried out message to other swiftly in order to Cases gendarmes, or SO it was claimed. 119 involving Americans did not come to swiftly or at all. Louis justice in the same way. Cukela, a Marine Medal of Honor as a sergeant in Corps lieutenant who had won a the middle ofa a Marine France, executed a group of prisoners "in "transferred but camp,' according to one superior officer. not court-martialed." "120 Cukela was serts that Puller was proud of "Chesty" Puller's biographer ashim about having shot the "minor Caco chief" who told Sergeant Lawrence Muth's he shot the Caco chief death;at the time, Puller claimed that because he tried to In addition, marines escape. Sergeant serving under Major Wells, like those Brokaw, made their own decisions serving under Herman about "bumping off" Hanneken, who would soon gain prisoners. for capturing and killing considerable renown and respect Charlemagne Péralte, clearly made his own deciMORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 181 --- leader whom he had taken prisoner while on sion when he killed a Caco this with arresting in the vicinity of Hinche. Hanneken reported patrol 1919. "[A]fterar running fight up frankness to Major Wells on February 15, a hindrance I five Cacos were killed and as Marius was proving a mountain report. Wells subsequently squirkilled him, * he wrote in a field operations in his personal files. respect Charlemagne Péralte, clearly made his own deciMORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 181 --- leader whom he had taken prisoner while on sion when he killed a Caco this with arresting in the vicinity of Hinche. Hanneken reported patrol 1919. "[A]fterar running fight up frankness to Major Wells on February 15, a hindrance I five Cacos were killed and as Marius was proving a mountain report. Wells subsequently squirkilled him, * he wrote in a field operations in his personal files. 122 reled the report awayi other incidents of violence. He The Reverend L. Ton Evans testified to or, as they marines "boastfully speak of their killing, had, he asserted, heard *123 He described a dead termed it, bagging Cacos on shooting expeditions. Marc for the purpose of carried openly through the streets of St. body being of the cloth, Evansl learned about some terrorizing the inhabitants. As a man Petite Rivière had told remorseful marines. A lieutenant from abuses from had told him of lesseracts of violence. him about killings there, and others confessed to me that when American marine officers have "Many of our somewhat prejudiced, ignorant of they came first to Haiti, inexperienced, them, [and] wrongly abused often misunderstood their language . they Captain Kenny, who "had a these men. *124 According to Evans's testimony, his error" to the reverat St. Marc, had "admitted reputation for brutality" Haitians told Evans Another marine who had bragged about killing end. were in Haiti," and was "that he was sick and disgusted with the way things he "would be done forward to going back to the States, where looking with this kind ofl life. 125 forever of 1919, in a the last days of 1918, and the opening days Evans spent been arrested by order of Kenny's successor, prison cell at St. Marc having charged with rebellion against Captain Fitzgerald Brown, and subsequently about the violence of Evans had been raising questions the U.S. occupation. and was firmly of the belief that the marines and gendarmes in the district, of his Brown was one of the prime targets drink was behind it. Captain evidence of abuse and Evans claimed, he observed criticisms. In prison, beaten into a kind of jelly," according to torture. One man "had his back had he was asked another prisoner how it happened, Evans. When Evans Brown, in another of his drunken rages told "that this American Captain female prisoners with "their had pounded this man. " Evans reported seeing tortured." 126 In addiheads held under spigots by gendarmes: and otherwise "I could hear Evans claimed that he heard even more: tion to what he saw, as well as their being cruelly and of native prisoners, the yelling groaning and groans would cease, a time these yells beaten and pounded. . . Many like ifthey were carrying out a and then a scuffle, whispering, and the sound but held these beatings to gendarmes, dead body.' 127 Evans attributed Brown responsible for them. OCCUPATION --- Page 182 --- during this second phase of the war Sexual violence also came to light that Marines though it was not confined to period. against the Cacos, off-duty hours resulted in re- "prowling for liquor and women" during suggesting to U.S. with Haitian citizens from the outset, peated conflicts men was the primary source of officials that the misbehavior of enlisted 128 € Marines often imbetween the occupation and the population.' friction Daniels noted in his diary in August moral,' " Secretary of the NavyJosephus the Young Men' 's ChrisDaniels looked into the possibility of bringing relatively 1920; to address the problem. though it was not confined to period. against the Cacos, off-duty hours resulted in re- "prowling for liquor and women" during suggesting to U.S. with Haitian citizens from the outset, peated conflicts men was the primary source of officials that the misbehavior of enlisted 128 € Marines often imbetween the occupation and the population.' friction Daniels noted in his diary in August moral,' " Secretary of the NavyJosephus the Young Men' 's ChrisDaniels looked into the possibility of bringing relatively 1920; to address the problem. His tian Association (YMCA) to Haiti whole, the fact consistent with the occupation as a despite mild response was standards of decencyi in contrast to Haithat U.S. officials touted American deprecation of Haitian 130 In fact, Americans' repeated tian immorality.' an in which rape did much to create and maintain atmosphere women unnamed, and, of course, unpunished. Consistent would go unrecognized, in the United States, Captain with racialized definitions of rape prevailing Inever heard I believe, implies a lack of consent. Craige commented, "rape, black belt. >131 In this context, of a case where consent was lacking in Haiti's and the extent of Americans to insist on the severity it would fall to African women and young girls. Indeed, sexual violence by marines against Haitian pastor of the African it was the Reverend S. E. Ghmdhwmetaerd.Ameikoen) who charged marines, in Church in Port-au-Prince, Methodist Episcopal alonein the Bisquet' with systematic rape in Haiti. "In one night May 1920, little from 8 to 12 years old died from nine girls section of Port-au-Prince and the Chisoldiers, 1 Churchstone-lord stated the raping of American enlisted men who were involved, Defender reported. Nor was it only he cago made clear, for white officers of the Gendarmerie, Churchstone-Lord "to procure native women for native gendarmes also charged, compelled use of the whites as concubines." ordinary routine" In all these ways, violence was, in fact, a "comparatively in field camHaiti. The routine of violence began in 1915, in occupied forms as resisted the the Cacos; it took on new peasants paigns against of the Cacos it exploded beyond the corvée; and with the resurgence campaign. Rape and sexual boundaries of corvée enforcement and military Americans for the though they went on without comment by to harassment, from the beginning, but came characterized the occupation remost part, corvée and the resurgence of the Caco light following the use of the though not all in the The routine of violence affected all marines, bellion. committed atrocities; it is possible that a relatively same way. Not all marines forms of violence outside in the most extreme small number participated the conduct of military campaigns. MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 183 --- in the atrocities that did occur? What roles did alcohol and insanity play they do not very real factors in some cases, While these were undoubtedly and cultural processes why violence took place, or what subjective explain actively in and to perpetuU.S. American men to participate led individual is why, when American men in ate the routine of violence. The question their behavior take the unbalanced, did Haiti became drunk or mentally with the it did? Other American men in Haiti struggled particular form the routine of violence, to very challenges of the occupation, including in which their stories beends. Their experiences, and the ways different shed light on the cultural woven into Marine Corps legends, may came Haiti. dimensionsofviodlencel in occupied THAT NAMELESS DREAD committed atrocities and were found innoMarines, like Louis Brokaw, who lost their normal were judged, in effect, to have cent by reason of insanity caused them to commit actions subjective state. This loss, it was reasoned, aside, for the mocould not be held responsible. Leaving for which they this "insanity" was a politically expedient ment, the question as to whether and its fragility in various the claim raised the issue of identity fabrication, fabrication it may have been in contexts. occupied THAT NAMELESS DREAD committed atrocities and were found innoMarines, like Louis Brokaw, who lost their normal were judged, in effect, to have cent by reason of insanity caused them to commit actions subjective state. This loss, it was reasoned, aside, for the mocould not be held responsible. Leaving for which they this "insanity" was a politically expedient ment, the question as to whether and its fragility in various the claim raised the issue of identity fabrication, fabrication it may have been in contexts. However expedient a real occupation of marines facing a very instances, it reflected the experience some one's sense of oneself amid the colsubjective challenge: how to maintain how to mainand distinctions essential to one's identity; lapse of meanings white man, and as an American, in occupied tain one's sense of oneself as a Haiti. affected some marines in Haiti, causing We have seen how this challenge their home country as they on the they felt from them to remark separation who resented criticism of the mafaced the difficulties of battle: Overley, in the field and feared to maintain a sense of humanity rines, attempted his notes for fear of being misunderstood losing his head; Wirkus burned marines in Haiti; Puller and later articulated many of the challenges facing from anof distinguishing one act of violence lost hold of the importance and ultimately committed vioof Haitian from another, other, one "type" Louis Cukela, an immigrant to the United lent acts in a variety of contexts; Haiti and took it out on a group of States, felt betrayed by having to be in and cultural These marines grappled with the subjective Haitian prisoners. Some lost their heads, SO to speak. dilemmas presented by the occupation. committed acts of have focused most directly on marines as they So far, we OCCUPATION --- Page 184 --- considered what was at stake in committing these acts. violence, and as they marines) resolved the tension marines (and sometimes these same Yet some the humanity of the Haitian people by between recognizing and denying In doing SO, promises of the occupation. taking seriously the paternalist difficulties facing these marines were not clear of the subjective in however, more than one way to lose one's head their fellow soldiers, for there was occupied Haiti. themselves, in various ways, to come close Stories about men who allowed the texture of the marines' subjecto Haiti and Haitians reveal something of masculinity, and Americantive and emotional investments in whiteness, by the Marines who were captured ness, that is, in their own identities. and perhaps embraced too Cacos, marines who joined the Gendarmerie with Haitian officers, marines who took up thoroughly their status as Haitian with Haitians in those who learned Creole and mixed easily women, and of Marine Corps lore. Vehicles conversation were apt to become the subjects such stories conof marines' fears and preoccupations, for the expression and nationalist discourses that framed nected the threads of racial, gender; this is why they beof marines in occupied Haiti. Perhaps the experience and, in turn, lent themselves to came the stuff of Marine Corps legend, horror fiction. consumption back in the States as pulp popular raised by the myriad boundary By addressing the fears and uncertainties nation, marines' horror required of white men occupying a black Returncrossings their racial, gender, and national identity. stories served to shore up Lieutenant Arthur J Burks home after a brief tour in Haiti in 1924, his career ing into lurid tales, laying the groundwork for parlayed these stories In several stories, Burks's and prolific pulp fiction writer." as a popular the lure which calls always to the heroes were marines who, "following their "innermost with terrorin adventurous," ' found themselves shuddering Burks wrote of his another normal American, being. 134 "As one with manya Haiti's short and bloody past was fictional Lloyd Chandler, "just to think of the nameless dread. 1924, his career ing into lurid tales, laying the groundwork for parlayed these stories In several stories, Burks's and prolific pulp fiction writer." as a popular the lure which calls always to the heroes were marines who, "following their "innermost with terrorin adventurous," ' found themselves shuddering Burks wrote of his another normal American, being. 134 "As one with manya Haiti's short and bloody past was fictional Lloyd Chandler, "just to think of the nameless dread. 1 135 Burks's stories, and to be filled with horror and a marines to mark the distance lore from which he drew his material, enabled and the and Haitians when the logic of paternalism between themselves Haiti threatened to collapse that distance. material fact of their presence in whiteness and manhood as tales that affirmed Such stories were cautionary Ironically but predictably, similar well as a sense of belonging to America. occasion for Americans when told by Haitians, became yet another stories, narrative. Thus, upon hearing that Haitian peasto replay the paternalist them, Colonel Russell feared that Americans had come to cannibalize a ants "The Haitians, as you no doubt know, are reported to General Barnett, MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 185 --- of rumors are circulated among them very hysterical people. Hundreds children, they believe them and," 99 ridiculous, but, like daily that are simply of his own troops, "completely the colonel added, echoing the language lose their heads. 136 lose his head in Haiti, according The most literal way for an American to Genbe by Haitians. An experienced to Marine Corps lore, was to captured when he received his commission darmerie officer warned "Chesty" Puller, that the Cacos would bloody lieutenant in the Haitian constabulary, as a slash the face to ribbons, and tear the body their wounded enemies: "They that they could lose You will see. 137 Marines warned one another apart. for example, from Frederick Spear's their skin in Haiti, too, as we know, interview. "It was a and from Lester Dessez's oral history Senate testimony recalled Brigadier Gengrim affair for those caught by the revolutionaries," skinned alive. 138 Yet, Dessez some years later, "for they were usually eral and certainly most detailed tales ofd fcannibalism were perhaps most frequent in blood and gore. who recounted the story of Ser- "Chesty" Puller was only one of many have eaten a piece of Muth. Benoit Batraville was said to geant Lawrence and strength. In a letter to a friend back Muth's heart to obtain his courage "In the fight with the Cacos a few Puller wrote of Muth' n'sdeath: in the States, and Gendarmes left him when they weeks back Muth got his. The Marines dead when the black men got retreated (damn them). . I surely hope he was There wasn'ta a large force hiked over to the scene. to him. The next day, hand. His head is stuck up on the end of piece of flesh or bone as large as my Puller told of his out in the hills. 139 In his memoir, a pole somewhere now, Muth. After with literally to "talking search for the truth of what happened of combats in which he had hundreds of the bandits, hearing their versions Muth from a "minor Caco learned about fought, 1 Puller claimed to have Charlieuse these words: We named Charlieuse. Puller attributes to chief" sacrifice. As always we took off the head from were four chiefs to make the the chest : and Leftenant, and cut up his body. . Then we opened the And we ate ofit, each of the four chiefs, took out the heart. alking search for the truth of what happened of combats in which he had hundreds of the bandits, hearing their versions Muth from a "minor Caco learned about fought, 1 Puller claimed to have Charlieuse these words: We named Charlieuse. Puller attributes to chief" sacrifice. As always we took off the head from were four chiefs to make the the chest : and Leftenant, and cut up his body. . Then we opened the And we ate ofit, each of the four chiefs, took out the heart. It was very large. Muth. It was a glorious day." 140 of the courage of your Leftenant to partake Muth's death encompassed lore surrounding Sergeant The considerable of Muth'sregiment described versions of his story. The official history mutimany "a discovery-the the search for Muth' s body as revealing gruesome the head and heart, the Lawrence Muth, minus lated remains of Sergeant eaten by the Cacos. latter purportedly without even being captured. When Yet, marines could lose themselves the physifor he was struck by Faustin Wirkus arrived in Perodin, example, OCCUPATION --- Page 186 --- he met there. There were three marines cal appearance of the Americans location, Philip Neuhaus, Samuel Gendarmerie officers at that serving as who proudly stacked and a man named Kelly; it was Williston Williston, of Haitians he had killed."2 native hats on a pole to count the number officers or men, I had Wirkus later wrote: "They were unlike any marines, had bedraggled, were sunken in their heads. They ever seen. Their eyes about them, slackand creaseless. untrimmed whiskers; their uniforms hung hats had been lost native hats of plaited straw. (Their campaign They wore to Wirkus, were transformed "143 These marines, according in the jungles.)" with the Gendarmeric. They had lost their by their experience in the jungle "sunken in their heads, * they, like resemblance to other marines. With eyes signs of wear. Like Virski and Lieutenant South, showed physical Sergeant a sort of moral breakdown; they Virskiand South, too, they had experienced: acts of violence. committed, or ran the risk of committing, indiscriminate breakdown, a mahis likeness to other Americans, facing moral tells us Losing his sense of himself. Wirkus rine in the Gendarmerie risked losing hats. Having lost their Kelly, and Williston had changed too that Neuhaus, these with the native hats" in the jungle, they had replaced these men "campaign makes literal one of the changes equivalent. Wirkussdescription they had changed hats; while By, joining the Gendarmerie, had undergone. in the Marines, they had become "Haithey continued technically to serve lived and fought every day tian" officers. They commanded Haitians; they Haitians. Their world had become Haitian. with, and against, the stories of Virski and South, at times John Houston Craige, who told degeneration and colfeared that he was himself on the path to "nervous I was well with me, officially, but personally, " He wrote, "all was going and lapse." 9 Daily contact with Haitians, beginning to be conscious of a change. explained, had brought participation in the affairs oftheir daily lives, Craige suffered with them, "I worked and sweated and him too close to Haiti. rains and heat for more than three country-folksa and townspeople, through them born, saw them die them and tried to civilize them. generation and colfeared that he was himself on the path to "nervous I was well with me, officially, but personally, " He wrote, "all was going and lapse." 9 Daily contact with Haitians, beginning to be conscious of a change. explained, had brought participation in the affairs oftheir daily lives, Craige suffered with them, "I worked and sweated and him too close to Haiti. rains and heat for more than three country-folksa and townspeople, through them born, saw them die them and tried to civilize them. I saw years. Iruled the mantle, their funerals. 144 Craige had accepted paternalist and went to but eventually it took its toll. uncontrollably violent, he While Craige did not seem to fear becoming he had previously to believe some of the things did notice he was beginning He felt that he "had got to know the Haiconsidered "Voodoo" superstition. belief system. to affect his fundamental tians too well" and it was beginning Savage custhrobbing. . It wore on my nerves. "The drums were always of a white man who stays long enough toms seldom fail to affect the nerves much about his savages. 145 country to begin to know too in a primitive MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 187 --- Figure 14. Faustin Wirkus with a Marine Corps Research Center Haitian man. Archives, Quantico, Vinginia. Perhaps this is why, when standing sympathy toward asserting his sympathy for Haitians own blacks in and his identity in the same general, Craige longmore than two breath: "My family has lived managed to affirm his Union Army. "146 hundred years and my father and his in Pennsylvania for who he was: Jack Craige felt he had to brothers fought in the a United States Marine leave Haiti in order to minister, a Corps remember journalist, a Philadelphian, captain, but also an anAmerican. and, through it all, a white Episcopal Faustin Wirkus man and as the sole white experienced some of the same tensions. Williston Gendarmerie officer at Wirkus took over were called to other Perodin after Neuhaus, Perodin for five months, posts. Wirkus had been in Kelly, and down "to routine patrolling the area with this position at duty," when he gendarmes, then myself," he wrote later. "I began to feel uneasy. "I settling ing Cacos was worn down was not right with : : . [and by] the constant and bothered by months of [them] back, and worry of huntlence had killing them. "147 The breaking them up, worn him down, but tensions surrounding his driving there was own vio168 more. He had been living and OCCUPATION this position at duty," when he gendarmes, then myself," he wrote later. "I began to feel uneasy. "I settling ing Cacos was worn down was not right with : : . [and by] the constant and bothered by months of [them] back, and worry of huntlence had killing them. "147 The breaking them up, worn him down, but tensions surrounding his driving there was own vio168 more. He had been living and OCCUPATION --- Page 188 --- Faustin Wirkus with a Haitian woman. Figure I 5. CenterArchives, Quantico, Virginia. Marine Corps Research his role in paternalHaitian gendarmes, and he characterized the strain of acting as gofighting with much like Craige's: "Under and brother . that sounded father big ist terms and death and after being from 160 to 135 between for birth alone had dropped friends, my weight the tension between having to our Haitian Wirkus recognized Wirkus articupounds." 148 Like Craige, losing one's sense of oneself. had a for the Haitians and "I felt that I was, as we sympathy than Craige. tension more pointedly 1 Now it is a good thing, lated that on the way to "go native. native' SO far way of saying in the Marines, and as a policeman, to 'go is conand a governor one has jurisdiction as an administrator of the persons over whom and understanding as an understanding bad thing to let that sympathy and educacerned. But it is a very common sense and training of one's own natural in the Gendarmerie take the place serving at an isolated post an tion. >149 An American man "becoming in his own consciousness in Wirkus's words, had to resist, men Haitian." *150 and sailors featured albino around among marines and educaSalty tales that passed sense and training lindeed given up their * own common who had MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 189 --- tion". - generally to live with native and South American women. "Marines who have seen or other far-flung service call Asiatic such influence 'beach combers, those who fall victim to moral breakdowns." "151 wrote Wirkus. "I had read a lot of such Among the beachcombers who Haiti, according to one leathernecky had "gone native"in doo yarn, was: a sailor who ended ceremony, drunk on rum and upat a Voopounding and lighted "spread out on some planks, 9 with drums candles all around. "Had the sailor to a young Marine a little money then, 9 said living in a damn little mud and Corps lieutenant, 'and took up with a. straw shack. gal sure swallowed plenty.' He scratched Liquor was cheap, anyhow, and] I ward. 'Might have been there his head and spat reflectively to leebusiness. yet if I'd kept my snoot out Mind your step, 9 the sailor of that voodoo fooling around with them. warned, "reven marines when they get on this voodoo 152 don'tgo Among the tales John Houston stuff.' about a beachcomber who Craige related was a very different story The man claimed thought of himself as a sort of racial to have fathered 246 children missionary. to whiten the black race. "The in two years in an attempt white already, 9> negroes in the United States are nearly half Craige quoted the man as there will be hardly saying, "in another 200 will have any negroes, recognizable as such. The race years disappeared. Meantime, it is the problem and every white man who loves his duty of every patriotic American this beachcomber race to speed the process. s) For was a man who had held on to his Craige, perceived by his identity even as he was countrymen as having into tion. Telling his disappeared the native story, Craige seemed to be populabetween paternalism and literalizing the relationship "called him "going native. Yet, "white recognizable as such. The race years disappeared. Meantime, it is the problem and every white man who loves his duty of every patriotic American this beachcomber race to speed the process. s) For was a man who had held on to his Craige, perceived by his identity even as he was countrymen as having into tion. Telling his disappeared the native story, Craige seemed to be populabetween paternalism and literalizing the relationship "called him "going native. Yet, "white a 'white negro, and considered men, said Craige, with " Haitian women, it him a disgrace." "153 "Taking seemed, would lead a up not to a more horrible end. No man to disgrace or insanity if especially wonder Wirkus felt that he confronted dangerous situation when he felt an Carzal. "I felt myself himself drawn to "Marie of slipping,' he wrote. "If there was my mind, it was to stay away from one thing fixed in The term Carzal-and Marie. 154 "moral breakdown, 99 as it was used have encompassed by Faustin Wirkus, seems to of slippage. Did it many possible meanings; it was a term with a refer to the sorts of moral great deal had in mind when he commented, breakdown Josephus Daniels the kind of moral breakdowns "marines often immoral"? Did it refer to of all distinctions that Sergeant Virskis suffered, the breakdown between between when and when not to shoot and which natives to kill and which kill natives, or breakdown that led to protect? Did it refer to the kind of some American men to tive"? Or were all these forms of forget themselves and "go namoral breakdown somehow related? Did OCCUPATION a refer to the sorts of moral great deal had in mind when he commented, breakdown Josephus Daniels the kind of moral breakdowns "marines often immoral"? Did it refer to of all distinctions that Sergeant Virskis suffered, the breakdown between between when and when not to shoot and which natives to kill and which kill natives, or breakdown that led to protect? Did it refer to the kind of some American men to tive"? Or were all these forms of forget themselves and "go namoral breakdown somehow related? Did OCCUPATION --- Page 190 --- of the term suggests that there were the other? Wirkus's use one imply within the cultural framework available to maindeed connections, at least Williston did when he shot between "going native" the way rines in Haiti, native" the way Balutansky did when and "going Haitians indiseriminately he took a Haitian wife. link in the process of going native Women may have seemed an important contact. Women somebecause they often served as a key to intercultural the marines.' 155 areas of Haiti unknown to times served as guides through the Cacos, sometimes helped Prostitutes, familiar with both the marinesand Caribbean women who insurgents. Haitian and other the marines toidentify them master the native tongue, a lived with marines, moreover, helped the L. Ton Evans told in the of getting to know people. crucial step process living with a Senate that he did not know" "of a single case ofanAmerican' the the of some of the captains and Haitian or colored woman, with exception and most of who in marines in the gendarmerie, lieutenants of American from surrounding islands Negro women these cases were English-speaking Americans with the native through the living in Haiti and able to assist white sometimes refer to a woman 156 Marines, furthermore, would French patois. dictionary." 157 who slept with a marine as a "sleeping with genCreole could transform a marine's relationship Learning Overley's: attempts at humanity in darmes, prisoners, and local inhabitants. directly to the Haitians he were made possible by hisability to speak the field converse in Creole improved their encountered. Marines who learned to level and enabled themchances of reducing friction on a local, day-to-day Breaking down about Haitians and Haitian culture. selves to learn more marines and "natives,' in turn, enabled some of the boundaries between communities in Haiti. roles in their adopted marines to play paternalist hold of their own identity, this may not Considering marines' fears of losing always have seemed like a positive thing. relations with Creole could assist marines in improving While learning for some military operaHaitians, it could also give them tools necessary and killing of example of this was the capture tions. The most extraordinary official accounts, as well as Marine Charlemagne Péralte.' 158 According to commissioned William R. Button and Herman H. Hanneken, Corps lore, in the Gendarmerie, were respectively as a first lieutenant and a captain Haitian customs to sufficiently versed in Creole and knowledgeable about kill Péralte.' 159 AcHaitians in order to penetrate a Caco camp and pass as of the most remarkable men we have cording to Craige, "Button was one all varieties of Creole. He had in the Gendarmerie. He could speak ever and could pass as a Haitian of any class. loved to wander in native disguises MORAL BREAKDOWN lore, in the Gendarmerie, were respectively as a first lieutenant and a captain Haitian customs to sufficiently versed in Creole and knowledgeable about kill Péralte.' 159 AcHaitians in order to penetrate a Caco camp and pass as of the most remarkable men we have cording to Craige, "Button was one all varieties of Creole. He had in the Gendarmerie. He could speak ever and could pass as a Haitian of any class. loved to wander in native disguises MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 191 --- Figure 16. Herman Hanneken and Hanneken and Sergeant William R. Bulton ofthe Button received medals from Gendarnerie. Lieulenant for capturing and killing Presidentl Dartiguenae Marine Corps Research Charlenagne Péralte. GenterArchives, Quantic, Virginia. --- Page 192 --- 160 The evening of favorite disguises was that of a market-woman. One of his were said to have "stripped and Hanneken and Button October 31, 1919, with burnt cork. >161 Then they led a party of blackened themselves all over raid the Caco leader'scampall disguised as Cacos, to seventeen gendarmes, of the bush, and marines later circuThe party carried Péralte's body out to demoralize the of the slain leader in "an attempt lated a photograph has out, however, the image guerrillas." s1 As historian Hans Schmidt pointed source of inmartyrdom and a "continuing became a symbol of Péralte's (Figure 17)." 162 spiration to nationalists" Button walked a fine line (as Burks Herman Hanneken and William Haitians and their language to They learned enough about would suggest). without letting their (spatial or cultural) against Haitians, use it successfully: first. Those who learned about the Haiproximity to the "natives" get them Haitians in a paterthat not to defeat but to join tians and used knowledge their balance. In either case, nalist project ran an even greater risk of losing excessive contact with Haitians as a dangerous proposimarines perceived marines who were supposedly eaten by tion. A closer look at stories about Lawrence Muth and Mike cannibals serves to demonstrate this point. For both made a featured as victims in these stories, Morris, the two marines themselves with Haitian culture. point of learning Creole and familiarizing deal of sympathy for marines also, as the stories go, expressed a good Both Haitians in general and Cacos in particular. useful for the camlearned Creole in order to gather intelligence Muth Craige explained, "Muth threw paigns against the Cacosi in 1919 and 1920. He rapidly heart and soul into the business of gaining information. himself conversation. He loved to gossip with country mastered the art of Creole Muth's sallies brought gales of people and women of the market places. versions of the story of the market women]."63 In some laughter [from with the Caco chief, Benoit Batraville, Sergeant Muth, he has a conversation when he says, "Mon general, before he dies. Batraville speaks for Haitians and you We do not understand your waysa you are a blanc and we are negres. the water to fight us in our understand ours. You came from over do not make us slaves. We think you have come to take our countryand drive the country.. and our freedom. We intend to We want to keep our country "it is true that Iam a blanc blancs to the sea. >) Muth is said to have replied, You are but I can see a little with Haitian eyes. . and you are negres, should fight for your country. : Only soldiers and it is right that you 164 Was learning to remember that if you kill me, other blancs will come." with Haitian eyes" Muth' 's fatal mistake? "see a little Morris's story as told to him by SerIn Black Bagdad, Craige tells Mike MORAL BREAKDOWN "it is true that Iam a blanc blancs to the sea. >) Muth is said to have replied, You are but I can see a little with Haitian eyes. . and you are negres, should fight for your country. : Only soldiers and it is right that you 164 Was learning to remember that if you kill me, other blancs will come." with Haitian eyes" Muth' 's fatal mistake? "see a little Morris's story as told to him by SerIn Black Bagdad, Craige tells Mike MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 193 --- was to the Haitian Péralte, as it displayed Figure 17. The body of (Charlenagne CenterArchives, Quantico, Virginia. people. Marine Corps Research --- Page 194 --- in the Gendarmerie. "Mike tried Francis Patrick (Pat) Kelly, a captain He told geant natives around Hinche and the prisoners. to fraternize with the kind to them. Hespoke: a their brother and he wanted to be them he was Creole to get along. Heloved to little French and soon picked up enough lot of the native meringues [and] soon picked up a play the harmonica s Mike's parents and teachers, Kelly and learned a lot about their meaning. from an earlyage, him for the cannibal's pot" explained, began "preparing Yet, when the United States by raising him to believe in nonresistance. because he felt the cause was entered the world war, he became a marine, " When he had a good bit of manhood." just, and "in spite of his teachings, his beliefs. He believed, Mike Morris landed in Haiti, despite the war ended, business in Haiti; that the occupation according to Kelly, that "we had no Mike Morris "was a and tyranny." 9 According to Pat Kelly, was imperialism him for it. >165 consistent idealist, and theyate and Muth, for different reasons, According to these stories, Morris perspectives with learned about the Haitians and developed sympathetic stories of cannibalview the conflict with the Cacos. Perhaps these which to who risked being consumed by antales for marines ism were cautionary marines, with the force of deeply felt other culture. Cannibalism reminded boundaries, even, or especially, emotion, to be vigilant about maintaining boundaries. The stories of themselves were breaching those when they salience of cannibalism for marines had Muth and Morris suggest that the and racial identity in a paterwith the of national something to do fragility nalist occupation. lurid tales from the various threads of MaArthur J Burks wove several with unlucky and lore associated with Haiti. Populated rine Corps legend brave white men who black their skin to marines captured and skinned alive, the deaths of their murdered penetrate the Haitian "jungle" and avenge and Haitian buddies, lustful and dangerous ebony women, and mutilated cannibals, these stories politicians who turn out to be Voodoo-worshiping in these of 166 There was nothing rejected out of hand the logic paternalism." toward Haiaffection some marines expressed stories of that condescending the "the poor fellow" to Burks had one protagonist use phrase tian peasants. but the reference comes only refer to a Haitian man, the villain of the piece, "mashed befellow" is found dead at the bottom of a cliff, after "the poor which Burksand hisAmerresemblance. 167" The termswith yond all human uniformly conveyed the most pointed ican heroes described live Haitians of homegrown racism; they hatred and derision, straight from the lexicon master-rogues, beings, "beasts of prey," vengeful were "dull and stupid" women. 168 black brutes, aged idiots, and loathsome great MORAL BREAKDOWN piece, "mashed befellow" is found dead at the bottom of a cliff, after "the poor which Burksand hisAmerresemblance. 167" The termswith yond all human uniformly conveyed the most pointed ican heroes described live Haitians of homegrown racism; they hatred and derision, straight from the lexicon master-rogues, beings, "beasts of prey," vengeful were "dull and stupid" women. 168 black brutes, aged idiots, and loathsome great MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 195 --- stories were marines who came dangerously The white men in Burks's were brave and curious young close to Haiti- too close, in some cases. They ventured forth in search of beckoned by distant fires and drums, who *169 men, which no white man had evera asked. "One "answers to strange questions wrote Burks in a story of them lies at this moment in a distant cemetery," the hillside which "his nude body was found on called "Black Medicine"; it had been torn by the remorsePetionville, mutilated as though supports >170 In "Voodoo, 99 Burks described more precisely less fangs of wild beasts. His "clothing brutal murder of a young bugler, Charlie "Music"Hepner: the and the little Music had literally been had been stripped from his body had been cut to the bone alive! From just above hisa ankles the flesh skinned the hunter skins the hide from a and stripped off over his feet, apparently, as Frederick Spear and leg!"171 Here, then, was the fear expressed by rabbit's detail. Lester Dessez, rendered in rather gory "Black Medicine, s that redundant for Burks to specify, in It was, perhaps, also telling his readers that the body was the soldier'sbody was "nude"while: "Voodoo" was perhaps more logito shreds. His attention to detail in torn men stripped bare in the still notable. For the image of American cal, yet references to the uniforms wilds of Haiti resonates with marines' repeated It after all, in part the that clothed them as marines and as gendarmes. was, and creaseless"- uniform - "hung about [him], slack state of Williston's at Perodin. And the legendary that alarmed Wirkus when he first arrived in infiltrating a Button, who with Herman Hanneken succeeded William Péralte, prepared himself in part by Caco camp to capture Charlemagne Button even, in some cases, learning Creole and donning Haitian garb. he or SO said some, when passed, engagedin a kind of double cross-dressing, stories, moreover, he market woman. In another of Burks's as a Haitian "outside the uniform and without visible refers to beachcombers as men in the eyes of other white of who have become "pariahs" means support" and American auuniform, a sign of status, identity, men.' 172 The marine's crucial ways. Itwas, in a sense, another thority, marked white men'sbodiesin masculinity and emblems of saturated also with military layer of whiteness, allowing themselves to be national identity. When marines gave it up-by: 99 losing their "the of the Haitian state, by "clothed" instead with authority to white for answers questions of disciplinei in the field, or by searching sense of the signsit carried. Thus should not ask they risked being stripped men of Charlie Hepner were two steps in the stripping and subsequent skinning illustrated the danger of losing they vividly the same process. Together, and national meanings associated one's white skin, and all the gendered of Haiti.' 173 with it, in the so-calledjungles OCCUPATION --- Page 196 --- these deaths, these challenges to The white men who sought to avenge also had to venture into and status in Haiti, American men's authority crossed boundaries. the signsit carried. Thus should not ask they risked being stripped men of Charlie Hepner were two steps in the stripping and subsequent skinning illustrated the danger of losing they vividly the same process. Together, and national meanings associated one's white skin, and all the gendered of Haiti.' 173 with it, in the so-calledjungles OCCUPATION --- Page 196 --- these deaths, these challenges to The white men who sought to avenge also had to venture into and status in Haiti, American men's authority crossed boundaries. In territory. They, too, ran risks as they for the dangerous out to find the monster responsible "Voodoo, Rodney Davis sets 7) Charlie Hepner.' 174 mutilation ofhis "young friend and protege," death and "to studythe patois" and, with no To do SO, he must first go to Port-au-Prince beachcomber, he must mix him from a self-exiled uniform to distinguish and locate Hepner's and learn enough to identify with the population distinct from any possibility of hesikiller.' 175 Burks describes Davis's fear as to a soldier. field of battle. "Death in itself is not SO horrible tation on the monster's side, growing callous to the In the field he walks always by the unshriven. But when death is thought of dying, even with his boots on, attended little Hepner, it is with such gory details as those which attended 99 Burks explains his protagelse again. >176 In "Black Medicine,' murder. something faced with the facts of the Petionville onist's fearlessness when some lives to had a duty to perform, perhaps "Chandler, a true American, all lesser thoughts from his and the knowledge that this was SO drove save; wish to be known, even to himself, as a chap mind.' *177 Moreover, "he did not the heroes, too, begin to feared the shadows." 178 Yet, in both stories, who As Chandler "visualized back country face the dissolution of boundaries. white man'sh boot, 99 it was as if which had never known the touch of a jungles spirit of the Black Republic of the awesome and menacing at 'something *179 And in "Voodoo, ? by the time Davis arrives seemed to enter into him." by his fellow marines, he the site of a Voodoo ceremony, now accompanied that characterized to take on the lust for violence and revenge has begun "Even before they had reached the the monster he sought. more naturally that he was soon to look upon some unspeakable scene, each man knew ofDavisl himself. horror. And not the least ofthe horrors was the appearance marble image, cold as starshine, He had become in a few moments a graven neither superior nor with that saw but one thing, that recognized eyes aim in life and no hope beyond that aim. An bunkie.A creature with but one rend and destroy." 180 Finally, A mechanical creature made to automaton. the trail to find and kill Cerimarie Sam, "the greatest when Davis sets out on of Hanneken and in all of Haiti, 7 he does SO, in a riff on the story monster skin dyed ebony, lips thickened with injecButton, with "every inch of his tions of parafin. superior nor with that saw but one thing, that recognized eyes aim in life and no hope beyond that aim. An bunkie.A creature with but one rend and destroy." 180 Finally, A mechanical creature made to automaton. the trail to find and kill Cerimarie Sam, "the greatest when Davis sets out on of Hanneken and in all of Haiti, 7 he does SO, in a riff on the story monster skin dyed ebony, lips thickened with injecButton, with "every inch of his tions of parafin. 181 in vivid colors. Who is this Cerimarie Sam's monstrosity Burks paints of his white skin? Davis finds his black man who deprives the American (or, Maman temple. A Voodoo priestess in a Voodoo be answer, predictably, the full extent of Sam's monstrosity will Loi) sets the scene in which MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 197 --- revealed. Burks describes the dance of the asserts: "The lust of the beast is priestess in lurid prose, then emotion of man is clean clean because it is natural. The natural because it is sacred. But dance of the Maman Loi the lust expressed in the horrible, was the lust of a man or woman for a beast revolting, inexpressible in words. "182 For Burks, "inexpressible in words, > could be such a horror, black woman of unrestrained expressed only through the figure of a sexuality. In another story, Burks explains the usefulness device for evoking what he calls of the evil priestess as a men'shearts when "that nameless dread" that filled white for there they thought of Haiti: "An evil man is a are many such, and of various common thing, there are no depths too degrees of evil. Yet it seems that evil. For deep for a woman who has that reason an evil woman penetrated the veil of especially if she be a voodoo seems to typify unmentionable horror -- the priestess. "183 This is precisely the priestess sin the story called "Voodoo' function of mention ": to express the the "unmentionable, 9 What follows is "inexpressible, to pornographic account of a Voodoo the usual absurd and quasibrings in the goat without ceremony: the priest (Cerimarie Sam) of sixteen horns" for sacrifice (in this or so"), opens a vein in her neck, case, a "nude girl gathered crowd, and the inciting blood frenzy in the sion. ceremony proceeds, . Men and "to its inevitable concluwomen, one with the other, down below the levelofbeasts- -in forced themselves far, far For Burks, Voodoo is thei name ofthe most terrible: "184 without religion." gion";i it question or hesitation "the most signifies the absence of that ordered terrible reliultimately rests. sexuality on which civilization When Cerimarie Sam approaches reacts instantly, leaping Rodney Davis, the American marine murdered "atop the monster, this beast in human children;who had children by whatsoever guise that attended none of them; who had woman he desired and even offered some of occasion, as sacrifices to the "185 these children, on attack, then, Burks serpent. With Rodney Davis's puts a fine point on the evil of righteous horror of Voodoo. It is Cerimarie Sam and the tion of the child-murder, it is the violent rejection and family by the Haitian man, it is the destructhe figure of a black woman who destructive lust expressed in sexuality unleashed. represents both blackness and female Burks's Haiti was a site of sexual savagery;it was a land characterized excess, gender disorder, and primitive a basis for social order. In by the effective absence of the family as showed the obvious Burks's telling, the grotesque horror of Haiti and urgent need for American rule time, Burks's story foregrounded the there. At the same dangerinherent in such a place as he OCCUPATION is the destructhe figure of a black woman who destructive lust expressed in sexuality unleashed. represents both blackness and female Burks's Haiti was a site of sexual savagery;it was a land characterized excess, gender disorder, and primitive a basis for social order. In by the effective absence of the family as showed the obvious Burks's telling, the grotesque horror of Haiti and urgent need for American rule time, Burks's story foregrounded the there. At the same dangerinherent in such a place as he OCCUPATION --- Page 198 --- of failing to reign in black and female excesses described: the consequence whose white identity was vioevident in the death of Charlie Hepner, was lently ripped from him. VIOLENCE AND PATERNALISM of roles in Haiti as if they Paternalism called on marines to take up a variety marines of a Haitian family. When they first arrived, were an integral part insurgents, officially understood participated in military campaigns against Teaching the Cacos a lesson children who required discipline. as wayward its actions as protective of most also enabled the Marine Corps to represent of citizens. The rhetoric paternalHaitians, viewed as bons habitants, or good of the populaof insurgents from the majority ism rested on the separation rhetoric, had existed to American tion. Although this condition, according but sanctioned actions of all along, it was, in fact, produced by the violent the marines. marines turned to the project of After defeating the Cacos in 1916, and stability and creating the social political building a viableinfrastructure investment in Haiti. U.S. officials saw two necessary to support economic officered and to this project: a native constabulary, innovations as crucial the construction of a Americans, and a corvée to make possible trained by officials pursued these two meanetwork of passable roads. As occupation the difficulties of their U.S. marines confronted head on sures, however, American Gendarmerie around the country, new roles. Taking up posts enforced the occupation's vision officers moved into Haitian communities, resistance on the Haitian society, and confronted growing of an improved with the implications of living in of the inhabitants. They grappled part little, but perhaps learning, period of time, knowing Haiti for an extended individual and other Haitian culture, getting to know gendarmes about wanting to be elsewhere, and acting residents, fearing the Cacos, sometimes beliefs about race and one way or another, their own on, or confronting, followed orders predicated on a set national identity. At the same time, they down. The distinctions that were in the process of breaking of analytical of these violence in Haiti was a logical consequence incidence of physical tensions. all over Haiti. Local condiThese events did not occur in the same ways to be led some aspects of the process tions and individual personalities others elsewhere. Yet the paternalist emphasized in one district or town, for these tensions everyof the occupation laid the groundwork project MORAL BREAKDOWN on, or confronting, followed orders predicated on a set national identity. At the same time, they down. The distinctions that were in the process of breaking of analytical of these violence in Haiti was a logical consequence incidence of physical tensions. all over Haiti. Local condiThese events did not occur in the same ways to be led some aspects of the process tions and individual personalities others elsewhere. Yet the paternalist emphasized in one district or town, for these tensions everyof the occupation laid the groundwork project MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 199 --- Gendarmerie where in Haiti, and the creation of an American-oflicered face. As the Mayo Court the tensions that some marines would faced heightened marines who served in the Gendarmerie suggested in its 1920 report, Adolph Miller's reaction on difficult challenges. Lieutenant was particularly availablei in the constabulary hearing that there would soon be positions take on such an ambigof money would persuade him to telling: no amount uous role. violence in Haiti -initsvariousforms- - Having examined U.S. American and concerns of individual fears, in light of the subjective experiences, ofviolence offered by contempomarines, let us conideardheiterpcastiene: the Was the macommentators on, and participants in, occupation. subdue a rary evidence of a bald attempt by the United States to rines' violence and strategic adnation for the purposes of economic exploitation amount of foreign and other radicals believed? Was some vantage, as Walter Carrier nature even in a regulated result ofhuman individual Iviolencetheinestalbiles Weldon Johnson sugthe Court reported? Or, as James situation, as Mayo abroad of racism American violence in Haiti the expression gested, was absence of white women and the presence of learned at home? Did the with the violence? Was there, as women of color have anything at all to do that led something in the dnumemandilewoepseet Craige suggested, men, systematically, to crack? in Haiti were not simply the isolated acts The violent acts of U.S. marines of an official and they the direct expression of individuals, nor were simply the context of sancimperialism. The first explanation ignores systematic the sanctioned violence and the breakdown of meaning separating tioned about how individual The second tells us nothing and the unsanctioned. official that masked, of men were conscripted into an process men or groups these acts as the obvious consequence but rested upon, violence. Explaining insufficient. Marines were shaped racist marines to Haiti is also of sending class, and cultural contexts as well by the racism of their particular regional, necessarily brought racist the racism of the Marine Corps itself. They as by with them to Haiti, but American men did not constructs and dispositions of going to Haiti, living and domestic racism. The experience of simply export with the conflicting dictates fighting in the occupation, and grappling effects on the marines' paternalism and violent repression had profound it for others, chalit to consciousness for some, reinforcing racism: bringing American racial constructs' were translenging some aspects of it for many. in Haiti. formed and reinforced in specific and significant ways ofviolence in oft the place PerhapsJohn Houston Contigesundersandling his rested on a DarFor while analysis the occupation is most illuminating. OCCUPATION --- Page 200 --- winian concept of race, he acknowledged and explored the subjective processes that attended an individual American man's participation in the larger project ofthe occupation. He sawviolence, not as an isolated, individual phenomenon, but as part of a broader systematic process. Craige presented that process: in biological terms; his stories nonetheless bring to light important links between individual subjective processes and broader cultural dynamics. Those links remind us, in turn, that imperialism can never be an unmediated expression of armed might. Culture, consciousness, and identity both direct and are affected by, among other things, the taking up of arms and the harming of human bodies. Physical violence in occupied Haiti was part ofa cultural process brought on by the unequal meeting of these two "nations, 99 the United States and Haiti. "Going native, 99 to various degrees in various contexts, was part of that same process. The official dictates of a paternalist occupation sent marines off on paths that would lead at one bend toward violence, at another toward a loss of self, and in some places toward both. Individual men found their way through the maze that process created, sometimes doing untold damage along the way. By the time they left Haiti, they were transformed in significant ways, and SO too were the two nations transformed. MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 201 --- 99 the United States and Haiti. "Going native, 99 to various degrees in various contexts, was part of that same process. The official dictates of a paternalist occupation sent marines off on paths that would lead at one bend toward violence, at another toward a loss of self, and in some places toward both. Individual men found their way through the maze that process created, sometimes doing untold damage along the way. By the time they left Haiti, they were transformed in significant ways, and SO too were the two nations transformed. MORAL BREAKDOWN --- Page 201 --- --- Page 202 --- AFTERMATH --- Page 203 --- --- Page 204 --- HAITI'S APPEAL HAITI GETS AN AUDIENCE If marines in Haiti, through daily primitive, confronted the contact with a people they considered fragility of their own "civilized" provided avenues for other U.S. selves, they also ence without Americans to have a version of that leaving the country. For their experisistance it engendered, called presence in Haiti, and the reUnited States. And attention to the "black as U.S. citizens (and republic" in the tian affairs, Haiti became not consumers) took an interest in Haionly: a point of an object of cultural protest, but also, with newy fascination indeed, 1 an object of vigor, commodity. Haiti's cachet derived in desire, a valuable serve as a means for part from the ways in which it came to negotiating the politics of race, national identity. Its career in U.S. American gender, sexuality, and by which a foreign intervention culture illustrates the process could itself intervene in politics. domestic cultural This chapter examines the particular came to the attention of the American historical moment in which Haiti quent path of Haiti's public and begins to chart the subseWeldon career in the United States. We Johnson and Eugene O'Neill, the begin with James that initial moment, in different two writers whose work shaped but tural politics embedded in overlapping ways. The complex culEmperor Jones, Johnson'sjournalism and O'Neill's hit helps us understand the play, The 1920 and appeal of Haiti as it took in developed over the course of the next two shape power at work in the occupation decades. Relations of of Haitian facilitated U.S. Americans' themes, and such cultural appropriation very relations of appropriations in turn effaced those power. The chapter closes with a popular cultural texts, a novel and a film, that consideration of two to serve as a means to negotiate illustrate how Haiti continued domestic cultural politics in the United --- Page 205 --- we will be concerned with the tensions States. Throughout this chapter, between critique and and cultural fascination, between political protest commodification. and their U.S. allies finally got a hearing in In 1920 Haitian nationalists Haitian leaders had attempted to get Washington'sattenthe United States. where Wilson claimed to stand for the tion earlier, most notablyat Versailles, avail. posted to nations everywhere, but to no Journalists rights of small word out about what was also hobbled in their attempts to get Haiti were small nation, as one Associated Press correspongoing on in that particular "Owing to military of the Nation in April 1920. dent told Herbert Seligmann in the preceding three years. . to censorship, " he "had found it impossible in Haiti to concerning military operations send a single cable dispatch activist asserted, "Who United States. *1 As one frustrated civil rights the No newspaper tells us, and of our selfknows what we're doing [in Haiti]? us or us. "2 is rendered to by appointed trusteeship no account of U.S. interand magazines did express disapproval A few newspapers a few more Americans had vention in Haiti right from the start.3 By 1917 of that year, the disenchanted with the occupation; in February become which would henceforth be consisNation initiated its editorial protests, kind,' wrote Oswald Garrison tent." "This is imperialism of the rankest of word of the editor. us, and of our selfknows what we're doing [in Haiti]? us or us. "2 is rendered to by appointed trusteeship no account of U.S. interand magazines did express disapproval A few newspapers a few more Americans had vention in Haiti right from the start.3 By 1917 of that year, the disenchanted with the occupation; in February become which would henceforth be consisNation initiated its editorial protests, kind,' wrote Oswald Garrison tent." "This is imperialism of the rankest of word of the editor. In the next couple years, Villard, the magazine's and 1920 mostjournalfiltered back to the States, by marines'iregularities amiss with Washington'splant for ists caught on that something was seriously 5 Missionaries were key playersin benevolent assistance to the black republic. for change Minister S. E. Churchstone-L.ord made a plea this process. AME 1915 and subsequently of State Lansing as early as October to Secretary Defender.s By 1918 the white reported on the occupation in the Chicago Society was also an outL. Ton Evans of the Lott Carey Mission evangelist spoken critic of the occupation.? other changes were the occupation was mounting, But if evidence against the tide of public opinion. As Brenda at least equally significant in turning was especially signifihas "the timing of the occupation Plummer argued, growing out of African Americant." By 1918 and 1919 a rising militancy by the violence that with the war in Europe, and sparked cans' experience the States, occasioned a shift in met black soldiers upon their return to ofthe times made Haiti perspective on Haiti. "The spirit African.Americans "the Bloody Summers of 1918 issue,' * according to Plummer; an important bill, and the rise of milithe for a federal anti-lynching and 1919, agitation the forefront. 8 And asAfricanAmerinationalism put racial matters at tant AFTERMATH --- Page 206 --- played an increasing role in making cans' perspectives shifted, their protests Haiti a matter of public controversy. election campaign as a catalyst, At last, with the heat of a presidential in Haiti began to revercasual comments about their own actions marines' in rooms and legislative offices, berate in churches and meeting halls, press citizens alike took up the pen back in the States., Journalists and concerned 'militarist and imperiover what Seligmann called a to express their dismay which the United States fought in the alist burlesque" on the ideals for to interest TheWeldon Johnson had managed Great War." In 1918.James debacle. Now, with elecodore Roosevelt in this Democratic foreign policy fact-finding misthe Republican Party supported Johnson's tions coming, Harding took up the cudgel in his campaign sion to Haiti, and Candidate for the presidency." Eugene O'Neill turned his attenAsJohnson's: activism picked up steam, histories of Haiti and became tion to Haiti as well. He got hold of several Then, drawing on the fascinated by stories of black kings and emperors. Henri Christophe, as associated with Haiti's King history and mythology O'Neill crafted a dramatic represenwell as on his own experiences: abroad, grab for power in the of one man's imperial tation of the consequences white men in Haiti just then Caribbean. His fate, like the fate that some fears." of his civilized selfin the face of "formless feared, was the dissolution marines, however, but on a black centered not on white The Emperor Jones of a West Indian island, thanks to convict turned emperor man, an escaped a silverl bullet. The action takes place his boast that he could be killed onlyl by chronicles his flight through the of his fall from power, and the play on day degeneration." A complex the forest and his simultaneous psychological a radical critique ofimpetext, The Emperor Jones conveyed and contradictory in the discourses of even as it participated rialism as economic exploitation the in Haiti. , but on a black centered not on white The Emperor Jones of a West Indian island, thanks to convict turned emperor man, an escaped a silverl bullet. The action takes place his boast that he could be killed onlyl by chronicles his flight through the of his fall from power, and the play on day degeneration." A complex the forest and his simultaneous psychological a radical critique ofimpetext, The Emperor Jones conveyed and contradictory in the discourses of even as it participated rialism as economic exploitation the in Haiti. that sustained occupation civilization and exotic primitivism ultimately served to erase the its critical elements, the play Yet, despite theft and helped to turn Haiti relations of power that enabled imperialist in the United States. into a salable commodity U.S. America's renewed fascinaO'Neill's play provides a window onto because Haiti would become salable especially tion with Haiti in the 1920S. to facilitate white strugfor white Americans, the ways it seemed of its uses racial implications of the play, gles with modern selfhood. But the complex of Haiti for African Ameripolitics, illustrate the appeal as well as its gender articles and with a too. Viewed side by side with Johnson's important cans, of the story of Haiti's King Henri series of subsequent popularizations HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 207 --- to show us how the gender and race conChristophe, O'Neill's play begins and deconstructed, variwould be both reinforced structs of paternalism events by the impechain of cultural precipitated ously, in an unpredictable of domination and by their critique. rialist moment, that is, both by its acts of The Emperor to the dramatic and cultural dynamics But before we turn road to Haiti, his discusWeldon Johnson's Jones, let us first consider] James of the Haitian people in his sion of the occupation, and his representation 19 Haiti." series for the Nation, Selt-Determining JAMES WELDON JOHNSON's HAITI the first African American to speak out for James Weldon Johnson was not most determined ally. By but once he set his mind to the task, he was a Haiti, landed,Johnson had made a name for himself July 1915, when the marines He was a member of the a novelist, and a journalist. as a poet, a songwriter, page, he was, to usehis own NAACPand, as writer ofthe New YorkAgreditorial many months for the race.' 12 Yet Haiti passed term, a key "propagandist" moved to protest. That, Johnson was not under U.S. rule before Johnson was no doubt influwriter and a race leader but also a former diplomat only a U.S. consul in Puerto Cabello, Venezuenced his thinking. Having served as in terms of the United he was used to thinking ela, and Corinto, Nicaragua, moreover, he had interests.' 13 During his time in Nicaragua, States' strategic machinations" of U.S. himself been "part of the military and diplomatic at Corinto role during the Marines' 1912 landing policy, for he played a key States government in action to maintain a pro-United and subsequent black Americans not to jump to the Managua.' 14 In 1915.Johnson urged merely another inthat U.S. intervention in Haiti represented conclusion clear of Haitian instead to the problem stance of white racism, pointing aftermath of the marines' arrival in political instability."1 In the immediate suffers from he wrote in the Age, "each time [Haiti] the black republic of almost personal disaprevolution and lawlessness we experience a feeling slow to criticize U.S. *16' Thus.,Johnson, like most. Americans, was pointment.' policy in Haiti. became the new field secretary of In December 1916, however,, Johnson association with both blacks and which brought him into close the NAACP, the W. to the problem stance of white racism, pointing aftermath of the marines' arrival in political instability."1 In the immediate suffers from he wrote in the Age, "each time [Haiti] the black republic of almost personal disaprevolution and lawlessness we experience a feeling slow to criticize U.S. *16' Thus.,Johnson, like most. Americans, was pointment.' policy in Haiti. became the new field secretary of In December 1916, however,, Johnson association with both blacks and which brought him into close the NAACP, the W. E. B. Du Bois, editor whites who took a different view of occupation. to the new OChad been quick to respond of the Crisis, the NAACP organ, of the invasion, urging him cupation.' 17 Du Bois wrote to Wilson, within days nor "the cordial support of the Haytian people" to do nothing without AFTERMATH --- Page 208 --- without assuring "ten million American have no designson the citizens of Negro descent. that we exploit it politicalindependence. of the islandand no desire ruthlessly for the sake of selfish business to field Storey, a longtime interests here. "18 Moorthe anti-imperialist activist and the NAACP, was also outraged by the Marines' (white) president of whip up popular protest. But, invasion ofHaiti and hoped to 1915, "it is very hard as he lamented to a friend in to get people to consider September Europe. 19 In contrast, Booker" T. anything except the war" in offered only muted criticism Washington - patron ofthe New York Ageof the occupation. 20 over the marines' racism and the He expressed concern danger of their Haitians, but he saw the "shooting civilization"; into occupation as a own failures.21 Du Bois later necessary evil, a result ofl Haitians' had also taken at the commented on this approach, which Age: African Americans Johnson and Haiti as "must cease to think failures in government," 9 he wrote. "These ofLiberia pictures of each other which white are (among] the with engaging naiveté people have painted for us and which we accept, and then and criticize each other before proceed to laugh at each other In the next we make : any attempt to learn the truth. "22 couple of years, as Johnson was into NAACPfield secretary, the political settling his new post as can communities atmosphere of New shifted in crucial XorksAfricanAmeri into World War I in ways. On a world scale, the U.S. April 1917 and the Russian entry that same year both Revolution in November of played a role in transforming racial Garvey's Universal Negro politics. Marcus maica a few years earlier, Improvement Association (UNIA), founded in Jabut with established. a base in Harlem in 1917.More profound implications, the same year also saw locally, other new institution in Harlem: A. the founding of ansocialist Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen's publication, the Messenger. Randolph and names for themselves as soapbox Owen, who had made established African American orators, put forth a bold challenge to they wrote in their inaugural leadership. "Patriotism has no appeal to us, 1 principle has. issue, "justice has. Party has no with Loyalty is meaningless; it weight us; The inaugural issue also depends on what one is loyal to. "23 carried a short about a Haitian woman story by Lovett who avenges her lover's death Fort-Whiteman American marine. 24 Fort-Whiteman's at the hands of an paper's tale pointedly conveyed the opposition to the occupation, in radical of capitalist and keeping with the editors' imperialist wars. principle has. issue, "justice has. Party has no with Loyalty is meaningless; it weight us; The inaugural issue also depends on what one is loyal to. "23 carried a short about a Haitian woman story by Lovett who avenges her lover's death Fort-Whiteman American marine. 24 Fort-Whiteman's at the hands of an paper's tale pointedly conveyed the opposition to the occupation, in radical of capitalist and keeping with the editors' imperialist wars. 25 critique Negro World, called for black Garvey's UNIA, and its newspaper, the initiative and racial tory of Haiti as a means to unity and tapped the hisconvey their message. "[WJe nothing by way of our own initiative, 99 have achieved have achieved nothing, Garvey told an audiencein 1919, "we except in the Republic of Haiti, where one Negro HAITI's APPEAL 18g --- Page 209 --- repelled [the white man] and established vey thanked God for Toussaint an independent republic. Garthe work of that L'Ouverture, and drew a parallel between singularly great black leader and UNIA. Whereas he "was able to the work now facing the on the work until Haiti inspire the other men of his country to was made a free carry not one, not two, but hundreds country, SO today we have of thousands to inspired theyimprison one or kill one. "26 carry out the work even if In this changing political context, tion on Haiti. News of Johnson began to reevaluate his American "undershirt posiHaiti's constitution now seemed diplomacy" in the matter of to wake him to the played out in the name of strategic travesty that was being Indeed, he necessity and benevolent began to see the occupation, guidance. see it, as whole-cloth white just as he had warned others not to racism, linked ism he was determined intimately with the domestic to outflank. Thus, by racothers -Johnson took up the cause of 1918-still well before most Haitian organization sought the means to selfdetermination., As his approached Theodore press for change in U.S. policy,J Johnson Roosevelt, and later Hamilton publican Party, to seek for Fish Jr, of the Resupport an The venture failed to investigative trip to occupied Haiti,28 his materialize in 1918, but two way to Haiti for a two-month years later Johnson was on In investigation. Haiti,Johnson met with Haitian leaders in dent Dartiguenave and lesser Portau-Prince, from Presiofficials of the disaffected politicians and dissident occupation government to the interior and talked with nationalist leaders. He also traveled to elite and the rural peasants in the countryside. Both the urban peasantry made a positive too, with U.S. marines, who impression on him. He talked, spoke casually of "Many of the things which the rape, killing, and torture,29 tal,' 9) Haitians rightfully consider cruel and Johnson wrote in his report to the NAACP Board brucan marines consider, I of Directors, "AmeriGendarmerie might say funny. "30 Of the marines he wrote, "Many of these serving in the educated, and a great number men are rough, uncouth, and unfrom the prejudice. "31 But South, are violently steeped in color Johnson did not lay blame solely with deed, his analysis of the racist marines; inoccupation featured ter" role of the National prominently the "most sinisknow the City Bank in making U.S. reasons for the Haitian policy. "To exposé, "iti is present political situation in Haiti, 99 he began his Bank of New necessary, among other things, to know that the York is very much National City sinister forces,] interested in Haiti. '33 To counter such Johnson urged Haitian nationalist out distinction as to and leaders to organize "withparty" to come interests. 34 together "for the defense of their Johnson's visit to Haiti inaugurated a crucial alliance between AFTERMATH . reasons for the Haitian policy. "To exposé, "iti is present political situation in Haiti, 99 he began his Bank of New necessary, among other things, to know that the York is very much National City sinister forces,] interested in Haiti. '33 To counter such Johnson urged Haitian nationalist out distinction as to and leaders to organize "withparty" to come interests. 34 together "for the defense of their Johnson's visit to Haiti inaugurated a crucial alliance between AFTERMATH --- Page 210 --- the Patriotic Union, which had been founded immediate wake of thei by Georges Sylvain in the invasion, and the NAACP,35 Backi in the States,Johnson became an independence. In addition to indefatigabilechampion ofHaitian pressed the issue with writing his series for the Nation, Johnson Republicans in Congress, Lodge and Medill McCormick; including Henry Cabot contacting Marcus reached out across the political divide Garvey; worked in coalition by in the Popular Government with anti-imperialist whites founded, with League and the Foreign Policy Moorfield Storey, the Haiti-Santo Association; Society; and spoke to numerous African Domingo Independence to foster protest American clubs and against the occupation. 36 organizations and encouraged Johnson'swork for Haiti protest from an impressive array of inspired reformers, and public figures, prominent activists, Helen Burroughs, including Mary Church Terrell, Nannie Mary McLeod Bethune, Addie Weed, Felix Adler, Henry Sloan Coffin, Hunton, Helena Hill Emily Greene Balch, Paul H. Ernest Gruening, Felix Frankfurter, Most Douglas, and Lewis S. Gannett, crucially, in the summer and fall of amongothers, ren G. Harding'sinterest in 1920 Johnson cultivated WarHaiti, particularly. once was the single issue, among all those it became clear that this can platform, in which put forth by the NAACP for the the candidate showed RepubliHaitian question, anyinterest 38 Harding saw the tree.' 39 With Johnson later wrote, as a "gift right off the Christmas Johnson's help, he made political glaring foreign policy contradiction, capital of Wilson's most broaders scale than ever before. opening it up to public view on a helped to force Hardingsharaemente of the Democrats also Secretary of the Navy Josephus institute the naval inquiry headed Daniels, at long last, to airing of American by Admiral Mayo. 40 A more wrongs came with the full-scale thorough 1921 and early 1922, headed by Medill Senate inquiry of late the changes that Johnson and McCormick. Neither one resulted in othersat the both helped to bring Haiti NAAcPhoped to bring about, but more fully into the public While Johnson's 's party politicking and eye. coalition occupation politically, his series for the Nation building challenged the logical framework, sought to undermine its ideo- "Self-Determining Haiti" simply by emphasizing the challenged paternalism not interest, but moreg generally marines'brutality, or by pointing to a bank'ss selfby seeking to shift readers' policy. Johnson invited his point ofview on U.S. the readers to understand Haitian occupation in ways that were unimaginable perspectives on He showed Haitians not within the paternalist frame. but as grateful (or, for that as fully competent political matter, ungrateful) wards, refused to subjects who had explicitly and grant control of Haitian affairs to the United repeatedly States. Haitians saw, HAITI's APPEAL --- Page 211 --- Americans wanted they would take by brute according to Johnson, that what the U.S.-imposed convenforce, and that, in keeping with that observation, nothing. Haitian occupation in ways that were unimaginable perspectives on He showed Haitians not within the paternalist frame. but as grateful (or, for that as fully competent political matter, ungrateful) wards, refused to subjects who had explicitly and grant control of Haitian affairs to the United repeatedly States. Haitians saw, HAITI's APPEAL --- Page 211 --- Americans wanted they would take by brute according to Johnson, that what the U.S.-imposed convenforce, and that, in keeping with that observation, nothing. 41 They saw, everything of Haiti and gives tion of 1916"demands provision barring alien land constitutional too, that their long-standing of selfdetermination was rooted soundly in the very principle that ownership invoked as it went about forcibly overturning that the United States contrasted the logic of Haiti's now deprovision. (Johnson also implicitly with their more nefarious counterfeated laws against alien land ownership partsin California)t embodied in assistance offered Haitian perspectives on progress, as it was while "the building of exposé. Thus by the occupation, structuredjohnson'se Haitian" figured as "the most importhe road from Port-au-Prince to Cape of four in the second articles,Johnson of the occupation tant achievement" the road, not from the seat of an automobile, offered his readers a view of whose primary assets, a but rather from the perspective of the pedestrian his readersto been run down. 43 He also asked donkey and two pigs, had just "of education and culture," of the road for Haitians see the implications forced to work in convict garb on the Péralte [who] was like "Charlemagne of view of the National City Haitian.' 944 "From the point streets of Cape "the institution has not only done Bank, * Johnson wrote in his third article, to the canons proper, and according nothing which is not wholly legitimate, conthe world, but has actually performed of big business throughout and uncivilized people in structive and generous service to a backward and to shape their railways, to develop their country, attempting to promote and those associated with him soundly their finance. That Mr. Farnham that the Haitians, after over hold these views sincerely, there is no doubt. But the slaughter of and liberty, contemplating 100 years of selfigovernment and economic freedom, with3,000 of their sons, the loss of their political feel very differadvantages which they can appreciate, out compensating ently, is equally true. 45 by calling attention to most pointedly Johnson challenged paternalism families. Whereas Wilhelm F. of the occupation for Haitian the implications that Haiti's probof the occupation suggested Jordan and other supporters sexual order in which marriage lems stemmed, at least in part, from a lax the destruction throughout his analysis, meant little,, Johnson emphasized, actions. Discussing the central of the Haitian family by U.S. policies and asserted that, "for over a issue of Haitian finances, for example, Johnson and internal debt : paid its external hundred years [Haiti] scrupulously of the United when under the financial guardianship until five years ago and, with one exception, external debt States interest on both the internal AFTERMATH --- Page 212 --- was defaulted. "46 France held most of the obligation to the United States external debt and, being under itself, could not protest. The however, was held by Haitian citizens, internal debt, ment bonds Johnson explained, Haitian being more or less to govern19 municipal bonds. equivalent "United States, state, and "Non-payment of these "has placed many families in absolute securities,' Johnson asserted, IfU.S. want. "47 financial policy in Haiti, dictated by the dealt damaging blows to middle-class National City Bank, thus and ant families in the upper-class Haitian families, peasthe countryside were even more vulnerable to the occupation. however, was held by Haitian citizens, internal debt, ment bonds Johnson explained, Haitian being more or less to govern19 municipal bonds. equivalent "United States, state, and "Non-payment of these "has placed many families in absolute securities,' Johnson asserted, IfU.S. want. "47 financial policy in Haiti, dictated by the dealt damaging blows to middle-class National City Bank, thus and ant families in the upper-class Haitian families, peasthe countryside were even more vulnerable to the occupation. Discussing the ravages of "the African slave raids of corvée,Johnson likened American action to "though past centuries.' ' "And slavery it was, 9> he temporary. By day or by night, from the wrote, from their little bosom of their farms . Haitians were seized and families, months in far sections of the forcibly taken to toil for while country. Their were often in total terror-stricken families meanbrothers."8 ignorance of the fate of their husbands, Likening the occupation to fathers, tion of the black family, slavery specifically in its destrucWhereas Johnson undermined U.S. claims to paternalism. foster pro-occupation writers figured Haiti as an in father, Johnson wrote, in orphan need of a Haiti today, it would leave contrast, "if the United States should leave more than a thousand own making. "49 widows and orphans of its In an article in the Crisis, Johnson took another paternalism. If swing at the conceit of U.S. Marines, contemporary Haitian fathers were killed and the occupation could not SO readily kidnapped by historical fathers. Answering the deprive Haitians of their question of Haiti's plied by the discourse of paternity that was imconcrete evidence of a paternalism, Johnson said, in effect, Haiti has of the Haitian most impressive father, one of the founding fathers revolution: King Henri Christophe. That seen in Christophe's Citadel, built "in evidence could be the first decade of the century. to quarter 30,000 soldiers"and nineteenththe French, 9, should "to servea asa stronghold: they return "to retake Haiti. 50 against visit to the Citadel: "As I stood Johnson recalled his from the walls on the highest point, where the was more than two thousand sheer drop rich plains of Northern Haiti, Iwasi feet, and looked out over the man had the impressed with the right to feel himself a thought that, ifevera walked around the king, that man was Christophe when he parapets of his citadel. "51 clear, was not lacking founding Haiti, Johnson made quite fathers; Christophe's Citadel, urgedAmericans to visit, stood as a which he Johnson's critique of the monument to a proud Haitian paternity. Haitian fathers and their occupation, then, rested on the damage done to families by the U.S. military presence; his defense HAITI's APPEAL --- Page 213 --- heritage of the HaiHaiti likewise stood firm on the proud patriarchal of tian past. expressed in Johnson's portrait of The ideology of black masculinity racial In 1906, codes to further goals. Christophe employed classand gender the U.S. consulate in Puerto as an African American man representing frustrated by his observation that Cabello, Venezuela, Johnson had been accomAfrican ancestry achieved significant Venezuelan men of obvious themselves without identifying plishments in education and statesmanship found a "race in terms of race. 52 In Henri Christophe, by contrast.Johnson the all others." 53 A proud black man committed to defending man" to top the truest kind of black nation he had fathered, Christophe was, forjohnson, himthe to feel himselfa a king. Puerto as an African American man representing frustrated by his observation that Cabello, Venezuela, Johnson had been accomAfrican ancestry achieved significant Venezuelan men of obvious themselves without identifying plishments in education and statesmanship found a "race in terms of race. 52 In Henri Christophe, by contrast.Johnson the all others." 53 A proud black man committed to defending man" to top the truest kind of black nation he had fathered, Christophe was, forjohnson, himthe to feel himselfa a king. " Like Christophe man, a man who "had right manhood with claims to Europeanself,Johnson linked his claims to black style civilization. like his critique of paternalism, also reJohnson' 's critique of exoticism, civilization. In response to those lied on this link between manliness and nation's Haitian men on the basis of their supposed who would denigrate Haiti's likeness to Europe. In contrast to primitivism,, Johnson emphasized America, he remarked, "Port-auinfluence one finds in Latin the Spanish of the French or Italian Riviera. : . Cosmopolitan Prince is rather a city a charm of its own, one gets yet quaint, with an old-world atmosphere yet life. 54 And for those who throughout the feeling of continental European drew out points of considered Haitian men ill-equipped to govern,J Johnson United States. "Haiand those of the likeness between Haiti's shortcomings a "writer might s conceded, but tian historyl has been all too bloody, Johnson accounts of murders, and clip from our daily press visit our own country cities, strike violence, race the streets of our larger robberies on principal and write a book and burnings at the stake of human beings, 55 : riots, lynching, unsafe in the United States. And "graft' to prove that life is absolutely * he admitted, "but who in [in Haiti], shocking at times," has been plentiful machines and the municipal rings are notoAmerica, where the Tammany Haiti in this connection. 56 rious, will dare to point the finger of scorn at in his account of black masculinity was more explicit Johnson' s ideology "Haitian intellectuals - poets, essayists, of elite society in Port-au-Prince. his readers, gathered at the novelists, historians, critics, " Johnson informed friendly atmoby "the courteous, Cercle Bellevue, which was characterized encounter "a dozen or more sphere of a men's club. *57 There one might be measured by world whose work may contemporary Haitian men ofletters of beautiful villas, s standards. 58 And as a guest at any one of "hundreds the majority the visitor finds that among "the well-to-do wrote, Johnson, AFTERMATH --- Page 214 --- cultured, brilliant conversationally, have been educated in France; they are dress well. Many are enjoy their social life. The women and thoroughly 59 Thus Haitian society was distinbeautiful and all vivacious and chic. women. by worldly men and ornamental guished, according to Johnson, society" had nothing at all in Measured in class terms, "the best Haitian land of white racist fantasies. common with the primitive and stereotypical exoticism relied on a reductive If, as I have argued, other, Johnson's reply between a civilized self and a primitive [E]duopposition and nation as bases for such an opposition. decisively rejected race not accidental and sporadic cated, cultured, and intellectual [Haitians] are are the Haitian 11 Johnson insisted; "they offshoots of the Haitian people, Yet, his approach left people. all in Measured in class terms, "the best Haitian land of white racist fantasies. common with the primitive and stereotypical exoticism relied on a reductive If, as I have argued, other, Johnson's reply between a civilized self and a primitive [E]duopposition and nation as bases for such an opposition. decisively rejected race not accidental and sporadic cated, cultured, and intellectual [Haitians] are are the Haitian 11 Johnson insisted; "they offshoots of the Haitian people, Yet, his approach left people. *60 Judge Haiti by their accomplishments. of the Haitian poor. certain brand of primitivism in his account room for a between the civilized and the primiJohnson acknowledged an opposition the axis of class rather than Haiti, but located it along tive in occupied the Haitian people are : industrious and race or nation. "The masses of that rural peasants sought to thrifty," wrote Johnson, answering charges miles with a great load of avoid labor. "For a woman to walk five to ten dollar is doubtless which may barely realize her a produce on her head but it is not a sign of laziof energy, primitive, and a wasteful expenditure rows of wooden shanties, the described the "long ness. 61 Similarly,J Johnson market" in the capital city as "no less picturcurious little booths around the in Naples, in Lisbon, and no more primitive . than similar quarters be sure, but esque Haitian poor were primitive, to in Marseilles." P62 ToJohnson the SO than the southern European poor. no more Haitian added something by way of In their own way, moreover, the poor less picturesque" as nation's cultural wealth. "[N]o "local color" to their southern European counterparts, than their well as "no more primitive" said, "more justifiable urban neighborhoods were, Johnson Haiti's poor and New York, which than the great slums of civilization's centers-London: 1 Thus "scantily clad children, without aesthetic redemption. are totally and out of the market at the waterfront in Portmagnificent in body" ran in - people "with a the in the countryside au-Prince., And among peasants aesthetic touch is never profound sense of beauty and harmony"-"an moreover, and inefficient market women, lacking. 64 Those "primitive" "Magnificent as they the deepest impression" on Johnson. made "perhaps and by hundreds on their way to the file along the country roads by scores turbained heads, gold-loopmarkets, ' he wrote, "with white or colored town and lithe, almost haughtily, carrying ringed ears, they stride along straight P65 Johnson's notion of "aesthetic of Sheba. themselves like SO many Queens HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 215 --- themselves suggested that : quaint" t" Haitian peasants, justified redemption" be admired, if not by their economic efficiency. by their value as objects to offered to the visitor. worth resided, in part, in the visual pleasure they Their discourse on Haiti is especially interesting in This aspect of Johnson's claimed to have influenced. light of the authors whom Johnson proudly of the island nation back on his visit to Haiti and his promotion of Looking assessed his influence on the growth back in the States,Johnson proudly claim that I rediscovered it for American attention to Haiti. "I think I may "What I said and United States,' " he wrote in his autobiography in 1933. the for a new literary interest in Haiti. wrote was in some degree responsible and his citadell before W. Vandercook talked with me about Christophe Seabrook John his book, Black Majesty; and William B. he went down and wrote down and wrote The Magic Island. talked with me about Haiti before he went to my trip started a sort of pilgrimage Among my friends and acquaintances Seabrook would pro- *66 Yet Vandercook and especially the Black Republic. I said and United States,' " he wrote in his autobiography in 1933. the for a new literary interest in Haiti. wrote was in some degree responsible and his citadell before W. Vandercook talked with me about Christophe Seabrook John his book, Black Majesty; and William B. he went down and wrote down and wrote The Magic Island. talked with me about Haiti before he went to my trip started a sort of pilgrimage Among my friends and acquaintances Seabrook would pro- *66 Yet Vandercook and especially the Black Republic. attention to Haiti as exoticized portraits that would attract widespread mote There is some ironyin the fact preserve within a modern empire. black a primitive attitudes toward the that while Johnson sought to dispel negative he too contribAmerican attention to the "picturesque" nation, in drawing called Haiti. uted to the creation of an exotic object o'NEILL's PATH TO THE EMPEROR JONES EUGENE O'Neill came to write about Haiti having accumuLike Johnson, Eugene 67 In October 1909, in San of American empire. lated his own experiences had boarded a fruit company vessel, Francisco Harbor, Eugene O'Neill of bananas for American bound for Central America to collect a shipment where he would 68 O'Neill himself was headed for Honduras, around consumption." laden down with "a cartridge belt make his way through the jungle over one shoulwaist and a Colt revolver at one hip : a bandolier from the [his] the otherand. a machete dangling over der . a carbine slung were in search of belt. 69 O'Neill and his companion other side of [his] to the States with malaria - and gold, which they never found. He returned American peasants: "The to describe Central with a classic set of stereotypes bipeds that ever polluted natives are the lowest ignorant bunch of brainless from its future,' he wrote to his parents Guajiniquil, a land or retarded "Sixty five days on a NorHonduras. 70 He left again the following year: I Buenos Aires,' * he later wrote. "In Argentine wegian barque, Boston to department of the Westthe draughting worked at various occupations-in AFTERMATH --- Page 216 --- in the wool house of a [Swift Company] packinghouse Electrical Company, Machine Company in Plata, in the office of the Singer Sewing ing plant at La Buenos Aires.' 71 economic empire as a worker, not O'Neill had seen the burgeoning U.S. 1911,1 he cultivated ofleisure. After returning to the Statesin as a gentleman politics and, according to cultural histoa critical perspective on American * He signed his let- 'savored imagining himself as radical.' rian Joel Pfister, and voted for So- "Yours for the Revolution, * wrote "radical poems, ters, wrote for the New London Telegraph cialist Eugene Debs in 1912.ONeills "covered to another of his biographers, during this time, and according him a rather feeling. 73 This radicalism gave socialist events with partisan on U.S.imperialism. different context in which to develop his perspectives at a hotel barstumbled on Haitian history as he sat drinking O'Neill was the late teens, and the occupation room, at least as he told the story24Ity drama at Harvard in 1914 and was under way. By then, O'Neill had studied and Provincetown, time largely in New York City 1915. He was spending His interest in the left persisted, and his writing, observing, and drinking. labor radicals and anarchists, as circle in Greenwich Village included white dubbed "true native VilAmericans and Italians, whom he well as African Hotel across from Madison Square lagers." 75 At the barroom of the Garden circus people, gamGarden, he was a regular among "fight promoters, distributed to regulars such "76 In the Bartender's Guide blers and racketeers."' and observations. vincetown, time largely in New York City 1915. He was spending His interest in the left persisted, and his writing, observing, and drinking. labor radicals and anarchists, as circle in Greenwich Village included white dubbed "true native VilAmericans and Italians, whom he well as African Hotel across from Madison Square lagers." 75 At the barroom of the Garden circus people, gamGarden, he was a regular among "fight promoters, distributed to regulars such "76 In the Bartender's Guide blers and racketeers."' and observations. 77 himself, O'Neill made notes of his conversations as O'Neill made note of a story he heard Sometime in the winter of 1919, had been "traveling with from "an old circus man, " named Jack Croak, who current in Haiti the West Indies." "He told me a story a tent show through O'Neill wrote. "This was to the effect concerning the late President Sam, lead bullet; that he would get that Sam had said they'd never get him with a coin with Sam's feafirst with a silver one. 99 Croak gave O'Neill "a himself " which the playwright kept "as a pocket picce. tures on it," and a half, building on this storyIn the course of the following year associated with Henri about President Sam, but actually long ostensibly the idea for what was to become The Emperor Christophe -O'Neill got about Toussaint L'OuverJones, He prepared to write the play by reading O'Neill claimed that Henri Christophe, and the Haitian Revolution. ture, of the drum while reading about religious when he came upon the uses but his use of the drum the Congo, the heart of the play took shape, feastsin histories of Haiti he had read.. , building on this storyIn the course of the following year associated with Henri about President Sam, but actually long ostensibly the idea for what was to become The Emperor Christophe -O'Neill got about Toussaint L'OuverJones, He prepared to write the play by reading O'Neill claimed that Henri Christophe, and the Haitian Revolution. ture, of the drum while reading about religious when he came upon the uses but his use of the drum the Congo, the heart of the play took shape, feastsin histories of Haiti he had read.. Asanother. American also resonated with the that the distant drum decade later, "Eugene O'Neill arranged noted a the play. That made the drama Haitian should beat continuouslyallt through HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 217 --- suband the lines.' *80 And the play came together more than all the scenery when news of the the summer months of 1920, precisely stantially during election season headlines. In Sepmarines' misdeeds in Haiti was making it October 2, 1920.91 O'Neill composed it in only two weeks, dating tember, from the title of James Weldon Johnson's Finally, O'Neill drew directly "Self-Determining Haiti," for his prefatory note for the play. Nation exposé contradiction between to the obvious Johnson called his series, pointing of small nations and the claims to protect the rights Wilson's high-flown in one particular small bare facts of what his administration was overseeing for his drama: "The acO'Neill used the phrase to set the stage nation. island in the West Indies as yet not selftion of the play takes place on an is, for the White Marines. The form of native government determined by *82 time being, an Empire. DRAMATIC AMBIGUITIES Theater in Greenwich On the eve of election day 1920, at the Playwright's of for his commanded an "avalanche applause" Village, Charles S. Gilpin (Figure 18).99 For those eager opening-night performance: as the emperor there seemed to be much to for African American actors, to see progress that, in the past, would almost certainly cheer, for Gilpin took a leading part the most of the role; white actor in blackface. 84 He also made have gone to a of heroic stature" and that he reviewers said that his was a "performance American stage. 85 On the should be "ranked with the greatest artists of the narrative followed a scoundrel and a cheat, and the other hand, he played did not end there. Indeed, his demise. As we shall see, the play'sa ambiguities of and emfor the politics race, gender, with its contradictory implications was the first major fitting that The Emperor Jones pire, it is perhaps especially of Haiti in the United States. artistic translation of the U.S. occupation of references to Haiidentity is constructed out of a grid The emperor'si culture, the last of these in its African American, and U.S. American tian, iteration. His character also highlights condominant, racially unmarked ways. In order to apprenections' between race and masculinityini important and his use of Haiti, fully O'Neill's use of the black male figure, ciate more of racial, national, and gender references we must consider the complexity not as an "African AmeriFor O'Neill conceived of Brutus, Jones in the play. 99 and that marker was as wholly can" character, but as a "full-blooded negro, absolute with respect to with respect to national identity as it was as ambiguous came the richness of The Emperor Jones race. Out of this ambiguity, Iargue, AFTERMATH --- Page 218 --- Figure 18. Charles Howard Grenbeng Gilpin as the Emperor Jones. @ Jessie Tarbox Gallery, New York City; Beals, Courtesy American Literatur, Beinecke Rare Book photograph, Yale Collection of and Mamuscipt Library. in the play. 99 and that marker was as wholly can" character, but as a "full-blooded negro, absolute with respect to with respect to national identity as it was as ambiguous came the richness of The Emperor Jones race. Out of this ambiguity, Iargue, AFTERMATH --- Page 218 --- Figure 18. Charles Howard Grenbeng Gilpin as the Emperor Jones. @ Jessie Tarbox Gallery, New York City; Beals, Courtesy American Literatur, Beinecke Rare Book photograph, Yale Collection of and Mamuscipt Library. --- Page 219 --- a modernist text that helped to launch Haiti U.S. American culture for on a new phase of its career in better and for worse. When the play opens, BrutusJones is "a tall, resplendent in his emperor's powerfully-buile black man, gold chevrons uniform, "sprayed with brass on the shoulders, gold braid buttons, heavy sartorial excess is intended in on the collar," and more. If his part to be comic, O'Neill indicating that "there is qualifies this by deur. He has something not altogether a way of carrying it off. "86 Indeed, ridiculousabout) his granand his powerful gaze is sufficient he shows contempt easily, blooded negro,' 1 he is also, to COW a white man. If Jones is a "fullful manhood, at the same time, the verye embodiment of holding wealth, title, and the reins of powerdisplays the confidence of a man who has state power. 87 Jones bootstraps, embraced his new picked himself up by his own newfound status, and defined himself in terms power. When reminded of his former of his "What Iwas den is one thing. troubles, he shoots back, Aaron Douglas Whatlisnow'sanother: '88 Yet, the as depicted him in one of his 1926 illustrations emperor, Monthly, is about to slip off his throne for Theatre Arts Ift the (Figure 19). 89 Emperor Jones is, for the time being at least, a manhood, the island nation that is destined figure for powerful Marines" is, in contrast, to be "self-determinedi by White "native represented initially by a fearful, negro woman.' 90 Yet, it is this bare-footed, old of abject weakness who cowering, supplicating embodiment She does announces the imminent demise of SO, moreover, in O'Neill'sversion the emperor. evokes the speech of "native" speech, a dialect that patterns of Native American classic racist stereotypes. "Him Indians, as imagined within eat. 91 And while the Emperor Great Father Him "Great Father" sleep after and the audience, sleeps, she tells her the natives have taken to the whiteinterrogator, prepare for revolution. This) hills to beat the drum and native linguistic invocation of U.S. peoples, suggestive of the paternalism toward and the "Great Father relationship between Native at Washington, : is one of several Americans serve to associate Brutus Jones's textual details that with his imperial power with the United States and U.S.American identity: 921 Thus, this old native woman and a white opening encounter between an man, "the Cockney contempt for the emperor behind his trader," who evinces presence, back, but tries to be prudent in foregrounds not only matters of race and his tions of national identity. gender, but also quesThe Emperor Jones unfolds in eight scenes. The first primarily of a conversation between and longest consists crooked the emperor, Brutus Jones, and Cockney trader, Smithers. In it we learn the tory in the States. He had been something of Jones's hisa Baptist and a Pullman porter, but having AFTERMATH contempt for the emperor behind his trader," who evinces presence, back, but tries to be prudent in foregrounds not only matters of race and his tions of national identity. gender, but also quesThe Emperor Jones unfolds in eight scenes. The first primarily of a conversation between and longest consists crooked the emperor, Brutus Jones, and Cockney trader, Smithers. In it we learn the tory in the States. He had been something of Jones's hisa Baptist and a Pullman porter, but having AFTERMATH --- Page 220 --- - S . - .> tarfs Untitled. Illustration of The Emperor Jones Figure 19. Aaron Douglas, 1926. Private collection. for Theatre Arts Monthly, --- Page 221 --- : Fear. Illustration of The Emperor, Jones Figure 20. Aaron Douglas, Forest 1926. Private collection. for Theatre Arts Monthly, --- Page 222 --- killed another black man in a having then killed the craps game, Jones landed in a chain prison guard and filed the chain gang; escaped, stowed away, and landed from his ankle, he on the island. 93 After Smithers and participating in his dishonest hooking up with fired by: a native. The shot misses racket, Jones survives a gunshot him, but that he can only be killed Brutus Jones convinces the native by: a silver bullet. can ex-convict ascends to the Through this legend, the Amerithat advantageous throne, becoming the Emperor Jones. From Smithers position, his theft takes the form of exorbitant reminds him, taxes, as exclaiming, "You've The squeezed 'em dry!"94 remaining seven scenes, which form the voted to the Emperor Jones's heart of the play, are deundoing. To the steady and accelerating sound of the native drumbeat, everso-slightly attempting to follow a path Jones sets out for the coast, tion for this through the forest that he has laid in moment. His pistol chamberi isfull, with preparalast one made of silver, for himself, five lead bulletsand the proceeds, he if it should come to that. But as encounters, one by one, a series of he six shots. In turn he comes haunts at which he fires all killed upon "the little formless over a craps game; the prison fears";Jeff, the man he and guard on the chain planters at a slave auction, in which hei is gang; an auctioneer of a ship; and, on the block; slaves in the finally, a witch doctor and crocodile hold By dawn, BrutusJones has monster back in Africa. forest where he gone and come full circle, back to the edge of the started, and there the native soldiers bullets they have fashioned in kill him with the silver While secret from coins of the empire. Brutus] Jones's. African American ciation with Haitiis unmistakable identity is most explicit, his assofrom various insofar as his character is pieced fragments of Haitian history and lore. together O'Neill came by this store of material. We have seen how have very likely included His readings on Haitian historywould books like Hesketh Prichard's Whiteand Lothrop Where Black Rules books he would have Sioddard's.historye of the Haitian Revolution. From such learned that Haiti's first head of Dessalines, called himself state, Jean Jacques second "Emperor";h he may or may not have known that a nineteenth-century Haitian leader, Faustin He would have read about color Soulouque, did likewise. divisionsin was a black man, not a Haitiand known that Dessalines mulatto, and thus a "full-blooded Jones. O'Neilllearned, too, the negro " like Brutus tion, that Henri startling historyt that caughtjohnson'katien rounded Christophe established himself as by a court of nobles, and built king, ruled Haiti surmountain. may or may not have known that a nineteenth-century Haitian leader, Faustin He would have read about color Soulouque, did likewise. divisionsin was a black man, not a Haitiand known that Dessalines mulatto, and thus a "full-blooded Jones. O'Neilllearned, too, the negro " like Brutus tion, that Henri startling historyt that caughtjohnson'katien rounded Christophe established himself as by a court of nobles, and built king, ruled Haiti surmountain. Of course, Prichard and an astonishing fortress high on a his like saw in the Citadel monstrosity rather than masculine evidence of ruse also came from accomplishment 95 Jones's silver bullet Christophe's legend, although, as O'Neill learned it HAITI's APPEAL --- Page 223 --- the circus man, it was a story about a more recent Haitian from Sam Croak, leader, President Sam. unmarked version of American association with a racially Brutus, Jones's O'Neill's initial description of Jones, for culture is more subtly implied. frontier masculinity, even as it reidentifies him with American "His example, between blackness and American identity. produces: a racist opposition there is something negroid," 11 reads the playscript, "yet features are typically of will, a hardy, distinctive about his face - an underlying strength decidedly respect. 96 Similarly, the emself-reliant confidence in himself that inspires a European for the most part, sports peror's costume, while ostentatiously revolver" and "boots with brass spurs. Smith- "peart-handled: of the silver bullet story, in Moreover, despite the Haitian origins as if to confirm this "Yankee bluff." Jones responds, ers's view it is simply "Ain'ta man talkin' big what makes him identification of American bravado, O'Neill drew thisimage of -long as he makes folks believe it2"98 Eugene world big in the rough male masculine bravado from his own vast experience had been a denizen of described by historian George Chauncey, for O'Neill of this bravado apworld in his teens and twenties. 99 Another version that which O'Neill called "a direct peared a year later in his play, The Hairy Ape, piece is an- *100 The lead character of that primitivist descendant of Jones." face is often blackened with coal dust, other "big talker.' 9 Awhite man whose 99 over- " with his "natural stooping posture, he resembles a "Neanderthal, arms, and "low, recedback and shoulder muscles, long powerful developed Yank. ing brow.' >101 O'Neill named him, pointedly, through his frontier IfO'Neill cast Brutus, Jones as an "American" figure and his success as a his masculine braggadocio, spirit and paraphernalia, too in his thieving. In this sense, references self-made man, he was American criticism of U.S. imperiidentity are central to O'Neill's tojonessAmericani between Smithers and Jones in scene alism in the Caribbean. The dialogue has learned the reveals the extent to which Brutus Jones 1, in particular, back in the States. As they review the history of crooked ways of white folks Smithers that he has used his their swindling on the island, Jones reminds "Ain'tI. winked at all power to protect the Cockney trader, Sho' I has government been doin' right out in de broad day. . imperiidentity are central to O'Neill's tojonessAmericani between Smithers and Jones in scene alism in the Caribbean. The dialogue has learned the reveals the extent to which Brutus Jones 1, in particular, back in the States. As they review the history of crooked ways of white folks Smithers that he has used his their swindling on the island, Jones reminds "Ain'tI. winked at all power to protect the Cockney trader, Sho' I has government been doin' right out in de broad day. de crooked tradin' you timel"102 Smithers reminds.J Jones in and me makin' laws to stopit: at de same made them. 103 himself broke the lawsjust as fast as he turn that the emperor set forth several decades earlier echoed an analysis Jones's next response Cooper. In A Voice from the South, by African American author Anna Julia robber, a murderer, had written, "If your own father was a pirate, a about it. But if Cooper in red blood, and you don'tsay very much his hands are dyed AFTERMATH --- Page 224 --- stole and pillaged and slew, great great gmandbather'sgandisnhern your great blood has become blue and you are at great pains and you can prove it, your in Brutus Jones's 104 The words O'Neill put to establish the relationship. "Ain'tIde Emperor? De laws don'tgo for mouth pointed to a similar irony: Dere's little stealin' like you You heah what I tells you, Smithers. him. - For de little stealin' dey gits you in does, and dere's big stealin' like I does. and puts you in late. For de stealin' dey makes you Emperor jail soon or big Ifdey'sone thing I learns in ten years de Hall o' Fame when you croaks. talk, it's dat same fact. 105 Pullman ca's listenin' to de white quality on de and as carried abroad by the This indictment of capitalism both at home, toJohnson's was reinforced by O'Neillsreferencer self-proclaimed emperor, included on the series in his prefatory note to the play, presumably Nation program that was handed out to theatergoers. to criticize American side provided O'Neill with opportunities IfJones's Haitian side did likewise. Thus, when a white capitalism andimperialism, his] on his feet and setting tries to take credit for getting Jones of man (Smithers) with a pointed rejection such him on the path to success,Jonest responds crooked work out a' no kind claims. "You didn't let me in on yo' paternalist Iwas wu'th money to you, dat'sde reason. feelin's dat time. these critiques of capitalYet, while O'Neill made a point of articulating interest in in line with his long-standing ism, imperialism, and paternalism, written ideas, his play was not simply or even primarily socialist and anarchist from the side of the island's mode. Indeed, far taking in a critical, political for them that O'Neill had natives, the play manifested the same contempt belief, cultivated in that toward Honduran peasants in 1909. His exhibited were "comic opera" affairs ultimately context, that "native" revolutions moments I have SO far highlighted. overshadowed the critical, political in relation to the U.S. occupaStill, the significance of The Emperor, Jones imperidoes not lie only in its stance for or against capitalism, tion of Haiti for the ways it mobilized images of It is significant alism, or paternalism. ambiguities: and its reception illustrate Haitiin the United States. The play's in black bodies, as objects of investment in Haiti, and white Americans' for the demands of fascination, sources of liberation, means negotiating show the context. At the same time, theyalso their own social and political these ever more fascinatwhites employed in an attempt to keep as strategies African Americans - from seeing themselves ing objects Haitians and of the national self. As we shall see, subjects, and thus forcing a redefinition the attempt was abortive. its reception illustrate Haitiin the United States. The play's in black bodies, as objects of investment in Haiti, and white Americans' for the demands of fascination, sources of liberation, means negotiating show the context. At the same time, theyalso their own social and political these ever more fascinatwhites employed in an attempt to keep as strategies African Americans - from seeing themselves ing objects Haitians and of the national self. As we shall see, subjects, and thus forcing a redefinition the attempt was abortive. contradictory ends for its white O'Neill's play served several apparently raised by empire First, it represented the troubling ambiguities audiences. HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 225 --- The prefatory notes presented these building and colonial adventuring. had encountered in diverse ambiguities, which men who had been abroad headed by could be an empire ways. For if"the form of native government" where did the "native" end and indeed by an American, then a nonnative, island could be "selfidetermined by the "nation" begin? If a West Indian between then what did that say about the relationship White Marines," island? Smedley Butler had played "White Marines" and the "self" of the d'Haîti. and confusions as chief of the Gendarmerie with these very terms "White Marines" with native West Now The Emperor, Jones seemed to equate frontiersmen. In this sense, Indians and African Americans with self-reliant Who and what is an American? it opened up the troubling question, adventures, as well as those of O'Neill's comments on his own tropical a black character the possibility that he employed other white men, suggest to selfhood they someabout white men and the challenge to say something The Emperor, Jones, O'Neill later in the tropics. Regarding times experienced forest on the human imagination was recalled, "the effect of the tropical while prospecting honestly come by. It was the result of my own experience the kinds of Honduras. 108 In 1909, foreshadowing for gold in Spanish later O'Neill had writin which marines in Haiti engaged, racial playacting Honduras, "I am as brown as a native and am ten to his parents from and dirty as the mustache in order to look absolutely as shiftless growing a Theodore Roosevelt, perbest of them. >109 A few years later, he described time, using similarly white colonialist figure of the haps the most prominent London Roosevelt belanguage. In the New Tdlegraph, boundaryblurring who is jos "Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, came "the hero of the jungle." from Bwana Tumbo to Chief described by various names ranging cosely here on the eastbound limited at 3:38yester Running Bull, passed through day afternoon." >110 of Haiti did not appeal only to white At the same time, representations Indeed, some white men went to who had been abroad in the tropics. men home As economic change the tropics to resolve struggles born on ground. by suborconceptions of manliness and individuality challenged long-held national pieties and as world war challenged dinating men to machines, looked to racial others in new waysabout civilization and progress, whites modernist primitivAs James Clifford has argued, as sources of liberation. of long associated with ism took hold in the 1920S, as "a series stereotypes connotations and came to backwardness and inferiority acquired positive of ancient for a simultaneous recovery stand for liberation and spontaneity, >111 The importance of liberation sources and an access to true modernity. ceptions of manliness and individuality challenged long-held national pieties and as world war challenged dinating men to machines, looked to racial others in new waysabout civilization and progress, whites modernist primitivAs James Clifford has argued, as sources of liberation. of long associated with ism took hold in the 1920S, as "a series stereotypes connotations and came to backwardness and inferiority acquired positive of ancient for a simultaneous recovery stand for liberation and spontaneity, >111 The importance of liberation sources and an access to true modernity. plays, The Hairy Ape between two of O'Neill's primitivist suggests a contrast AFTERMATH --- Page 226 --- the former, the white "Yank" and his fellow and The Emperor Jones. For if, in to end, in the of steel (trusts) from beginning workers are caged in a prison fled for his life, and landed "Brutus" has broken his chains, latter the black of Jones's national identity his feet -at least for a time. The ambiguity on this element of the play, while providing them, too, allowed whites to access of their investment in a with an escape- - from the potential implications encouraged to idenWithin such a frame, whites could be black character. the depths of their own souls, tify with black characters as a means to plumb hoped his audiences would do. as O'Neill explicitly vested in black bodies like those of The fantasy of liberated masculinity, to be contained.' 113 Charles Gilpin and Paul Robeson, had, nevertheless, served a third because of Haiti And all the more was this SO representations domestic racial and most crucial end, namely, to triangulate and perhaps of Christophe, as in O'Neill's insisgender struggles." 114 In Johnson's use over black men's demise, Haiti served as a foil for contests tence on Jones's this question onto Haiti, political fitness in the United States. Projecting made by Hesketh Pridramatized the argument that had been Jones's fate in Haiti some years before. "Can the chard, calling for an intervention concluding, "he has shown no rule himself?" Prichard had asked, that negro entitle him to the benefit of the doubt signs whatever which can fairly Butler's about the question. 115 Thus, just as Smedley has for SO long hung ambiguities ultimately had to be paternalism had its ugly side, SO O'Neill's the threat of black resolved. As Hazel Carby has argued, O'Neill displaced the realm of the political leadership onto masculinity: and. AfricanAmerican psychological.' 116 's demise bears scrutiny. For as Finally, O'Neill's staging of Brutus Jones' losing first the forest,Jones strips down, by stages, he makes his way through leaving him finally * naked his Panama hat, then his coat, shoes, and pants, waist. *117 Joel Pfister small animal tied about his except for the fur of some Gilpin and Paul Robeson perof this "strip-tease that actors Charles that says " that it "identified them with a sexuality formed when playing Jones" themselves with as an embodiment of white audiences could both fascinate the same time spurn as 'nothing primitivism, yet at their own psychological >118 Yet it also represented the stripmore than a prancing darky onstage. manhood, and national idenaway of those markers of civilization, ping honorific regalia, in which categorythe tity - no more brass spurs, no more resonated with included pants. Thus, the emperor's "strip-tease" marines of the marines in Haiti. For uniforms and the discourses and experiences divested themselves of vested men with authority, and as marines chalinsignia confronted the subjective various ways-they these habiliments-in HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 227 --- Photograph by Helen Liebman. away of those markers of civilization, ping honorific regalia, in which categorythe tity - no more brass spurs, no more resonated with included pants. Thus, the emperor's "strip-tease" marines of the marines in Haiti. For uniforms and the discourses and experiences divested themselves of vested men with authority, and as marines chalinsignia confronted the subjective various ways-they these habiliments-in HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 227 --- Photograph by Helen Liebman. Puppet production of The Emperor, Jones. Book and Maniscript Library. Figure 21. Literature, Beinecke Rare Yale Collection of American violence. In Smedley Butler's that sometimes led to "indiscriminate" a return to elemental lenges down could represent Yet, if Brutus telling, their own stripping underwear were ripe for a fight. a masculinity: marines in their in order to allow white audiences exhibited his bare chest and legs flesh,' 91 in the words of one Jones a "dark lyric of the that, in the end, he was fantasy of black masculinity, also disarmed him, SO reviewer, his stripping down unmanly emotionality' 119 between the reduced to a mass of quivering, sillustrates a fundamental contrast in supO'Neill's The Emperor Jones despite their usual alliance of paternalism and exoticism, fired an American fascinadiscourses imperialism. To be sure, paternalism U.S. citizens could approporto tofU.S.i exotic by creating a contextin which to which this chapter tion with the Haitian culture, the process American priate and commodify reinforced paternalism by focusing as in turn, often expressed turns next. Exoticism, between the two cultures, American attention on the differences life, which justified a paternal shortcomings in Haitian crucial. For whereas paternalism primitive Haiti. Yet the differences are as needed and presence in into Haiti's domestic landscape inscribed U.S. Americans AFTERMATH --- Page 228 --- welcome family members, exoticism inscribed culture as an explicitly Haiti into U.S. American foreign and unfamiliar entity. As gests, Americans created a cultural O'Neill's play sugspace for Haiti in the premised on Haiti's very United States lenged the discourse foreignness. And while some Americans of exoticism, the chaltion into American culture prevailing terms ofHaitfsincorpora emphasized the two nations in a manner that served cultural dissonance between the control in Haiti. Thus, to justify U.S. political and economic paternalism and of U.S. contact with Haiti, exoticism, the two reigning mirrored and tropes tries of the occupation itself. reproduced the political asymmeThe enormousappeal. of Thel alike signaled both Emperor Jones with black and the allure of primitivism whiteaudiences white population and the among some sectors of the hunger for serious and sentation among. African Americans. meaningful cultural repreThese to the growth of white attention contrasting desires contributed to black subjects the dencedin the appearance of during 1920S, evipublishers like Boni out "black" material by white and and Liveright, who sought rinesin Haitiand in other black writers. The presence of U.S. matropical settings The "avalanche of provided grist for such a mill. applause" that met at the Playwright's S Theatre TheEmperor Jones on opening night spilled over into the come. The day following the days, months, and years to with opening, the Provincetown 1,500 new subscription requests. After its Players were met Greenwich Village, the play highly acclaimed first run in opened again at the way on and later Selwyn Theatre on BroadDecember27, at the Princess shows on Broadway. U.S. matropical settings The "avalanche of provided grist for such a mill. applause" that met at the Playwright's S Theatre TheEmperor Jones on opening night spilled over into the come. The day following the days, months, and years to with opening, the Provincetown 1,500 new subscription requests. After its Players were met Greenwich Village, the play highly acclaimed first run in opened again at the way on and later Selwyn Theatre on BroadDecember27, at the Princess shows on Broadway. 120 The Theatre, and ran for over 200 January Emperor Jones found its way to 1921, when Theatre Arts print as soon as Magazine an extended review, and later published the full text along with editions that year; Boni and of the play, one illustrated Liveright brought out two tour followed the by Alexander King. 121 A two-year road play's extensive Broadway run, and treated to a revival, with Paul Robeson in 1925 New York was staged over and over again by leading the cast. The play was also smaller York, especially those companies, uptown and outside New Emperor hungry for African American themes. 122 In Jones would make its way to radio, time, The (Figure 21 1). 123 opera, film, and even puppetry White and black audiences both had Emperor Jones, at least for reasons to stand and cheer for the a time. Indeed, comed O'Neill's serious some African Americans welEmperor treatment of African American themes at first; The Jonesrepresented: a It presented a strong black markedimproxemente lead over earlier dramatic fare. whites in their In character who, for one thing, could place. the first scene, for put example, on detecting a note of HAITI's APPEAL --- Page 229 --- disrespect in Smithers's voice, Brutus monstrates, "Talk polite, white Jones, reaching for his revolver, recertain man!"124 Ifthe play seemed to accommodate stereotypes, moreover, it also dramatized the through scenes of the Middle oppression of slavery Passage and the auction block. important, as we have seen, the Provincetown Perhaps most racial practice by Players abandoned employing an African American customary lead role. "Progress in the actor for an important noted, building of a black theatre, "had been made the Jervis Anderson has There through efforts of a white "125 was, however, some very pointed criticism playwright. press. One in the African American reviewasserted unequivocally;, . "The of play that should never be Emperor] Jones' is the kind theories, staged under any because it portrays the circumstances, regardless of races." "126 W. E. B. Du worst traits of the bad element of both Bois, writing in the Crisis, Emperor Jones "a splendid 91 Du disagreed. Calling The tragedy, Bois countered: "No more misunderstanding of this play or of the aim of Art could complete "The white artist well be written." ing, looking in on the colored world, ifl he be wise may often see the beauty, and discerndare. 127 But, tragedy and comedy more as historian David truly than we Americans admitted Levering Lewis has pointed to themselves more often than out, African and patrons their dislike of the exotic to their white friends on "the Negro. ? George primitivism evident in white writing what others Schuyler, an editor of the said would not; he criticized whites Messenger, publicly American as if, "even when he for writing about the African beat a tom-tom appears to be civilized, it is only or wave a rabbit's foot and he is necessary to Schaffner &c Marx suit, grab a ready to strip off his Hart crocodile. more often than out, African and patrons their dislike of the exotic to their white friends on "the Negro. ? George primitivism evident in white writing what others Schuyler, an editor of the said would not; he criticized whites Messenger, publicly American as if, "even when he for writing about the African beat a tom-tom appears to be civilized, it is only or wave a rabbit's foot and he is necessary to Schaffner &c Marx suit, grab a ready to strip off his Hart crocodile. *128 In time, spear and ride off wild-eyed on the back too, Charles Gilpin would of a his lines, refusing to use the word begin to take liberties with The success of the "nigger" as called for in the script. play with white U.S. the racist perceptions and audiences, moreover, hinged on White reviewers, longings that fueled modernist primitivism. 129 Kenneth including Alexander Woollcott of the New York McGowan of the Globe, made this clear. Times and "an extraordinarily To Woollcott, the was striking and dramatic of play called it "a study of study panic fear. "130 McGowan truth. > personal and racial psychology of real Specifically, he noted, "The moment imaginative naked body against the moonlit when he [Jones] raises his skya and such a cry of the primitive praysissuchad dark lyric of the flesh, year and a half later, being, as I have never seen in the theatre. *131 A with a similar reviewing The Hairy Ape, another O'Neill theme, but play dealing of the New York Herald centering on a white character, Lawrence Remner Tribune compared the new play with The Emperor] Jones AFTERMATH , he noted, "The moment imaginative naked body against the moonlit when he [Jones] raises his skya and such a cry of the primitive praysissuchad dark lyric of the flesh, year and a half later, being, as I have never seen in the theatre. *131 A with a similar reviewing The Hairy Ape, another O'Neill theme, but play dealing of the New York Herald centering on a white character, Lawrence Remner Tribune compared the new play with The Emperor] Jones AFTERMATH --- Page 230 --- much more exciting game to see the negro usurper unfavorably. "[I]t was clever rascal." 132 fate," 97 wrote Remner. "He was such a beaten by and themes by white writers and of Haitian images The appropriation in the thirties, and continued into artists began in the twenties, burgeoned legend about decades. O'Neill's use of the Sam/ Christophe the following of this one that shared the silver bullet was an early version appropriation, also shows but which important characteristics with the later trend, some the atavistic demise ofa While O'Neill, on the face ofit, portrayed Haitian contrasts. his lead character was really a fusion of black man, at the same time, blurred the lines between black and white. The Emperor, Jones and American, and this blurring of identities would not black Haitian and white American, of the twenties the most sensational representations come to characterize instead exotic otherwould emphasize and thirties. Those representations those very elements of O'Neill's ness; they would, in fact, come to emphasize despite the playwright's play that made it SO popular with white audiences, Remner had written, "It was, 9 as theater critic Lawrence textual nuances. beaten by fate. game to see the negro usurper "much more exciting themes therefore fashioned European Americans' attraction to primitive Attending to Afroin the history of American racism. a new chapter themes, U.S. whites could depart from a American and Afro-Caribbean commitment to while maintaining a fundamental tradition of racist hostility identities. They could criticize their racial hierarchies and essential racial of their own personunexplored aspects own culture or explore previously others. But in doing SO, they their fascination with primitive alities through the tenets of the racist traditions they would further reinforce some of very appeared to reject. white audiences continued to respond It is important to note that while and into the 1930S, African the 1920S favorably to The Emperor) Jonesthrough the extent that they had not immediately rejected American audiences, to racism over the years. In 1940 Langthe play, more generally soured to its actor Jules Bledsoe SO recalled a Harlem audience heckling ston Hughes them -in the middle of his perthat he resorted to lecturing conthoroughly in the theater." : To his dismay, the audience formance- - on "manners tinued to "howl with laughter." 1 133 for white of the gaze at work in the play's performance Given the politics quite distinct from those audiences, we can imagine a set of meanings words he wrote for Brutus have intended as we listen to the O'Neill must block, in scene 5. Listen to Brutus Jones, standing atop the auctioneer's audiences: "What for Haiti, addressing his white American Jones, as a figure HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 231 --- What'sall dis? What you lookin' at me fo'? .Isdis you all doin', > white folks? before de war?" a auction? Is you sellin' me like dey uster OF HAITI THE COMMODIFICATION brought Haiti to the attention of the If protests against the occupation rendering ofHaiti made visible, American public, andiroNoilspeimtite of fascination and white investments in Haiti as an object and cultivated, for marines to itself created myriad opportunities desire, the occupation relations of power at work in the occupaindulge this fascination. me fo'? .Isdis you all doin', > white folks? before de war?" a auction? Is you sellin' me like dey uster OF HAITI THE COMMODIFICATION brought Haiti to the attention of the If protests against the occupation rendering ofHaiti made visible, American public, andiroNoilspeimtite of fascination and white investments in Haiti as an object and cultivated, for marines to itself created myriad opportunities desire, the occupation relations of power at work in the occupaindulge this fascination. Indeed, their services -as - their bodies and tion gave marines access to Haitiansthis turned out to be Haitian cultural objects and lore. Ironically, well as to than the development of Haitian at least in the short run, more profitable, agricultural or manufacturing pursuits. successful show on the road, Playerstook their highly As the Provincetown sell theater tickets, magazines, books, and as The Emperor) Jones proceeded to in Haiti did not proceed apace. By and more, plans for economic prosperity (HASCO) was in receivership, the Haitian American Sugar Company had failed 1922, the United West Indies Corporation and investment in cotton by the next seven years, attempts to completelyie While HASCO revived over as to the extraordiverse American interests to Haiti, and speculation attract led to only a limited number of investdinary natural wealth of the island, established by 135 Through the Service Technique de T'Agriculture, ments. the diversification of in 1923, U.S. officials "encouraged the occupation thecultivation of sisal. 136 Pineapple investcropr'andsuccefuly promoted for solvency." 137 at first, came to naught after a struggle ments, promising on. Idea' 9 had failed, but the Marine Corps stayed "The. American of ease and autonomy in Haiti The U.S. Marine Corps enjoyed a period in 1922. the reorganization of the occupation for seven years following of military exercises, local Officers' memoirs and diaries reveal mornings of reading, works and afternoons administration, and public supervision, and baseball maintained golf, basketball, sports, and leisure. Polo, boxing, of the marines. The leisurely and physically active spirit the competitive also left marines and other Ameriof the occupation in this new phase about "Voodoo" pace their interest in learning can officials with time to pursue and other aspects of Haitian culture. Haiti also gave marines access The relations of power at work in occupied and rationalize Haicultural artifacts. In an attempt to modernize to Haitian into international economic for its integration tian society as preparation AFTERMATH --- Page 232 --- banned Vodou ceremonies in Haiti. Marines networks, occupation officials and confiscate drums and would raid places of worship, called hounforts, Kathostensibly to interrupt this now illegal practice. other ritual objects she arrived in Haiti in 1936, 6 not long erine Dunham recalled that when drums hidden in exodus of the Marines, there were still baptized after the waterfalls. 138 Although some ritual obhollow tree trunks and behind the or kept, as souvethen burned, many were sent back to States, jects were had collected four drums, John Houston Craige, for example, nirs. Captain, by the time he left of beads, * and what he called "ghostrattles" "a mass American authorities a good deal of Haiti.' 139 Making Vodou illegal also gave and allow because they could make "exceptions" leverage on the local level, needed cooperation on developin exchange for ceremonies to take place ;in fact, French anthropologist ment projects. This wasa widespread practice; observedin the that the ban on Vodou was largely Alfred Métraux suggested activity was, indeed, the confiscation breach, and that the main enforcement: the of Haitian facilitated production of drums.' 140 In this way, military power and exchange in the cultural objects as exotic commodities for circulation backHaitians for their supposed United States. " leverage on the local level, needed cooperation on developin exchange for ceremonies to take place ;in fact, French anthropologist ment projects. This wasa widespread practice; observedin the that the ban on Vodou was largely Alfred Métraux suggested activity was, indeed, the confiscation breach, and that the main enforcement: the of Haitian facilitated production of drums.' 140 In this way, military power and exchange in the cultural objects as exotic commodities for circulation backHaitians for their supposed United States. Thus, while disciplining desire for the exotic. wardness, marines could indulge their own and naval American civilians, as well as marines The occupation brought. a taste of the exotic while to Haiti, and they too could enjoy personnel, Frank Resler Crumbie, formerly presiworking there. In 1926, for example, back in Nyack, New York, took dent of the Rockland County Trust Company 141 Formally appointed by Haiat Cap Haîtien.' up: a post as customsinspectora the recommendation of U.S. president tian president Louis Borno, upon U.S. nationals to rationalize Crumbie worked with other Calvin Coolidge, Haiti's debts and create viable links to Haitian finances in order to pay in his Whereas by day, he thereby participated international commerce. night, and on his own time, he modernization efforts, by and artifacts and government's collecting books avidly pursued his interest in Voodoo, could find those who would Haitians on the subject when he interviewing speak of it.12 commission to Haiti to investigate the When President Hoover sent a its possible discona courseofaction regarding occupation and recommend accused Crumbie and other"emtinuation, La Presse, a Haitian newspaper, in order to dazzle and of"malicious manoeuvering ployees of the tax office" Mr. Crumbie is buying drums with impress members of the commission. will be given as gifts to drumheads on which the fur is preserved. They of a and will be illustrations of the mentality members of the commission voodoo. 143 For members of to people who they say are profoundlyatached: HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 233 --- Figure 22. Captain John Houston posing with drums. Marine Craige, author of Black Bagdad and Corps Research Center Archives, Cannibal Cousins, Quantico, Vinginia. the Haitian elite, the American lack of respect for the fascination with Voodoo often tence on defining Haitian accomplishments of cultured Haitians connoted a In another culturei in terms of and an insissense, Haitians primitivism. Americans in occupied Haiti. themselves became commodities Captain Craige, for for U.S. example, spoke of his AFTERMATH . Captain John Houston posing with drums. Marine Craige, author of Black Bagdad and Corps Research Center Archives, Cannibal Cousins, Quantico, Vinginia. the Haitian elite, the American lack of respect for the fascination with Voodoo often tence on defining Haitian accomplishments of cultured Haitians connoted a In another culturei in terms of and an insissense, Haitians primitivism. Americans in occupied Haiti. themselves became commodities Captain Craige, for for U.S. example, spoke of his AFTERMATH --- Page 234 --- in black Marines need not Destiné, as his "first venture ivory."a As servant, furthermore, in order to invest in servants.. have attained a captain' l'si rank, in the United Virski, "his service pay, a pittance Craige said of Sergeant States, made him a man of wealth in Haiti. represented Haitians who took advantage of the economic opportunities rendered for various kinds of services were not literally by Americans' desire work with Americans, whether out of chose to objects or commodities. They also set the terms of their own necessity or for some other reason. They resisted their employers' conin various ways. As workers they employment would be in some cases, simply strategies that interpreted, trol with myriad of life. Thus, to suggest that Haitians as laziness or as part of a primitive way is to address the signifibecame commodities for Americans themselves Americans rather than for Haitians. cance of the transaction for white insofar viewed Haitian servants and prostitutes as commodities Americans and sold and insofar as they could confer upon as the latter could be bought gender, and of status and identity linked to class, race, the "buyer" a sense sexuality. enabled U.S. Marines and other Prostitutes, like household servants, and class in Haiti to shore up their own sense of masculinity American men was unknown to Port-austatus. Although it is unlikely that prostitution critic claimed, still the sex Prince before the U.S. occupation, as one Haitian and men infusion ofAmerican money industry grew with the extraordinary order, furthercity. The occupation' S attempts to create into the capital of life. In September 1915 Lieudid not extend to this aspect public more, refused a request Miller, guarding the American Legation, tenant Adolph "to help raid a red-light house." On for assistance from a local policeman informed the local lawman the advice of the Marine provost martial, Miller the Marine internal matter, and of no concern to Corps.e that this was an rounds in these districts but, Within the month, marines were making were not out to for rebels or for fun, they whether they were searching of the "Turnage made a reconnaissance close down the illicit operations. Miller noted in his personal log, red-light district with mounted patrols, "nothing exciting. 147 and treating the U.S. naval doctors were busy investigating By 1918 diseasesin Haiti.I In the mid-twenties, spread ofsyphilisand other venereal the children of noted the "obvious" presence of "illegitimate U.S. observers drink and carouse with black or soldiers and native women. *149 "A man may League for Peace white," 9 said one member of the Women's International however, offer delegation to Haiti in 1926; "let him, and Freedom (WILPF) and he has performed an act 'unhonorable marriage to a Haitian girl, HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 235 --- *150 By the time of the WILPF invesbecoming to a soldier and a gentleman.' in Port-au-Prince the effects of the occupation on Haiti 1926, tigation into ' all of them registered saloons and drinking places," could boast "147 and Hais "Girls invade Port-au-Prince Cap "places of open prostitution." the dollars oft the marines."1s1 11 asserted one Haitian critic, "lured by tien,' funneled back to the States Finally, in addition to the material objects to be seen as objects and prostitutes who came from Haiti, and the servants transformed the very idea within Haitian borders, Americans of exchange exchange. occupation on Haiti 1926, tigation into ' all of them registered saloons and drinking places," could boast "147 and Hais "Girls invade Port-au-Prince Cap "places of open prostitution." the dollars oft the marines."1s1 11 asserted one Haitian critic, "lured by tien,' funneled back to the States Finally, in addition to the material objects to be seen as objects and prostitutes who came from Haiti, and the servants transformed the very idea within Haitian borders, Americans of exchange exchange. A number of marines of Haiti into an object of value in capitalist their wrote memoirs or fiction based on experiences, and other U.S. officials Haiti. In SO, they cashed in on, and fantasies in and of doing observations, fascination with the exotic. Marines also and contributed to, Americans' who would then return to the sometimes served as tour guides to visitors, cotton, oil, and rubber tell of Haiti's lure. Thus, where U.S. fruit, States to commodities in occupied Haiti, U.S. producers failed to find profitable would follow succeeded, and a host of other cultural enterprises culture in the publishers of Haiti and Haitian their lead.' 152 Moreover, the marketing that Haitian would obscure the very relations of power put United States circulation in U.S. cultural markets. 153 stories, images, and objects in SO vividly the fears lieutenant A.J. Burks, whose stories expressed Former Burks in Haiti, provides a pointed example. of his fellow leathernecks lucrative business. He served only turned his experiences as a marine into a he immediately but returning to the States, a short time in Haiti, upon about the black churn out short stories based on Marine Corpslore began to books and over 1,200 stories. Earnrepublic. He went on to write thirty-five each of the Great Depresfrom his writing close to $40,000 during year the ing known as the 'speed merchant oft pulps. sion, A.J. Burks came to be and Marcus Garvey, directly to James Weldon Johnson As if responding of a black heritage, Burks who looked to Haitian leaders as part proud horrific villains. For Haitian figures to fashion his turned to those very monsterin: all history" and "the tale of Burks, Christophe was "the greatest freedom from Toussaint" was "a tale of beastly lust, brute aggrandizement, of the with the of wild animals, the strength restraint for men passions serpent. P155 In Weird Tales and the bloodlust of followers ofthe green for savage, Haiti would become a familiar setting and other pulp horror magazines, In time, the same motif would ghastly murders and gruesome goings-on. show, The Shadow, and on screen on radio in Orson Welles's popular appear White Zombie. 156 in films such as than Weird Tales, John Vandercook's Reaching for a more respectful tone celebrated the Haitian biography of Henri Christophe, Black Majesty, lively AFTERMATH --- Page 236 --- figure. Vandercook pointedly recognized king as a proud and dignified in discourses to Christophe's manhood, even as he participated primitivist known to those he that he was some extent. The final passage emphasized * but simply s or "Majesty, or Henry, or Christophe, left behind not as "King, illustration for the book's 'L'Homme.' 1 The Man.' *157 Mahlon Blaine's to as to Burks'ss stories than on the otherh hand, seems more appropriate cover, A Literary Guild selection Vandercook's biography (Figure 23). in discourses to Christophe's manhood, even as he participated primitivist known to those he that he was some extent. The final passage emphasized * but simply s or "Majesty, or Henry, or Christophe, left behind not as "King, illustration for the book's 'L'Homme.' 1 The Man.' *157 Mahlon Blaine's to as to Burks'ss stories than on the otherh hand, seems more appropriate cover, A Literary Guild selection Vandercook's biography (Figure 23). popular introduced Christophe to "blue ribbon book" for 1928, Black Majesty and a building on and popularizing another verthousands of American readers, sion of the Emperor, Jones. in radio drama and in In books and magazines, on stage and on screen, of black kings and and in the fine arts, countless images song, in advertising culture in the 1920S and 1930S. A giant populated U.S. American emperors akimbo, phallic sword prominently displayed, and fierce Christophe, arms Colombian Line cruises for $944 a helped to sell legs astride a steamship, Sans Souci and The Cita- "Colombian Line alone presents day (and up). Henri Christophe Two added and fortress of Haiti's King del.. palace Those who were not cruise cost" (Figure 24).150 attractions at no added transform the interior of their inclined to travel, on the other hand, could (Figof Christophe's court on "scenic wallpaper" own homes with images of New York Cityadvertised "A Visit Katzenbach and Warren, Inc., ure 25). de Molas, for $600 per set of 1 designed by Nicholas to King Christophe, sets.' 160 Where Eugene O'Neill had nine strips, in a limited edition of 100 with the spectacle of his the of his emperor in full regalia blended splendor Katzenbach and Warren evoked both naked body by staging a striptease, panels. "A detachment in their description of one of the wallpaper images of six-foot 'Les Dahomeys," resplendent of Christophe's fabulous regiment their bare black toes toward the sea, in their opera-bouffe uniforms, point death at their King's legend has it, they would march to a salty into which, command" (Figure 26). 161 remarkable act of cultural approThe Marine Corps itself effected a most a work, the corps published priation in 1929. Building on Vandercook's Ruler Haiti (Figure 27).102 entitled Citadel of Christophe: Famous of of the pamphlet readers that it was part The pamphlet's cover informed potential around Haiti's Travel Series." > "Romance wraps its mantle "Marine Corps went on to describe "this immonument,' 9 the text began, and it not greatest ruler." "163 A final page focused pressive structure" and its "picturesque Marines." s "Marines are world but on "The Globe Trotting on Christophe have virtually followed the trail of travelers," it proudly announced. ophe: Famous of of the pamphlet readers that it was part The pamphlet's cover informed potential around Haiti's Travel Series." > "Romance wraps its mantle "Marine Corps went on to describe "this immonument,' 9 the text began, and it not greatest ruler." "163 A final page focused pressive structure" and its "picturesque Marines." s "Marines are world but on "The Globe Trotting on Christophe have virtually followed the trail of travelers," it proudly announced. "They Columbus through the Caribbean." 164 HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 237 --- BLACK MAJESTY JO HN W. VARDILKEO & - O< Figure 23. Mahlon Blaine, Black Majesty, Courtesy couroffohn Vandercook S popular book, of Harper Collins Publishers, --- Page 238 --- WEST INDIES CRUISE THE CLASS IN AN OUTSIDE FIRST AMIDSHIPS STATEROOM a DAY 44. and up CAll expense (except excursions) In two weeks plus. a week-end South you America visit Haiti and . : Jamaica Panama. : 5 fascinating Colombia, days ships urious days afloat, on spacious Delicious solely for the E served in TtoretAE peronal comfort-d is atat HIT swimming. that sports, you, iN others, will say, "it's CRUISE along service like your own yachting cruise." 1936 Line Leste Askyour travel agent, or apply Medumtte Sans palace, Fatrs COLOMBIAN STEAMSHIP COMPANY Cecureite The itadel of 171 Battery Place,NewYork, Whitehall4-8000 and fOrIeRe Heari RERTANSE Sadcaa at LAlso 11-day Cruises to Haniandlamane Kins Two no saded EVERY THURSDAY phe at SAILINGS FROM NEW YORK Phacsiote cost. cruise ine COLOMBIAN Motor Tours Motor Tours Colombian Line, "Cruise the West Indies. "Haitiana Collection, Figure 24. Library, Gainesville, Florida. University ofFlorida in all the romance of Christophe and all the Shrouding the Marine Corps tool for and public the pamphlet served as a recruiting glory of Columbus, source of information" to relations. Haiti, it claimed, "offersa a never-ending and some of the Marine" who is "keen to learn the customs "the wideawake he visits. 1 "No countryin the Western Hemisphere history of the countries Small wonder that the Marines has had a more vivid or picturesque history. It stands as a monument to an are attracted to the Citadel of Christophe. of character won a place for who by sheer force interesting personality, In this way, figures of American history"nes himself among the outstanding the "Citadel of Christophe" as a the U.S. Marines Corps appropriated Haiti-and to the romance and glory of their presencein means to establish were not perceived as a market itself at a time when military appropriations blur the distinction between Moreover, the Marine Corps chose to priority. HAITI'S APPEAL vivid or picturesque history. It stands as a monument to an are attracted to the Citadel of Christophe. of character won a place for who by sheer force interesting personality, In this way, figures of American history"nes himself among the outstanding the "Citadel of Christophe" as a the U.S. Marines Corps appropriated Haiti-and to the romance and glory of their presencein means to establish were not perceived as a market itself at a time when military appropriations blur the distinction between Moreover, the Marine Corps chose to priority. HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 239 --- A A VISIT TO KING CHRISTOPHE ASnic Wiulluper loigpdty Muchalas de M.lus Katornbuch and Wamen Jur 49 East 53rd Street New York City Chicago Boston Los Angeles Figure 25. Scenic wallpaper, "A Visit to King Christophe. "Haitiana Collection, University ofFlorida Library, Gainesville, Florida. --- Page 240 --- Figure 26. Scenic wallpaper, panels 5-8. Haitiana University ofFlorida Library, Gainesville, Collection, Florida. Haitian and "American," 1 in the best Wilsonian in an unjust occupation. The tradition, even asit persisted which it effaced the pamphlet is remarkable for the boldness with relations of power that it was typical of U.S. constituted the occupation, but appropriations of Haiti This use of precisely for that erasure. Christophe reached vast numbers of Marine Corps public relations materials Americans, moreover, as corps in popular culture and were used to shape thei image ofthe news reporting. 166 In against the occupation and the 1929 a general strike killing of Haitian Cayes raised troubles once more protesters at a rallyi in Aux for the Marine rotone newsreels proudly Corps'si image. Hearst Metpresented the "first sound films from Republic, where a recent clash the Black President Hoover" between the U.S. Marines and natives to call for an inquiry. 167 Yet, if led trouble for the marines, there there was potentially was no trouble for assured its viewers. As the camera America, as Metrotone an airplane, the voice-over pans over the city of Port-au-Prince from the Metrotone aerial announces, "President Louis Borno welcomes Fouryearslater, expedition, showing no hostility towards America. "168 the marines Metrotone was back in Haiti, this time with as well as forAmerica. "Metrotone good news for the Leathernecks. You are takes you on a. flight with bound for the now flying over Portau-Prince, . : . but we mountains . toward the interior, where are Here: is a wonder of the world, the Citadel our goal awaits us. of completed after the Christophe, begun in 1 801 and Kingideath.Anditst Uncle Sam' 's Marine aces that give HAITI's APPEAL --- Page 241 --- 10-1-29 as forAmerica. "Metrotone good news for the Leathernecks. You are takes you on a. flight with bound for the now flying over Portau-Prince, . : . but we mountains . toward the interior, where are Here: is a wonder of the world, the Citadel our goal awaits us. of completed after the Christophe, begun in 1 801 and Kingideath.Anditst Uncle Sam' 's Marine aces that give HAITI's APPEAL --- Page 241 --- 10-1-29 CITADEL CHRISTOPHE FAMOUS RULER OF MARINE HAITI CORPS TRAVEL SERIES Figure 27. U.S. Marine Corps Travel. Schombuang Center for Research Series, Citadel of on Black Culture, New Christophe. York. --- Page 242 --- invoked the Citadel again, this us this tour.' 169 Later that year, Metrotone as it "bid farewell of the Marine brigade time to mark the accomplishment Crystal [sic] . The Citadel of "the Emperor to Haiti" on August 15, 1934done well. No hard feelings, standsin a land of peace, thanksto aj job of now Uncle Sam's boys who brought order out just a hearty goodbye to chaos."' >170 WOMEN AND SOULLESS MEN MURDEROUS and Burks's stories, Haiti functioned as In Johnson's 's articles, O'Neill's play, racialized versions of ground for men, a site for struggles over Haitian a proving continued to be worked out through masculinity. Those struggles but cultural texts taking off from characters and in narratives set in Haiti, place. In the also addressed themselves to women's proper Haitian themes and the 1932 film, White Zombie, the novel, The Goat without Horns, under would revolve around the fate of a woman politics of race and gender the domestic affection spell.. At stake, in both cases, was proper in al monstrous mother for her child. In the novel, of a wife for her husband and a civilization hung in the balance. particular; the very integrity of Western tensions between politessays and O'Neill'splay embodied And if Johnson's Haiti, these cultural texts showed more ical critique and visions of an exotic vehicle of critique. how exoticism itself could be the very Robert Beale pointedly former U.S. chargé d'affaires in Haiti, Authored by the sensationalism as a vehicle for Davis, The Goat without Horns presented racist failure of Western values, of American society and the a broad critique When, by the end of the novel, the Haievident in the carnage of world war. Davis has one character to the surface, tians' - primitive brutality" has come their civilized brothers who that they were, at least, "no worse than 9 time, the suggest shambles of Europe." At the same were, right now, making a brutal society and crucial difference between a primitive narrative reveals a That difference turns on the civilized nation that has fallen into warfare. a Western civilization. organization of gender and sexualityin' constituted the founmarriage, and family relations For Davis, romance, society. What threatened dation of all that was right with Euro-American West. Davis took aim at femsexuality therefore threatened the well-ordered: with that grave danger, a liberated sexinists, whom he associated singularly modern women played with Failing to mind their place in the world, with uality. whom he saw as constantly 'meddling fire. Davis excoriated women about" and "emancipated women" something [they] only halfway know HAITI'S APPEAL ituted the founmarriage, and family relations For Davis, romance, society. What threatened dation of all that was right with Euro-American West. Davis took aim at femsexuality therefore threatened the well-ordered: with that grave danger, a liberated sexinists, whom he associated singularly modern women played with Failing to mind their place in the world, with uality. whom he saw as constantly 'meddling fire. Davis excoriated women about" and "emancipated women" something [they] only halfway know HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 243 --- than the blatantly physical. 171 Such whose "sex psychology goes no deeper his protagonist laments, had "done their best to kill [romance]," women there. 172 Butifthis sort ofrunning the killing would not stop and apparently the narrative presented yet pinned the blame on feminists, commentary another collective villain. Wall Street financier, attempting to Davis's protagonist is Felix Blaine, a In Haiti, he business matters with a visit to Port-au-Prince. take a rest from Thérèse Simone and plans to falls in love with the beautiful and charming if Blaine assumes that his from the island and marryl her. Yet, take her away is soon thrown into doubt. Spying fiancée is a white woman, his assumption Blaine sees his own Thérèse at Voodoo ceremony from the bush, Felix on a The mystery of Thérèse Simone's racial the center of the (lurid) action. to the plot. With Felix national identity adds a note of racial suspense and learn that Thérèse is white, and that her presence Blaine, however, readers by the fact that she is in the midst of the Voodoo ceremony may be explained shuns her, native Knowing this, Haitian "society" under the power of a spell. leave the island - not until she perbut the peasants will not allow her to final ceremonial act for which she is needed. forms the the bloodshed of their long ago Davis's Haitian natives recall with pride scale. 173 effect another, this time on a world revolution and now intend to white woman must be the pawn of Black magic is their chosen weapon, and a white child, a baby boy, For the natives believe that "when a their power play. into his heart by a white to the altar and a knife [is] plunged is brought will come to an end, and "the woman, " then and only then, white power has been chosen to serve *174 Thérèse, of course, blacks will reign supreme." as the agent of this world transformation. the island, but they are thwartedat Felix and Thérèse try to get away from them Thérèse's lifeand another by zealous natives, chief among one turn As contrive new plans for their escape, long and trusted servant, Ida. they descripbreaks out in revolution (and Davis provides graphic Port-au-Prince the lovers' efforts are violence involved). Against this backdrop, tions of the and the United redeemed by none other than the USS Washington finally States Marines. this was nothing less than the What the marines prevented, in telling, civilization. By landing white and what was left of Western demise of power mob and by allowing the white couple to to quell the violence of the Haitian the ultimate violence, the U.S. military is shown to have prevented woman and escape, racial-maternal bond between white the violation of the sacred the centrality of baby. In this way, Davis's narrative emphasized white (male) of white racial integrity. Feminist that bond as a fundamental underpinning AFTERMATH --- Page 244 --- on the other hand, were assertions of sexual and economic independence, madness of the war in the as threats to that racial integrity. by allowing the white couple to to quell the violence of the Haitian the ultimate violence, the U.S. military is shown to have prevented woman and escape, racial-maternal bond between white the violation of the sacred the centrality of baby. In this way, Davis's narrative emphasized white (male) of white racial integrity. Feminist that bond as a fundamental underpinning AFTERMATH --- Page 244 --- on the other hand, were assertions of sexual and economic independence, madness of the war in the as threats to that racial integrity. Despite cast of the U.S. military is established as the marines Europe, the righteousness the integrity of the white family.' restore to safety the profits Burks saw from his susThe Goat without Horns did not reap its author as a significant Nor did it establish tained literary enterprise. had done for O'Neill. But like those literary figure, as The Emperor Jones novel enabled his readers Haitiana, Davis's earlier examples of exoticizing reviled the primitive. At the in primitive fantasies even as they link to indulge more precisely the time, it went beyond those texts by articulating same that seemed to be threatened, at between racial and gender ideologies world. home and abroad, in an all-too-modern dissatisfaction postwar The onset of the Great Depression compounded and gender in a new civilization, and cast the politics of race with Western focused more consistently on a light. In that context, white sensationalism made over to serve taken from Haitian culture- and promptly new figure zombie. In the 1930S, myriad cultural forms white American uses-the narratives, plays, and films) made (e.g.novels, short stories, memoirs, travel be made to rise in their of the belief that, in Haiti, the dead could use then be subordinated to the will of a master. soulless bodies and would once-dead black men rising These images could be threatening: monstrous, fears of black revolt at home as well as abroad. up, embodying white for the that white But the zombie could also serve as a sign powerlessness 1930S, I the early and women felt in the face of economic struggle. men zombiei image to the modern man who is little William Seabrook likened the New York City newspaper than "a cog in a wheel. 176 And one 1930S more New Yorkers by insisting that they were not columnist defended his fellow zombie became of zombie.' 177 The figure of the generally simply "a species the course of the decade. Moreless threatening and more amusing over racial"others"'into: a single, as white discourses began to mergediverse over, tended to emphasize less the specific fluid and generic, exotic object, they the early years ofthe occupahorrors that had been attributed to Haiti since the Zombie Restauat the 1940 World's Fair, of tion.' 178 Hence the opening, 179 The zombie theme, whether in a decorated in "a South Sea motif.' rant, muted to a growing dissatmood of horror or humor, could give expression isfaction with American society. based originally on Haitian mateIn the 1930S this highly salable image, rise eventuallytoa the burgeoning film industry, giving rial, found a placein flick. Like the Zombie Restauof horror film - the zombie distinct subgenre zombie flicks dropped direct references rant with its South Sea motif, later HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 245 --- set their 1932 screen hit, White to Haiti, but Edward and Victor Halperin Bela Lugosi as the zombie and mysterious Haiti. Starring Zombie, in a dark Seabrook's account of Haitian master, the film drew directly on William O'Neill to the Halperin 180 Noo doubt, it was: a long way from Eugene which "magic." to the cast of White Zombie (about brothers, and from Charles Gilpin be some grounds for that there may Time wrote, "the acting : : . 245 --- set their 1932 screen hit, White to Haiti, but Edward and Victor Halperin Bela Lugosi as the zombie and mysterious Haiti. Starring Zombie, in a dark Seabrook's account of Haitian master, the film drew directly on William O'Neill to the Halperin 180 Noo doubt, it was: a long way from Eugene which "magic." to the cast of White Zombie (about brothers, and from Charles Gilpin be some grounds for that there may Time wrote, "the acting : : . suggests and gooseflesh' 9 film of in zombies"). Yet, in this popular "jitter turned, believing play of 1920, the uses of Haiti 1932, as in the popular primitivist significantly, on racial and gender politics." told the story a white man and Like The Goat without Horns, White Zombie Haitian evil. In this case, the betrothed, whose nuptial bliss is delayed by his white rival seeks the new wife'saffections. He wedding is on schedule, but a 9 dark, Bela "Murder Legendre, a widow-peaked turns for assistance to -in a castle atop a who lives-1 reminiscent of Henri Christophe Lugosi, Madeline (the new wife) into a zombie, promismountain. Legendre turns alone will secure her for him.' 182 Charles Beaumont (the rival) that this that he ing himself, who begins to realize But Legendre turns next to Beaumont then reveals hisi intention is the object of the evil man'sattentions. Legendre have taken a fancy to you, 37 is Beaumont into his own zombie. "I to turn "To the future, Monsieur. Legendre's scome-on line, followed by a toast, in White Zombie. and Charles are not the only white zombies Madeline zombified and enslaved are, significantly, Those who have been previously stereotypical images white men. Their bulging eyes could perhaps suggest reminiscent of but their darkened skins are more of African Americans, than of Brutus Jones. 9 Yank, and his fellow workers, O'Neill's "hairy ape, men: a minister of the intewere once powerful and an lrgendiesonbucwedene chief, a witch doctor, of the Gendarmerie, a brigand rior, a captain work faithfully; they're not afraid executioner. Now, he says of them, "they zombies now have fallen; Legendre's of long hours." "184 Indeed, the mighty zombie factory is going full labor in his sugar mill. As Time noted, "Bela's work. 185 One baskets, grind the mill, do the upstairs blast. Corpses carry mill as the most successful aspect of film critic judged the scenesin the sugar effective: "Around the the film. The "native zombies" he saw as especially emasculated Sammills they turn like SO many black, white-eyed, and primitive emotionless, lethargic walk around in death-like groups, sons. They and source of evil, but also provides, frightening." 186 Haitiist the locus industrial quite for commenting on an in the figure of the zombie, a vehicle of zombie. 19 civilization that threatens to turn men into "a species hauling of these once powerful men, We see, in the bedraggled figures be in store for the wealthy basketsand working the mill machinery, what may AFTERMATH --- Page 246 --- masculine figure of the refined Charles Beaumont. Even the imposing and in at 250 pounds, is cowed by tall actor Frederick Peters, weighing mill. 187 very like the others, to his enslavement at the Legendre, and is reduced, by the film's suggestion of his But Charles'sfatei is made even more palpable has "taken a as a man to whom Legendre forthcoming sexual powerlessness, men, exhibited domination over other "emasculated" fancy." Legendre's mill, takes on, in this toast to Charles, an in slave labor at the most graphicallyi Timeoverlooked this detail, as it commentedina aura of sexual domination. weighing mill. 187 very like the others, to his enslavement at the Legendre, and is reduced, by the film's suggestion of his But Charles'sfatei is made even more palpable has "taken a as a man to whom Legendre forthcoming sexual powerlessness, men, exhibited domination over other "emasculated" fancy." Legendre's mill, takes on, in this toast to Charles, an in slave labor at the most graphicallyi Timeoverlooked this detail, as it commentedina aura of sexual domination. looks likea comic imbecile, can make his tone of ridicule, "Bela Lugosi, who These abilities qualify him to rigid and show the whites of his eyes. jawbones women swoon. 188 make strong men cowerand backdrop for a drama that White Zombie made use of Haiti as a racialized by white white characters, or at least characters played involved nominally African Americans: as extras on the actors. The Halperin brothers employed. by white actors. but Haitian as well as American characters were played film, in blackface is another consider them to have performed Whether we can blackface of a traditional sort. In this sense, question, but if so, this was not erased the fact of the occupation, the film erased Haiti's blackness.just as it racial context of when the film was made. 189 Still, in the still ongoing in 1932 the now swarthy there may have been some ambiguityabout the early 1930S, 190 Timenoted that Lugosi was a zombies and the dark-haired zombie master. American role, a "Spanish immigrant who had played, as his first have atHungarian 191 But whatever racial ambiguity may Apache" in The Red Poppy." there is no question that the "evil tended the Halperins' Haitian monsters, the evil that was associlurks" there is the evil of Voodoo black magic, that ated particularly with Haiti. this surrounds The central drama that is played out against background between the new husof the heterosexual union the apparent sundering Without her, Neil loses himself, wanderband and wife, Neil and Madeline. her name. With the help ing the roads in a drunken stupor, feverish, calling and to the Neil makes his way through the jungle up of a trusted doctor, wife. For here again, as in Davis's castle, only to be confronted by his own Murder Legendre has pulpnovel,i is a white woman with a knifein her hand. the zombie she is, Madeline to kill her husband, and powerless as ordered her (new) master's bidding. Someone, she seeks out her husband to do in time. 192 Madeline wakes the good doctor, grasps her arm just and perhaps as if from a dream, once Charles Beaumont from her zombie state, death from a portico. White man Legendre have fallen to their common and wife are reunited at last. inflamed by the 1920 election season, If controversy over the occupation, HAITI'S APPEAL --- Page 247 --- opened a space for protest against the occupation, it also launched Haiti on al new career in U.S.American culture. And if for Johnson the fathersofHaitian independence offered a proud heritage, for white playwrights, novelists, short-story writers, radio programmers, and film makers, as well as for their audiences, Haiti offered racial material of an altogether different nature. Haiti'sappeal, for those who would applaud its revolutionary history, as for those who would render revolutionary heroes as monsters and zombie masters, rested, at least in part, on the resources it made available for negotiating the politics of race, gender, sexuality, and national identity. Contests for meaning waged in Haiti's name, moreover, would continue beyond the final withdrawal of the Marines in August 1934 34- Since the long occupation, Haiti has continued to serve, in more and less veiled ways, as a reflection of U.S. American fears and desires, and thus as a salable commodity. 193 AFTERMATH applaud its revolutionary history, as for those who would render revolutionary heroes as monsters and zombie masters, rested, at least in part, on the resources it made available for negotiating the politics of race, gender, sexuality, and national identity. Contests for meaning waged in Haiti's name, moreover, would continue beyond the final withdrawal of the Marines in August 1934 34- Since the long occupation, Haiti has continued to serve, in more and less veiled ways, as a reflection of U.S. American fears and desires, and thus as a salable commodity. 193 AFTERMATH --- Page 248 --- MAPPING MEMORY AND DESIRE HAITI IN THE LAND OF THE PURITANS Like the protagonist of Agnes Tait's to Haiti.' *1 She had been 1934 short story, Edna Taft "had to go whole life; in wanting to go to Haiti, she said, 1937 she made it happen. A practically her New England family, Taft single white woman from an old she met with resistance from family proposed the idea. But she was not of a mind members when tion or appearances. Indeed, to be stopped by convenas she told the story, in an published later that year, she set out for her account of her trip unchaperoned. This was to be adventure in the black nation al rendezvous. a very personal adventure, something akin to Edna Taft located her desire for Haiti in the memory and in the dark of folds of her childhood called-and past her family's history in America. She recounted in a preface to her refamily Bible as a child and stumbling narrative-leafing through the had been stashed there upon the yellowed pages ofa diary that years before. The come upon these pages, for young Edna was not the first to they were had been torn from the "dog-eared by much handling. diary of Zacharias They of Taft's early American Raymond, a slave trader, and one had taken him ancestors. The entries told how "from the steamy, torrid Raymond's travels an enchanting island named swamps ofthe African Slave Coast to wrote Taft, "I used to Saint-Domingue, "When I was a child," pore over these entries, strange fancies. *4 dreaming childish dreamsand Taft's "childish dreams and strange fancies" took her to the cities and had been had sold Serrec to Cap-François, first port of call for slave hishuman cargo. He Marks, traders, but also "Saint Portan-frincejeremnic. L'Anse d'Enhault, Donna andjJacquemel 1[sic)". -forhewas' Maria, Aux Cayes "a shrewd Yankee" > and knew he would get --- Page 249 --- "The names of these places were magic words to al better price further south. as it in mind, " Taft mused. The landscape, appeared my young, unformed held its own allure for her. "The few torn Zacharias Raymond'shanderiting land of lofty, "folded' green mountains, pages, 9 she wrote, "told of a lovely swaying at the brilliant sapphire skies and stately palms emerald verdure, racialized 19 But the "magic" of the towns was more explicitly >6 water's edge." "beautiful women of mixed blood. and gendered, for there one found writing, was "an exCap-François, she learned from her ancestor's private nations succity where adventurous men of many ceedingly wicked tropical and beautiful quadroon and octoroon cumbed to the lure of gambling, rum the Caribbean." >7 whose seductive charms were famed throughout in girls Raymond's diary is striking part Edna Taft's description of Zacharias Haiti. She accounted for her because of the way it framed her narrative of those "few torn been kindled by reading own desire for Haiti as having atlases and gazing intensely: at ? çois, she learned from her ancestor's private nations succity where adventurous men of many ceedingly wicked tropical and beautiful quadroon and octoroon cumbed to the lure of gambling, rum the Caribbean." >7 whose seductive charms were famed throughout in girls Raymond's diary is striking part Edna Taft's description of Zacharias Haiti. She accounted for her because of the way it framed her narrative of those "few torn been kindled by reading own desire for Haiti as having atlases and gazing intensely: at ? "I spent hours searching enchanting pages." country named Haiti . and exulting the globe of the world, seeking a tiny book as the result of when I had found it,' >) she wrote. "Ioffer this jubilantly of those early desires. impressions gained in the fulfillment device that promZacharias Raymond's diary as a literary Taft employed truth. Consistent with modern ised the revelation of some deeply personal that truth as a defining core discourse, Taft'snarrativel figured psychological The diary promised organized in terms ofsexuality. of selfhood and identityo that could reveal something of interiority to illuminate a sexualized space had been and, perhaps, about who essential about who Zacharias Raymond in Taft's memories, and in Edna Taft was. Yet that interior realm that existed sexual; it was also fundamentally Raymond's diary entries, was not only what Taft found in her structured by racial and national differences. For called Saint DominBible revealed, in faded ink, a sexualized reality and family famed for their" "seductive charms" peopled by racialized women gue, to their lure. white men who "succumbed" foundation of Taft's American moreover, stood at the very That reality, tucked away in the family Bible in family history. The slave-trading ancestor less than pure in the New England home hinted at something a prominent in her preface. "ZachaPuritans. Taft made that analysis explicit land of the trade: he had acquired many rich acres; rias had prospered in his pernicious he was respected by his he owned the first brick house erected in town; enabled of the church; and his frugality fellow citizens; he was a pillar social for many descendants to live in ease and prominence Zacharias's heart of that New England heritage that generations." 9 Here then, at the whitesin the United States, was Haiti."0 defined America for SO many AFTERMATH --- Page 250 --- the family Bible, was nothing less Finally, Taft's marker for that heritage, not only a racial, As such, it signified than an icon of Protestant domesticity. "Christian home life" that national, and class lineage, but also the very Bible was a in Haiti. If the family narratives claimed was lacking paternalist homes," s) that presence was, in Taft'stelling, defining presencein "American haunted by sexuality and of domesticity a site of struggle, a representation race, haunted, indeed, by Haiti. of dozens of accounts of Taft's book, A Puritan in Voodoo-Land, was one or shortly in Haiti, written during white Americans' travels and experiences -indeed, the occupation there. 11 Many oft these accountsafter the long U.S. invitation to cultivate to the paternalist majority - responded affirmatively of American puritanconsciousness. Yet, as Taft's refiguring an imperial from this process did not simply ism' " suggests, the discourses that emerged that launched it. As white Americans grappled reproduce the paternalism they reformucultural and materiali limplications of the occupation, with the as the political forms of that lated their relationship to U.S. imperialism.just: and elsewhere in themselves being reformulated in Haiti imperialism were the 1920S and 1930s. the paternalist majority - responded affirmatively of American puritanconsciousness. Yet, as Taft's refiguring an imperial from this process did not simply ism' " suggests, the discourses that emerged that launched it. As white Americans grappled reproduce the paternalism they reformucultural and materiali limplications of the occupation, with the as the political forms of that lated their relationship to U.S. imperialism.just: and elsewhere in themselves being reformulated in Haiti imperialism were the 1920S and 1930s. 12 with their relacontexts in which U.S. Americans grappled The cultural of these decades, in part through tion to Haiti also shifted over the course writers like Edna Taft successive layering of discourses on Haiti. Travel the for example, to the intertwined deframed Haiti in new ways in relation, and in relation to velopment of the fields of psychology and anthropology of sexual 13 In the modern age popular versions of those developments.' of psychoanalysis in the liberalism, American interpreters and popularizers sexuality addressed the tensions surrounding flapper 1920S and early 1930s University, Franz Boas placed the and family life."4 Meanwhile, at Columbia investirelativism at the center of his anthropological concept of cultural of students and colcultivating a dynamic group gations and teaching, the 1930S melded psychoandsociologistsin: leagues."A Andanthropologihets. investigations in ways that gave rise to logical questions with sociohistorical Eaton "16 Elsie Clews Parsons, George the study of "culture and personality." Hurston in these Melville Herskovits, and Zora Neale participated travel Simpson, their studies of Haiti. Popular academic discourses in part through articulate the U.S. American would writers, like academic anthropologists, contexts.7 desire for Haitiin new ways in relation to these emerging all laid claim to an of Haiti examined in this chapter The four accounts sexuality. Their authorswere exotic Haiti figured largely in termsofraceand: formal state: apparatus Americans, and none of them was partofthe all white Haiti between 1918 and 1938- - three of of the occupation. 18 They visited MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 251 --- under way, one within a few years after the them while the occupation was Haiti as an intewithdrawal. All four, in their own ways, imagined marines' notwithstanding the fact that one of them gral part of an American empire, the use of "antt-imperialist, who explicitly opposed was a self-proclaimed U.S. influence. Two women and two military force to establish or maintain and one from one from Massachusetts men, one Texan and one Virginian, in Haiti took divergent paths. Maryland, their accounts of race and sexuality Blair Niles, William Nonetheless, the travel writings of Samuel Guy Inman, Americans used and Edna Taft serve to illustrate some of the ways. Seabrook, and their modern selves. Haiti to claim, at once, their empire ON TOUR WITH THE MARINES intend to write merely a popular and entertainSamuel Guy Inman did not Dominican A lay minisof his travels in Haiti and the Republic. ing account Christian fellowship known as the "Dister and teacher with the progressive American Protestant missionary ciples of Christ," 9) and a leaderin the North sense of what was Inman had loftier goals and a more urgent his movement, who would shortly make needed.' 19 Like the evangelist Wilhelm Jordan, - Inman sought to mobilize the "AmericanAfrica," call for missionaryworkint Haiti. Indeed, the Texas-born, forty-threethe forces of civilization to assist dark spot on the horizon of year-old, white father of five saw Haiti as a "very "horizon," he inStates. teacher with the progressive American Protestant missionary ciples of Christ," 9) and a leaderin the North sense of what was Inman had loftier goals and a more urgent his movement, who would shortly make needed.' 19 Like the evangelist Wilhelm Jordan, - Inman sought to mobilize the "AmericanAfrica," call for missionaryworkint Haiti. Indeed, the Texas-born, forty-threethe forces of civilization to assist dark spot on the horizon of year-old, white father of five saw Haiti as a "very "horizon," he inStates. 20 Thus locating Haiti on America's the United "Christian" citizens of the sisted that it was within the purview of caring he would about that darkness. Although United States to do something of Haiti, Through in time, to revise and complicate his understanding come, A Cruise with the Marines, published in 1920, figured Santo Domingo and. Haiti: much in need of American the black nation as an uncivilized backwater very attention," the occupation he saw at such This is not to say that Inman supported in 1918, at the traveled through the Haitian countryside close range as he undeclared Caribbean war. Having spent very height of the United States' in Mexico, in part during that the better part of ten years as a missionary intervention in Latin Amerrevolution, he rejected U.S. military country's 22 Inman's 1920 account of his ica as a solution to the region's problems. conveyed his opposition to the travels in Haiti and the Dominican Republic Missionaries rather then under way in both countries. He military occupations according to Inman. than marines were the proper agents of civilization, handbook for men of the intended his travelogue to serve as a practical AFTERMATH --- Page 252 --- church members who would turn their attention cloth and other dedicated Caribbean nations in need." to these more evident than in the view, Haiti's darkness was nowhere In Inman's found in that island nation. Haiti'sneedi lfor absence of sexual morality to be in particular, in the near attention could be seen most readily, missionary in Haiti, of any regard for marriage absence, among the country people he wrote, striking a of the word." "Here is one country," "in our sense "where statistics on legitimacy are not main chord of paternalist discourse, were at the heart of and "modesty" kept. 924 For Inman, female purity" country districts were and in this respect Haitians in the remote civilization, by the side of the road desperately in need of education. That women slept "the abandonof that lack of modesty. Dances marked by wasjust one sign alike exhibit braof animals, 99 in which "body and song ment characteristic for Inman.2) Haian even more upsetting spectacle zen proposals" provided immoral, ? he declared, "as they seem to tians "are unmoral rather than *26 of any high standards of life. have no conception about Haitian "darkness, ? if he arrived If Inman knew just what to think all that he saw with the marines, in Haiti ready to witness sexual immorality, Inman's "cruise seemed to confirm his perspective. and heard from them, of Cap Haîtien, where he the marines" took him first to the port with othervisitors to do, "to the localAmerican officerin reported, as he advised the overland tour that followed gave command." 27 Inman's discussion of marines who and concerns of the young prominence to the perspectives he met along the way. "It is not escorted him through Haiti, and of those the that one is told about degradation hard," " he wrote, "to believe anything war-torn areas of 28 Traveling with marines through of the country people. marines" took him first to the port with othervisitors to do, "to the localAmerican officerin reported, as he advised the overland tour that followed gave command." 27 Inman's discussion of marines who and concerns of the young prominence to the perspectives he met along the way. "It is not escorted him through Haiti, and of those the that one is told about degradation hard," " he wrote, "to believe anything war-torn areas of 28 Traveling with marines through of the country people. disgust with the local populaHaiti, Inman seemed to share his companions' * who urged him "one American boy stationed at Plaisance, tion. He quoted we have to live with.' look at these people to : 'Look at these people, just the cultural lens of paternalWhen marines looked at Haitians through Their critiques of turns, disturbing and thrilling. ism, what they saw was, by hard toil expected home life featured references to the unnaturally Haitian Haitian men." Samuel Guy Inman may of Haitian women by lazy, unmanly leatherneck lament, have heard them sing their traditional or may not revised for the Haitian setting: In the land of sloth and vice Where they never heard of ice and the women work all day Where the donkeys Where the land is full of ants MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE Their critiques of turns, disturbing and thrilling. ism, what they saw was, by hard toil expected home life featured references to the unnaturally Haitian Haitian men." Samuel Guy Inman may of Haitian women by lazy, unmanly leatherneck lament, have heard them sing their traditional or may not revised for the Haitian setting: In the land of sloth and vice Where they never heard of ice and the women work all day Where the donkeys Where the land is full of ants MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 253 --- And the men don't wear their pants It is here the soldier sings his evening lay.a1 unmasculine Cacos they had to fight and pined for In song they damned the home in their chorus: Underneath the boiling sun Let them have their Benet gun And return us to our beloved homes." 32 of the Haitian enumerated the villainy and unworthiness As each verse them back to the contrast of their own Cacos, the marines' chorus brought settings, namely, "our becultural values, embodied in properly gendered loved homes." 29 of Haitian gender disorder At the same time, marines' perceptions" their masculinity by convenient indeed for men who wanted to prove were U.S. marines raped and sexually hadominating women. As we have seen, Caribbean. Other marines during their tenure in the rassed Haitian women uniform (and their humanity) above deplored such behavior, holding their Haitian women and those however, those who sexually violated it. Together, the discursive construction of who did not colluded in a collective project: the Haitian woman as exotic and promiscuous. his analysis of what of "moral life" in Haiti shaped Inman's assessment time, formed the basis of his with the occupation and, at the same was wrong while he criticized the "military standpoint" defense of the marines. Thus, 9 he emphasized the which "it is natural to regard all life as cheap,' from led "American boys" to commit "repulsive specific moral conditions that who is compelled to Haiti. 33 "Who will throw the first stone at a man moral influacts"in) and noble, without religious or live away from all that is pure often, without even a baseball of kind, without books or recreation ence anyl vilest native life, where men have little virtue in the midst oft the or a victrola, As John Houston Craige would and the women small sense of shame?"s4 ofHaitian women and the SO Inman insisted that the company later suggest, for U.S. marines American women was a crucial problem absence of white conditions, it for a few months under extraordinary in Haiti. "If necessary through the years that men cannot get should certainly not be permitted of their own race or hear a or see good women into a pure atmosphere with some of our men exhortation for two or three years, as happens moral " might have helped a bit in theirabsence, here. 35 If"al baseball or a victrola' fundamental moral requireand white women Inman ranked as Christianity ments for American men. AFTERMATH --- Page 254 --- womn al2 Shou donsgy manal Man fh lakm i done U The islaul Ayfitomays wTman - her buns mudiay Figure 28. LieutenantArthur B. Jacques 's portrait of "a typical country woman riding her burro. 79 Marine Corps Research Center Archives, Quantico, Virginia. --- Page 255 --- based in part on his concern for the Inman's critique of the occupation, white women, in no way prewhite men stranded in Haiti without to young regarding the rebels they sought cluded his adoption of their perspective he learned from an officer, vanquish. Inman reported, for example, a story who acted just been brought in from the hills, "of a prisoner that had just and trying to chew the rope with eating the mud on his arms like an animal, fiction writers who would turn Haiwhich he was bound. 36 Prefiguring pulp Inman later told of a tians into inhuman beings and outright monsters, was probinto camp after being shot. way prewhite men stranded in Haiti without to young regarding the rebels they sought cluded his adoption of their perspective he learned from an officer, vanquish. Inman reported, for example, a story who acted just been brought in from the hills, "of a prisoner that had just and trying to chew the rope with eating the mud on his arms like an animal, fiction writers who would turn Haiwhich he was bound. 36 Prefiguring pulp Inman later told of a tians into inhuman beings and outright monsters, was probinto camp after being shot. "A gendarme rebel who was brought what looked to me like a needle used to ing for the bullet, " he wrote, "with the went here sacks. The blood was flowing profusely as probe sew up potato absolutely nothing was going and there, but the man lay as still as though to believe the 1 continued, "I was more ready on. s "After seeing that,' he had been shot in a way that on coming after they stories of how they kept would be fatal to an ordinary man. 37 distinction between groups of marines' confusion regarding the In light lumped together as "Cacos and of people whom Corporal Homer Overley marines faced in distinguishing Voodoes [sic)," and in light of the difficulty Inman's understandCacos and peaceful inhabitants, between dangerous "Iti is said," he reported without noting ing of Voodoo is especially revealing. is plainly registered on the who said it, "that the result of Voodoo worship like devils. 38 who participate in it, making them look faces of those "handbook" and the sensaThe similarities between Inman's practical extended also to his descriptionalist work of later travel and fiction writers itself. Inman reported on this matter-offactly, tion of the Voodoo ceremony admitted he had not. "A ceremony very he had seen it, which he as though s) he wrote. Afterward the child much like the Massi is used at the beginning, it is killed, its is in and at a certain stage which is to be sacrificed brought of its blood.' 9 "The taken out and the participants drinking heart being Inman added casually, "substitutes a more recent form of the ceremony," goat for a child. 39 marines the "thrill" of"getting into Inman also seemed to share with the themselvesin the 994 40 Missionary and marines alikei imagined bandit country." Inman Speaking for Africa, suggested. image of the white man exploring in the country districts, and he wrote, "all the time we were the whole party, the cities, we felt that we were in the heart a good deal of the time we werein " where other American missionof Africa.' > Yet, even that "dark continent, and disease, 9 or the challabored, could not suggest the level of "vice aries faced in Haiti, according lenge to "rule and discipline" that Americans to Inman." AFTERMATH --- Page 256 --- should be left to ministers and Inman argued, in effect, that paternalism was "less amenable in Haiti, where the population missionaries, particularly s and where the men and than their African progenitors, to rule discipline lacked the moral context (or training) sent to fill out the paternal role the rested on Inman's opposition to occupation necessary to do it properly. the same idea that, for degradation of the Haitian people, the supposed the first place. In this way, Inman's others, made the occupation necessaryint that resulted in the played into the very same cultural patterns Moreover, protest of Haiti and Haitians in the United States. popular vilification U.S. policy fellin line with Inman's use of notions of sexual order to critique also rested on a view of made in support of the occupation that the statements and gender disorder. Finally, despite Haiti as a land of sexual excess exotic fiction, Inman's between missionary tracts and popular differences similar to those later exhibited Haitian "exotica"i in forms remarkably texts film. in the played into the very same cultural patterns Moreover, protest of Haiti and Haitians in the United States. popular vilification U.S. policy fellin line with Inman's use of notions of sexual order to critique also rested on a view of made in support of the occupation that the statements and gender disorder. Finally, despite Haiti as a land of sexual excess exotic fiction, Inman's between missionary tracts and popular differences similar to those later exhibited Haitian "exotica"i in forms remarkably texts film. found in pulp fiction and Hollywood Inman would pursue his interest In the course of the 1920s, Samuel Guy and, in 1929, another for Haiti through reading, discussion, and concern when he published another book trip to the still occupied nation. By 1930, assistancei in the Caribbean, he of and missionary on the questions conquest the facing Haiti and view of problems had come to a rather more complex final chapter. for their solution, as we will see in the avenues from the exoticism that marked his early While Inman was moving away rapidly toward it. By the the rest of his nation was moving writing on Haiti, to be advertised. At the same mid-twenties, tourism in Haiti was beginning out -the to further - and to play time, U.S. travel writing was ready explore to Haiti. and exoticism in U.S. approaches links between paternalism describe Haiti as a picturesque place of By 1926 the Herald Tribune could in praising indeed, other newspapers and magazines joined leisure, and the Caribvacation spot for Americans. Characterizing Haiti's virtues as a adventurous, or simply curious bean island nation as a haven for the weary, featured Haiti as newspapersand magazinesin the 1920S traveler,American destination, while holding out its mysterious a tranquil, safe, and rewarding companies really allure. Not until the thirties would steamship and exotic would-be travelers felt vacations in Haiti, but by 1929 focus on promoting been exposed to the possibilities: an the pull of the island nation, having a picturesque exhilarating hike up to the Citadel of King Henri Christophe; dance, evening of Haitian rum, stroll through the market; a venturesome and song in a Portau-Prince nightclub. headline in the New in Haiti,' 11 announced a back-page "Housekeeping "Is both Picturesque and Leisurely; York Herald Tribune in October 1926, MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 257 --- Prices. 942 The article that followed Markets Offer Colorful Wares at Penny consider a American women who might addressed itself to middle-class them with the promise of ease, family sojourn in the black republic, enticing dollar went farther in souvenirs. Indeed, a lovely scenery, and inexpensive afforded more in Cap Haîtien than in Port-au-Prince than in Philadelphia, with sisal baskets, Yorkers and others returned home loaded Chicago. New all purchased with little more than mahogany trinkets, and colorful cottons, spare change. Americans began to tame the Haiti they had Between 1918 and 1926 understoodi lit. As marine pacificreated; they reined in its wild side, as they over, and fasmade Haiti safe for American travel, early concerns cation" Haitian sexual excessand gender disorcination with, what was perceived as By the 19305 the marketable brand of excitement. der turned into a highly Haiti's sights and marines and travelers presented narratives of returning horrific, and even disgusting, yet wonders, in turns, as picturesque, comic, always somehow strangely: alluring. 8 and 1926 understoodi lit. As marine pacificreated; they reined in its wild side, as they over, and fasmade Haiti safe for American travel, early concerns cation" Haitian sexual excessand gender disorcination with, what was perceived as By the 19305 the marketable brand of excitement. der turned into a highly Haiti's sights and marines and travelers presented narratives of returning horrific, and even disgusting, yet wonders, in turns, as picturesque, comic, always somehow strangely: alluring. "AFRICA'S ELDEST DAUGHTER BLAIR NILES AND of Africa 's Eldest Daughter, one of the most Blair Niles's Black Haiti: A Biography many of the tensions travel narratives of the 1920S, made explicit revealing Haiti. Published the year of WILPF's U.S. discourses on that characterized Emily Balch to be a "charming book," investigation, and considered by relativism and racial of her travels offered a mix of cultural Niles's account Haiti" for its very blackness." essentialism that praised "Black precisely Nordic attitude toward the "advisory While maintaining a fairly tempered of cultural she called it, Niles criticized the assumption occupation," as in Haiti. Like others, Niles superiority that underlay American paternalism social relations and the Caribbean nation in terms of gendered of presented she explored in detail the specular aspects exotic sexuality. Unlike others, numbers of AmeriU.S.exoticism, illuminating the ways in which increasing and others, in Haiti. For these reasons cans found "aesthetic redemption" the cultural dynamics of U.S. Niles's account lends further insight into travel in occupied Haiti. Civil War, Blair Rice Crenshaw was Born fifteen years after the close of the and worked by a large plantation, owned by her father, raised on a Virginia then, like many other white Amerinumber of tenant sharecroppers. Niles, developed an who would come to write on Haiti during the occupation, cans AFTERMATH --- Page 258 --- the States. 44 Marwith cultural variation before ever leaving architect acquaintance then to Robert Niles, an ried first to William Beebe, a naturalist, in the South Pacific and Blair Niles traveled extensively and photographer, a trip to Haiti with her second South America with Beebe before making husband in 1925-19 whatever she could find on Haitian In preparation for her trip, Niles read magazines, and culture. 46 In addition, besides newspapers, politics, history, O'Neill, had verbal sources to augment her and books, Niles, like Eugene lived in New York City, where, she understanding of Haiti. By this time Niles the of "a sea-captain, temporarily later wrote, she had made acquaintance running the lift in al New York and filling in the interval by out of command, recently, the captain warned her house. 147 Having been to Haiti apartment against the trip. brief account of the captain's repeated Niles began Black Haiti with a that when he finally explained warnings. After several such conversations, and threatened he had last been in Haiti, a native man had approached - "IfIcould get the Haitian'swords) had been, him.According to the captain, 99 Having done more cut out your heart and eat it.' you alone, : . . I'd read quite a number of Haitian authors, research while in Haiti, and having "the incurable levity of his Niles cited the poet, Hannibal Price, regarding leveling such threats. 48 19 who would playjokes on foreigners by irresistible a countrymen," "now that I know Haiti I can see how She commented further, had been as in his white for Haitian raillery the big blond captain >9 her target streets of Port-au-Prince. out your heart and eat it.' you alone, : . . I'd read quite a number of Haitian authors, research while in Haiti, and having "the incurable levity of his Niles cited the poet, Hannibal Price, regarding leveling such threats. 48 19 who would playjokes on foreigners by irresistible a countrymen," "now that I know Haiti I can see how She commented further, had been as in his white for Haitian raillery the big blond captain >9 her target streets of Port-au-Prince. Opening uniform he walked the sun-flooded from much popular narrative thus, Niles set her own book apart travel declared, will not be a lurid writing on Haiti to date. 49 This, she effectively of cannibalism was On the contrary, Niles's discussion tale of cannibalism. dynamics that produced such the cultural more an attempt to understand a crucial role in this according to Niles, played tales. Racial antagonism, of the Haitian who had she wrote, "I could hear the laughter" in it.50 process; "And there was bitterness as well as mockery" played this joke, Blair Niles had an encounter that Shortly after arriving in Cap Haîtien, in such bitter further the process that resulted seemed to her to illuminate of a sidewalk, 1 a small boy caremockery. Niles saw, perched on the edge Ti-mid-i-té, Se-gurfully enunciating the words, "Ca-lam-i-té, Mo-ral-i-té, read to who. oblivious of passers-by, i-té." "Enchanted by this little person that I must have such serious words, I cried out to the photographer himself the shot, however, "an elderly mulatto man" him." 51 As Robert Niles focused I will not have the child put proclaiming, "I oppose myself.. interjected, MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 259 --- I will not have it!" Niles mused card and labelled a 'monkey"! on a post the little boy and concluded that "the idea over the effect of the incident on had been planted. 52 of race animosity this incident a lesson about race animosity, Yet, where Niles drew from of intercultural contact in her account of it illuminates another dimension conscious of the practices occupied Haiti. The elderly man was apparently his into exotic his country and people by which Americans were turning designed to produce visual commodities and, particularly, into spectacles and racist images of Haiti. and reinforcing quaint pleasure by reproducing illustrates and documents the Niles's own travel narrative, furthermore, highlighted by the elderly man's protests. whom she very process from the other American travelers with Distancing herself itineraries. She sought not arrived in Haiti, Niles contrasted their respective s) the Haiti, instead "the living echo of the streets, not daytime "sights" but and dance. 53 She sought always but "the dream Haiti,' "the Haiti of drum Refusing to and psychologically to go "into the interior,' geographically by authors far removed in settle for "histories composed at long range, 19 Niles visited Madame Viard'sbookcolor, in environment and inheritance, Haiti wherever possible. and sought out books on shop in Port-au-Prince mine is for the things that Haitians have She wrote, "All this seeking of and felt in the years of their written. I want to know what they have thought extended Haitians. 55 Niles imagined her book as an dramatic existence as the truth of Haitian Haitian subjectivity, an attempt to ascertain inquiryinto racial consciousness. brought her a deeper underAs Niles's own literary and travel itinerary surface view available to standing of Haiti, along the way she caricatured the would be traveler. Port-au-Prince mine is for the things that Haitians have She wrote, "All this seeking of and felt in the years of their written. I want to know what they have thought extended Haitians. 55 Niles imagined her book as an dramatic existence as the truth of Haitian Haitian subjectivity, an attempt to ascertain inquiryinto racial consciousness. brought her a deeper underAs Niles's own literary and travel itinerary surface view available to standing of Haiti, along the way she caricatured the would be traveler. The singers she saw and heard at night the lessinquisitive familiar Ethiopian mold; teakwood "by day but men and women; cast in the their 56 By day, Niles for teeth and for the whites of eyes. people with ivory in Haiti, if not postcards, still seemed to imply, one could see but statues buy as souvenirs at than teakwood tokens such as tourists might little more the "Haitian Curio Shop" 'in Portau-Prince.7 in her travels, Niles of understanding she soughti In contrast to the depth first in one port or anthe quality of appearances on arriving seemed emphasized Haîtien, for example, the scenes she noticed other. Landing at Cap In Petit Goave, Niles wrote, the "of the quality of Art."58 to her to partake white light merely as brightly colored pupmarket people "appear in the about the bluest of all the pets; part of some sun-flooded spectacle, staged the 9 she said worlds." *59 "You remember only light, blue bays of all pageant AFTERMATH --- Page 260 --- of SO intense a clarity that you see the surging life of the coastal town, "light Reality "One is conscious of no subjective profundities. as purely objective." piled in golden heaps on the has slipped from life. Surely the oranges looked at. 60 On first arriving, are but baubles, intended only to be ground taken with the sense of visual pleasure Niles suggested, a visitor could be SO merely as part of a vast beings and objects alike would appear that human 11 she wrote, "burlesqu- "So does the gay sun blind one to realities," there are spectacle. obliterating the depths; denying that ing even the surfaces, and >61 where still lives the song of Africa." of Haitian profundities light of a coastal town, one gained no sense If, in the bright interior" would shift the profundities," s1 then travels "into the Niles "subjective the depths of Haitian culture. visitor's focus, allowing one to plumb cultural expresby observing and engaging explored Haitian subjectivities history, religion, dance, and sion in a variety of forms, including poetry, Viard'sin Port-auand history could be obtained at Madame song. If poetry Niles implied, in order to experience HaiPrince, one had to travel inland, Niles and her husand dance. Accordingly, one night tian religion, song, from the they, joined a ventured into the hills, where, not far capital, band gathering of dancing peasants." 62 called the "love dance," and, The dance they observed this night she the essenreality: and time, highlighting according to Niles, it transformed the bodily movements of the tial identities of the sexes.0 Niles described Voodoo drum, the and the instruments used including "the long dancers stirs them that its use has been made illegal." voice of which SO profoundly Itis the sixth day of creation; All of a sudden, "it is no longer the year 1925. 1 64 Here then was "the when 'male and female created He them." the day which elemental gender drum and dance,' the "true" Haiti in Haiti of in which sexuality was central to differences were stark and unmistakable, subjective truth For Niles, sexualityasa a kind of ultimate cultural expression. the initial of Haiti as mere spectacle. here belied impression marked a shift away of the "truth" of Haiti, furthermore, This reading and marines earlier in the decade. from the interpretations of missionaries abnormality in Haitian observers had perceived a kind of gender These Critics like James Weldon surrounding work and sexuality. dance,' the "true" Haiti in Haiti of in which sexuality was central to differences were stark and unmistakable, subjective truth For Niles, sexualityasa a kind of ultimate cultural expression. the initial of Haiti as mere spectacle. here belied impression marked a shift away of the "truth" of Haiti, furthermore, This reading and marines earlier in the decade. from the interpretations of missionaries abnormality in Haitian observers had perceived a kind of gender These Critics like James Weldon surrounding work and sexuality. social patterns in Haitian family life as the result Johnson had portrayed any irregularities instead focused on Haitian Unlike either, Niles of American imperialism. unadorned truth of male and female sexuality: as revealing the most natural, American civilization. identities. For Niles, this was a welcome contrast to absorbed "We became then, Nilesasserted, Joining the dancing peasants, MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 261 --- 99 For travelers, then, as well as for by the crowd, assimilated, blotted out. the depths of HaiofHaiti, probing marines with a different understanding of selfhood. For culture could entail, at least temporarily, an erasure tian change, enabling her to this self-abnegation was a welcome Niles, however, and dance: "great gifts," she called them, receive the gifts of Haitian song world." 65 "which their race might make to a drab and waiting essential truth music seemed to reveal to Niles some of the If dance and emphasized the imher of Haitian patriotism of race and sex, exploration national identity. For Niles, this portance of these truths for understanding hills, in spalike her ventures into the Haitian proceeded exploration, the landscape. "You wander tial terms, as she guided her reader through 1 she wrote, "where Anglo-Saxon through the familiar fields of patriotism, "You wander into areas of can meet understandingly." and Africo-French familiar.' " Yet, she noted, affection where the landscape is placidly domestic whereas American patriotism was "semithere were marked differences, for like love. 66 was "a personal passion, religious, > Haitian national sentiment Niles presented this the history books she had gathered, Drawing on leader Dessalines. fed the spirit of the Haitian revolutionary passion as by the violence of slavery fully The pride and defiance that, as a slave, brought or wounds resulted in "fustigations" to bear on his body, Niles explained, and The rage of his resentment." that would always serve to rekindle rage contrast to the patriotism Dessalines: sand his people supplied a fundamental it, she wrote, "you to Niles. Coming upon familiar to Americans, according region, such as your race, ifyouare enter a dark and bitter land, a devastated that have known.' s "You begin then to know you of Nordic origin, has never exotic land" characterized by "a a that you are in an come upon journey; defiant pride of race. 68 vibrant patriotism and fierce Niles warned her guided tour of Haitian patriotic passion, Continuing destination would be the most shocking. "If her readers that their ultimate your inheritance, accepting without question you are a typical Anglo-Saxon, into which inevitably your exploraiti is in the final region of sexual morality, Niles's for this, that you find yourself most alien. explanation tions lead, of France and Africa, and "the actual ultimately, is the dual inheritance through the veins of Haiti. blood of France" that courses writing on Haiti: Here, of course, is that familiar trope of American IfHaiti identity, and family. blood, the signifier at once of race, inheritance, this was SO by virtue of the child of France and Africa, suggested Niles, was her veins. One must understand this in the "actual blood" coursing through that Haitian 99 of"domestic affection" is order to understand the "landscape" affection, 1 furthermore, indiThe terms "blood"and "domestic patriotism. . blood of France" that courses writing on Haiti: Here, of course, is that familiar trope of American IfHaiti identity, and family. blood, the signifier at once of race, inheritance, this was SO by virtue of the child of France and Africa, suggested Niles, was her veins. One must understand this in the "actual blood" coursing through that Haitian 99 of"domestic affection" is order to understand the "landscape" affection, 1 furthermore, indiThe terms "blood"and "domestic patriotism. AFTERMATH --- Page 262 --- other American writers, oft the family asa cated the centralityforl Niles, as for identity. the discourse of national fundamental constructinforming alone in using the idea of the human U.S.Americans were not Of course, In fact, Niles relied on Haitian writers family to represent Haitian identity. Beauvais Lespinasse supplied the for some of her most pointed metaphors. the * and Niles borrowed characterization phrase "fille ainée de l'Afrique, "Haiti, eldest daughter of for both her subtitle and her epigraph. He wrote, first in the reand her civilization as the page Africa, views her history served to establish right from habilitation of her race. 70 Lespinase'swords: the DeHaiti. Niles also quoted poet the outset Niles's intention to praise and child (Haiti); the relation between parent (Africa) vieux to qualify brutally torn from the Devieux described Haitians as "an orphan people, account, Haitii iis cradle of their race. 71 Here, as in James Weldon Johnson's: of the brutalities of Western imperialism. orphaned as a result and Devieux. We must Yet, here we are not simply reading Lespinasse their selection by Niles and consider not only the content of the quotes, but into her text. What was the effect of her appropriation their incorporation By characterizing her text as "a of their words for this travel narrative? Haiti and deeldest daughter," she thus personified biography of Africa's Haiti's direct lineal fined "her" primarilyi in terms of gender and parentage. and her essentially Africa, accented by the "blood" of France, connection to the appeal of the black nation gendered female identity, served to highlight establish the of of desire. Niles used Haitian writers to appeal as an object civilization of the United States. After Haiti iin contrast to the industrialized she concluded that "in Haiti discussing Devieux and other Haitian poets, Africa a drink of Chamof France with Africa was like giving to the mingling of Haiti is singularly vital." pagne: with the result that the personality Niles, in what by now is a and of ofj joy," wrote "Gifts of rhythm imageryand of Haiti.73 tired trio of stereotypes, were the "race inheritance" Haiti and the discover racial truths that separated If Niles appeared to passion of Haitian patriotism, in United States, evidenced in the elemental of Haiti, in the 'exoof herself as alien amid the sexual morality her sense still the racial and cultural chasms between tic" nature ofHaitian race pride, remain unbridged. She and the United States need not, to her mind, Haiti of the serious little boy from Cap may not have had her postcard-like image and landmarks "mapped Haîtien, but she left the interior with its contours for a second time Reemerging from the interior, arriving in [her] memory."1 in the mood of memory." Haîtien, she wrote, "this time, I was arriving at Cap an integral part of "Haiti had become, * she wrote, "an intimate experience, things. "Only in living, taking its place among remembered personal MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE Haiti of the serious little boy from Cap may not have had her postcard-like image and landmarks "mapped Haîtien, but she left the interior with its contours for a second time Reemerging from the interior, arriving in [her] memory."1 in the mood of memory." Haîtien, she wrote, "this time, I was arriving at Cap an integral part of "Haiti had become, * she wrote, "an intimate experience, things. "Only in living, taking its place among remembered personal MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 263 --- "come thus sensuously alive, that it aptravel," " furthermore, could history Haiti to the of memory.' "74 Nilesappropriated pears with the reality personal as her own. point ofi internalizing it, claiming its subjectivity of its "gifts, " led of Haitian culture, her acceptance Niles's appropriation and to its rhetorical justifito certain aspects of the occupation her to object and degraded land. "Amerthe that Haiti was a backward cation on grounds and science,' s she wrote; "it must not icanization should stop with order to music. 75 Yet, if in hearts that yet remember how to set life stifle the song suggested, the had much to learn from Haiti, as Niles repeatedly Americans the For all its implicit critidaytime Haiti also had to learn from occupation. Amercivilization, Black Haiti portrayed the paternalist cism of American calm and clarity in which the as useful in creating enough ican presence could be by Americans. Niles value of Haiti's African culture appreciated Viard's bookshop in after all, had access to Haiti and to Madame herself, Nordic occupation." She conbecause of the presence of an "advisory of 99 that part in the "transient tranquillity paternalism' cluded that it was, finally, culture, and in turn the discern the relative merits of Haitian one could fully modernization efforts in Haiti.6 limits that had to be placed on U.S. presence developed approval of the American military Niles's qualified with a U.S. Marine Corps lieutenant to and identify as she began sympathize in the Haitian interior. Niles introduced serving as a Gendarmerie captain among Haitian ruins, "tall lean man" in khaki as he stood on a hilltop, s the commanded. With "loving pride, according to overlooking the district he 'is district 'All this, he was saying, my Niles, the marine began to speak: struck by two characteristicsof as far as you can see.' Nileswasimmediateh: namely, his integrity and his who thus boasted of "his land," the marine Haitian resistance to She conceded the existence of widespread whiteness. contrasted the Haitians' image of the in Haiti, but white proprietorship dealer in human flesh, " the personification of white man "as the symbol of a of this trustworthy and "the wheel and the whip, with her own image responsible custodian of Haitian society.7 interiors and, in SO Niles, the marine lieutenant had gone into Like bravado. "Itis only: a lonely Marine that doing, had shed his mask of marine into interiors. In the the mask, and to find him you have to go will drop 'goddam' ; enmidst of his fellows he is ever the rollicking, swashbuckling, dark races; vastly superior to all thusiastic only about a drink or a woman; from the land sanctified of any whites not hailing and even contemptuous man was thoughtful and temperate. 78 In contrast, this by his own nativity." of those who had been charged with Yetit turned out that this man "was one 99 wrote Niles; "I who generally speaking atrocities. s He "had won my trust, AFTERMATH --- Page 264 --- disbelievein Marines, Iv Iwhoam unalterably had come to trust a man who had opposed to capital punishment" rebel.79 Niles's trust in the ordered the execution of a Haitian lieutenant, He was, she concluded, "the moreover, survived this revelation. , this by his own nativity." of those who had been charged with Yetit turned out that this man "was one 99 wrote Niles; "I who generally speaking atrocities. s He "had won my trust, AFTERMATH --- Page 264 --- disbelievein Marines, Iv Iwhoam unalterably had come to trust a man who had opposed to capital punishment" rebel.79 Niles's trust in the ordered the execution of a Haitian lieutenant, He was, she concluded, "the moreover, survived this revelation. who sort of man who was won the confidence of his merry with dogs, a man his job, but who negro orderly, a man who loved the was skeptical about power of tions. "80 He was, in omniscience in the matter of civilizashort, a man who seemed to share appeal of Haitian culture and who, like Niles's sense of the memory.' 9 These similarities Niles, had Haiti "mapped in [his] share the marine'sp suggest the possibility of another: did Niles also proprietary feeling for Haiti? In contrast to the lieutenant, Niles Haiti, "a pale little wife" she discusses an American woman in galow." 99 "Like met at another "Gendarmerie many exiles, especially exiled Captain's bunfinitely detached way of women, this girl had an intalking about her seemed unreal to her and that she environment. You felt that it alluded to the spoke of it much as she vague details of a dream. Iam might have exact detail were the streets sure thati in her mind, etched in and shops and little town in the moving picture houses of States, a town inhabited by the some in the world. "81 Like the tourists only real people there were little wife" who saw only "teakwood 9 the never gained the ability to see people, "pale midst ofHait'sboumtiful. past surface appearances. In the cultural gifts, she of her hometown and insisted on clinging to the details allowing her exotic an air of unreality. surroundings to pass her by with Niles'sattention to surface appearances in Haiti of a rhetorical strategy seems to have been part designed to underline her Haiti. Yet, although she may have own more probing look at the nation's insisted that she succeeded in depths, Niles presented a view of plumbing the character of a staged Haiti that still conformed to sassination, for spectacle. Relating the story of Dessalines's asexample, Niles explained that the be met at the bridge called emperor had arranged to How would the Pont-Rouge by a loyal officer named assassins overcome this obstacle? Could Gedeon. ing impostor? Niles concluded, "As in they find a convincan adjutant-major a melodrama there would have been strongly resembling Gedeon, SO at Pont-Rouge. " It was, she wrote, "as there was his counterpart the blacks could though in the very facts of never escape drama; as their history hands of an though they were pawns in the omnipotent playwright. "82 Ifall of her riors" that belied Haiti's seeking led her to "intetravels seemed surface "burlesque, 9 at the same to confirm that one authentic time Niles's indeed the dramatic race truth evident in Haiti iwas burlesque inherent in Haitian Niles pointed to several different historyand culture. modes of interacting with Haiti as an MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 265 --- Gendarmerie capby the - 'pale little wife" ofa American. One was illustrated of talking" about Haiti. all of her riors" that belied Haiti's seeking led her to "intetravels seemed surface "burlesque, 9 at the same to confirm that one authentic time Niles's indeed the dramatic race truth evident in Haiti iwas burlesque inherent in Haitian Niles pointed to several different historyand culture. modes of interacting with Haiti as an MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 265 --- Gendarmerie capby the - 'pale little wife" ofa American. One was illustrated of talking" about Haiti. "an infinitely detached way tain, who maintained of what she saw around her. Colorless: as she was, she failed to internalize any in [her] the land of her exile was not "mapped Like other exiled women, captain, on the in Niles's. The Gendarmerie memory," as it was mapped Shedding the "mask" worn by other hand, had himself gone into interiors. as he stood atop a marines in the capital city, his humanity shone through "this is all and proclaiming, at hill looking out the surrounding countryside: the Citadel and looking district.' s Finally, Niles described herself, atop She my of Haitian interiors. own andinternalization down after her exploration above the land. Then she invoked the compared herself to a hawk hovering of the buccaneers, of that of Columbus, memory of other appropriations: for on the Mackandal and Toussaint had fought independence under Napoleon. from the Citadel, but now goods were exported grounds she viewed towns in her hawk's-eye view. Her American supervision out of the port likened her own approprialanguage, whether or not by conscious decision, of whether others. Niles concluded with the "world-question" tion with the had much to offer or could even justify European American civilization Haiti had a deal to offer, and she itself. It was clear to her, however, that great other U.S.A Americans to get it, if they could. urged SEABROOK'S *MAGIC ISLAND" WILLIAM of travel writers were getting what they By the late twenties, a handful to other Americans on a thought Haiti had to offer, and passing it along and book scale with the help of newspapers, magazines, larger and larger featured two books dealing clubs.a The Literary Guild, as we have seen, 's Black Majesty, in its "main selections" ": John Vandercook' with Haiti among Island, in 1929. Both books devel1928, and William Seabrook's The Magic following their audiencei in the months and years oped an extensive popular and the latter achieved best-seller publication and selection by the guild, Haiti and Voodoo as broad U.S. readership to status, introducing a relatively York Herald Tribunes said of The Magic s4The New exotic cultural commodities." its own field is the book of the year. Island: "Herein William Buehler Seabrook was a journalIn 1927.at the age of forty-one, in advertising. world traveler and writer, with some experience ist turned Aduentures in Arabia, Seabrook now Having just published his first book, the truth of Voodoo. He his desire to travel to Haiti and to get at expressed AFTERMATH --- Page 266 --- about Arabia, he announced to his publisher, had "turned Arab" to write about Haiti. 86 Like Blair Niles, and now he would "turn Negro" to write the Caribbean nation, book about Seabrook set out to write a sympathetic culture for Americans would the appeal of a primitive one that emphasize "mechanical, soulless robots. abrook now Having just published his first book, the truth of Voodoo. He his desire to travel to Haiti and to get at expressed AFTERMATH --- Page 266 --- about Arabia, he announced to his publisher, had "turned Arab" to write about Haiti. 86 Like Blair Niles, and now he would "turn Negro" to write the Caribbean nation, book about Seabrook set out to write a sympathetic culture for Americans would the appeal of a primitive one that emphasize "mechanical, soulless robots. 87 who were in danger of becoming then, was not The original object of the formerj joralesimetigaion At the same time, travelthe success or failure of the militaryi intervention. lead William Haiti during the occupation would necessarily and ing through Samuel Guy Inman, Seabrook, as it had led James Weldon Johnson, to the Seabrook's evaluation of the occupation, Blair Niles, to the marines. was mixed. He praised that he treated it directly in his final account, extent sanitation, stabilized curwith "roads, sewers, hospitals, its accomplishments 1 but criticized the Amerieconomic prosperity, and political peace, classes rency, in the Haitian upper to inculcate "raceconsciousnes": can attempt s Seabrook focused on the racist by teaching them "their proper place." officers in Haiti, particularly attitudes and behaviors of U.S. Marine Corps termed, sometimes from the capital city, supervised what he those who, protectorate. 88 ironically, "our own benevolentAmerica reflected a beliefin the value of Ultimately, however, Secabrook'snarativer island ready to in Haiti. His Haiti was an orphaned U.S. military paternalism Blanc" or white father. Unlike some welcome a benevolent. American "Papa U.S. intervention Seabrook refused to defend apologists for the occupation, culture. Setting himself apart by denying the validity or integrity of Haitian Haiti and its customs, writers, he his desire to defend from such professed in contrast to the empty their value, particularlyi and repeatedly proclaimed civilization. At the same time, with a journalroutine of modern American wrote, and with an advertiser's ist'sdesire to bring out "the story" in what he what, for American for "the hook,' 11 Seabrook consistently emphasized in eye the different, and, especially, the shocking readers, would be the new, sensational it. Partly by virtue of this approach, Haitian life as he perceived the claims of U.S. paternalism with The Magic Island ultimately buttressed otherness. illustrations (in words and pictures) of Haiti's.disturbing relationgraphic on Haiti concerned the intimate The core of Seabrook's exposé evidenced in the primitive beliefs ship between sexualitya and racial identity, earlier, Samuel Guy of the Haitian peasant folk. Eight years and practices and sexuality as crucial for underInman had attended to matters of gender them. In contrast, the Haitian people out of a desire to change of an standing shifted the discourse toward the celebration Seabrook, like Niles, revealed in an exotic sexuality. Seaessential African racial identity fully MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 267 --- brook, to a much greater extent than Niles, ination of the sexual content presented. an unflinching examattributed to secrets of Voodoo would "blackness." His quest for the provide the vehicle for this Like Samuel Guy Inman, then, Seabrook presentation. the religious question in Haiti. Unlike was particularly interested in to Christianize Haiti but him, of course, Seabrook sought not himself by to learn from Voodoo, to get at some truth escaping the strictures of about Inman superstition could be civilization as he knew it. Whereas for tion could be overcome by Christianity, for Seabrook civilizaovercome by exposure to the authentic belief people. He wrote: "Better a of a primitive stained hands who papaloi [Vodou priest] in Haiti with bloodFifth believesin his living gods than a frock-coated Avenue reducing Christ to a solar myth and minister on late conception. to learn from Voodoo, to get at some truth escaping the strictures of about Inman superstition could be civilization as he knew it. Whereas for tion could be overcome by Christianity, for Seabrook civilizaovercome by exposure to the authentic belief people. He wrote: "Better a of a primitive stained hands who papaloi [Vodou priest] in Haiti with bloodFifth believesin his living gods than a frock-coated Avenue reducing Christ to a solar myth and minister on late conception. 9) Seabrook rationalizing the immacuerly love," however sought not "rational ethics and human brothuseful they might be, but rather a ligious experience. "Let kind of primal rereligion have its bloody > even human sacrifices, if thus our souls sacrifices," he wrote, "yes, By may be kept alive. "89 returning to the primitive roots of civilization and lay there, Seabrook suggested, learning what truth fore Western man could free himself. essential that The Magic Island establish It was therein 1928 and the origins of Western the connection between Haiti pointed out the likeness of civilization. To this end, Seabrook and figures drawn from particularaspects of Haitian culture with scenes Haitian Voodoo Judaic, Christian, and Greek texts. Those that seemed most aspects of foreign to white likely to come in for this treatment in his Americans were most bird he describedi in a book. Thus, the sacrifice of a manner suggestive large a swan and impregnating her. ofZeusvisiting Leda in the form of to be sacrificed, Likewise a girl whom, it appeared, was was, for Seabrook, like about by her own father" "Jephtha' S daughter doomed to or, more accurately, like "Isaac die Mount Moriah.' "90 Haiti was "a world of bound by Abraham on wrote, "in which gods marvels, miracles, and wonders,"he explained Voodoo spoke from burning bushes, as on Sinai. ? as a syncretic religion, a Seabrook and melding of symbols to create a new religious form, different traditions even Christianity had been just as, he pointed out, indeed, By at one time, drawing as it had on establishing such similarities, Seabrook pagan rituals. Haiti as a preserve of human also reinforced the image of men could revisit the primitivism, a land where adventurous white hunting in Africa, savage childhood of their own race. Like big exploring the mysteries of Voodoo game affirm racial and gender identity for in Haiti could serve to role that Haiti white American males,92 It was in this presented one of its most mation of a primitive cross-racial alluring aspects. In turn, the affirconnection served, for Seabrook, to justify AFTERMATH --- Page 268 --- the culluralappropriations of Haiti. Seabrook thus to "the Voodoo holy of holies, 9) the explained his connection ries of Voodoo, this priestess who would show him the mysteway: "Between Maman Celie and which Icannot analyze or me there was a bond hope to make others felt it almost from our first understand.. We had both always, had contact. It was as if we had known at some past time been united each other umbilical by the mystical cord; as ifI had suckled in equivalent of an dered far, and was now infancy at her dark breasts, had wanreturning home. "93 In Seabrook' 's priestess evoked in him a return to the telling, the exotic felt the power of that connection. primitiveinfancy of man, and she too would not As a result, he confidently worry about what he might write, for asserted, she like from my interest, *9 she would "whatever might grow treemon to us both. 94 know, "its roots were buried in soil comDespite this confident assertion, however, the brook's simply stated intentions. published text belied Seaimpenetrable Indeed, his Haiti was by turns, monstrous. ess evoked in him a return to the telling, the exotic felt the power of that connection. primitiveinfancy of man, and she too would not As a result, he confidently worry about what he might write, for asserted, she like from my interest, *9 she would "whatever might grow treemon to us both. 94 know, "its roots were buried in soil comDespite this confident assertion, however, the brook's simply stated intentions. published text belied Seaimpenetrable Indeed, his Haiti was by turns, monstrous. obscene. "sweet . Seabrook hairy. black. professed his desire to exonerate forbidding." with which it had been Voodoo from the unfairness words, "despite discussed in the past. Yet he praised it, in his up-cropping naivetes, tious savageries, grotesqueries, mumbo-jumbo, and at times deliberate superstiness that must be included too witch-doctor charlatan trickibrook ifI am to keep this record honest. 95 compared his own reactions to a Voodoo Sea- "literary traditional white ceremony with those of the beautyi in it, he said, stranger" looking on with revulsion; he saw the even though it was savage. 96 In Seabrook's text, then, Haiti served tion oft the Freudian as a literalized spatial representaearlier unconscious, a placev where the family experience of polymorphous romanceand the shackled. Yet, this sexuality could be revisited and unliteralization also fixed Haiti's the developmental stage of childhood. discursive association with childhood in relation If Haiti could serve as the realm to an American adulthood, of become clear, in turn, that the United furthermore, it would presence in that realm. Here, States could provide a useful adult of then, was the logic of part a text claiming to exonerate and value paternalism, an integral That logic in Haiti's black culture. emerged a variety of contexts within His very first lines of text, for Seabrook's narrative. nity and example, raised the question of suggested the mystery of its racial Haiti's paterMagic identity. Seabrook opened The handbyintroducing the reader to Louis, his book's first figure for Haiti. It is clear "devoted yard boy,' ' the bling and almost from the outset that Louis is a troudevoted, there is also schizophrenic character, for though he is humble and something distinctly evil about him. After an extensive MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 269 --- Seabrook indicated how important this discussion of Louis and his oddities, of Haiti. He wrote: "And character had been for his own understanding Voodoo? you may ask, but I what has all this to do with the dark mysteries of other who set know. It was humble Louis and none suspect that you already river, desert, and jungle, across feet in the path which led finally through my the mountains and beyond the clouds, hideous ravines and gorges, over not SeaVoodoo Holy of Holies. These are metaphors," and at last to the of Haiti is a tropicalupheaved, asserted. "The topography brook pointedly 97 The schizophrenic tumbled-towering madland of paradisesandinternos of the literal in Seabrook's understanding Louis, then, was a key figure Island.' " By introducing the author "madland, " which he called "the Magic he would dewhose rites and magic practices to the mamaloi (priestess) unlock the secrets of Voodoo for traveler scribe, Louis would be the first to and reader alike. at last to the of Haiti is a tropicalupheaved, asserted. "The topography brook pointedly 97 The schizophrenic tumbled-towering madland of paradisesandinternos of the literal in Seabrook's understanding Louis, then, was a key figure Island.' " By introducing the author "madland, " which he called "the Magic he would dewhose rites and magic practices to the mamaloi (priestess) unlock the secrets of Voodoo for traveler scribe, Louis would be the first to and reader alike. turn to the first words Seabrook used Bearing all this in mind, let us now Ozias to Haiti: "Louis, son ofCatharine the reader to Louisand to introduce and thus without a surname was he of Orblanche, paternity unknown 98 The first trouble with Louis, then, inscribed in the Haitian civil register. seemed to imply, he was a that he had no father. Like Haiti, Seabrook was identity was itself a mystery. Did "the actual fatherless child, whose very Blair Niles had recently Haiti's veins, as blood of France" course through at least, SO far as Seabrook preferred to leave the question open, asserted? concerned. Upon arriving in the remote the backcountry peasants were however, Seabrook declared, "It mountain village that was Louis's home, >99 might have been in the friendly heart of Africa. Price-Mars, now response to The Magic Island, Jean In an impassioned of Seabrook's: account assailed the credibility Haiti's foremost ethnologist, have succeeded in winning the of this village. "That Mr. Seabrook may to him, on the condiconfidence of a Maman Celie, I am willing to concede to us the the situation by depicting tion, however, that he does not dramatize nook lost in the highest whose guest he has been as a peasant community isolated from all communication with and most inaccessible mountains, "These conditions render his acurban centers.' >100 Price-Mars explained, in a true improbable, 37 for "there is not a single peasant count absolutely real Voodoo ceremonies for the rural centre who would consent to organize account of the rites he sole pleasure of a stranger." Calling Seabrook's 77 Price-Mars detailed have observed in this village "only half true, claims to between the ceremonies depicted in The some of the gross discrepancies in rural Haiti.' 101 Islandand those that actually took place in Magic sensationalism rested part Price-Mars's objections to Seabrook's Jean AFTERMATH --- Page 270 --- on the presence of such half truths. "Iam throughout forced to remark that this verya amusing and very cruel - book is terial replete with savage humor, amusing, on account of the mareader, and even the Haitian and abominable, because the American the facts reader who is not in a position to check advanced, is drawn to ask himself: 'Is what up on case, these grewsome facts, such he relates true? In any true.' 9102 as are recorded, seem likely if are Indeed, U.S. reviewers of Seabrook's they not its tone as accurate, even when book accepted much of ologist Robert Redfield, they questioned some of the facts. The socifor example, suggested, that some of the blood and blackness "Admit the probability the and much of the tomtoms is merely good persistent rhythm of hooey. Itis, stage direction. It is, in the vernacular, just nevertheless, a safe guess that the to the reader the character of Haiti" book more vividly conveys account. 103 than would a "painstaking" academic Price-Mars's objections notwithstanding, it was in this according to Seabrook, that he first learned the mountain village, guidance of Maman Celie, who secrets of Voodoo under the in the area. and much of the tomtoms is merely good persistent rhythm of hooey. Itis, stage direction. It is, in the vernacular, just nevertheless, a safe guess that the to the reader the character of Haiti" book more vividly conveys account. 103 than would a "painstaking" academic Price-Mars's objections notwithstanding, it was in this according to Seabrook, that he first learned the mountain village, guidance of Maman Celie, who secrets of Voodoo under the in the area. appeared to be the most powerful Although he described the presence archal, * Seabrook village as "primitive and emphasized the role of the mamaloii in patri- "The little community," he local governance. wrote, "was ruled by Maman Celie Theodore, her venerable, less and Papa acterizations of Haitian activehusband." *104 In contrast to earlier charmen as dominating their wives, appeared, in no way Papa Theodore, it impinged on Maman tive thus cleared the for Celie's reign. Seabrook's narraway a lurid tale of female sexuality, couched, of course, in terms of a power and primitive William Seabrook defense of Haitian culture. effectively narrated of two voices: one he attributed parts The Magic Island to himself, the "[" of the through spoke through Seabrook, but only narrative; the other ever present absence in the appeared in the third person, a kind of text. The second voice that Seabrook'sa account was thevoiceof"thel effectively narrated Thus, literary-traditional white describing a Voodoo ceremony, Seabrook stranger." literary-traditional white could assert: "And now the such a one lurked stranger who spied from hiding in the near by, would have seen all the forest, had tion justified. "105 The wildest tales ofVoodoo ficdescription that followed formula of f"literarytraditional", conformed precisely to the ing black bodies, "white accounts of Voodoo, complete with "writhteeth and eyeballs the circle "to share and slake gleaming, and couples fleeing their ecstasy." ? drawing on the opposite Accompanying a grotesque description: page, moreover, was an excerpted phrase from this "blood-maddened, sex-maddened, danced their dark saturnalia.' god-maddened : [they] "Seabrook" returns as narrator moments MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 271 --- later, reminding the reader that the tone of this tended to reflect the author's description was not inbeheld this perspective: "Thus also scene in actuality,' 9 he my unspying eyes revulsion which wrote, "but I did not the literary tradition prescribes. *106 experience Here and elsewhere, Seabrook's and "the Haitian descriptions of Haiti, Haitian customs, people" turn out to be between observer and discourses on the observed, American relationship rent theme in these discourses visitorand Haitian is the terror of the white male host.Arecursavage and sexual land. Seabrook's observer in a Price-Mars's list of sensationalist discussions of animal sacrifice, high on this dynamic. inaccuracies in The Magic Island, illustrate For Seabrook, the act of sacrifice was animal was always male. always a sexualactand the sacrificial Thus, his description of a man Celie sacrifices a bird with ceremony in which Malarger and "great white wings, 33 a bird that more powerful than she. 9 Seabrook "seemed seemed to mingle wrote: "bird and woman struggling in a monstrous, fatal hands were still upon its mythical embrace. But her deed which throat, and in that swan-like for the male is always like simulacre of the brook seemed to a little death, it died. sexualactand the sacrificial Thus, his description of a man Celie sacrifices a bird with ceremony in which Malarger and "great white wings, 33 a bird that more powerful than she. 9 Seabrook "seemed seemed to mingle wrote: "bird and woman struggling in a monstrous, fatal hands were still upon its mythical embrace. But her deed which throat, and in that swan-like for the male is always like simulacre of the brook seemed to a little death, it died. "107 Here, Seaidentify with the "little death " of the sacrificial Elsewhere, he described the white bird. white preparations for a ceremony he-goat was to be sacrificed, after in which a small his own reaction to the which he turned to the memory of acid-etched ceremony. "There is,' " he wrote, SO deeply that it will leave "one small thing It some lines, I think, rotting. was the sound of the terrorized when my brain lies goat, tethered out there in the shrill bleating of the white heshadows, as it ways dominated, sometimes drowned pierced through yet was alwomen. It caused by the female howling choral of the something that was elemental male in deeper than anything the word sex me, something icy terror.' '108 Seabrook' 's usuallydefines, to shiverin the gripofan identification with white bird and suggests something of the racial dimensions white he-goat next lines confirmed this of the terror he professed. His nection with the fact that suggestion, by denying it: "Nor had this any conI, a white man, knelt there blackswho would presently become among these swaying was a terror of something blacker blood-frenzied, They were my friends. It of the dark, and more implacable than they- a terror all-engulfing womb. "109 While from any fear of the individual denying that his terror derived "blacks" who reinforced the surrounded him, Seabrook interconnectedness of racial and sexual portrait of Haiti. Even blacker than the connotations in his the terrifying female blacks themselves, he asserted, was of the women. 1 presence, represented by the "howling female choral Likewise, as slayer of the white bird, Maman Celie, with AFTERMATH --- Page 272 --- "umbilical" connection, now repwhom Seabrook earlier expressed a deep he would describe a the terror of the womb. Later on in the text, resented that it did not refer about the curse of a woman, emphasizing Haitian song the fatal lure of the female. to the work of a sorceress; "it meant simply of the white he-goat, his confession of fear at the sacrifice Following himself into the narrative to the reader for inserting Seabrook apologized the description of a Voodoo cerethis way. "But I forget that I am writing among the terrors Haitian mountains, and that excursions monial in the own soul are an unwarranted interaroused by elemental nightmaresin my interruptions, in fact, Searuption. P111 Far from constituting unwarranted threads in the "excursions" into his "own soul" were necessary brook's threads of text were essential, moreover, to fabric of The Magic Island. These "Haiti. The Magic Islandstands construction of an object called the author's the historical creation of that crucial piece of evidence attesting to as a observation and discourse during and after object through white American the U.S. an unwarranted interaroused by elemental nightmaresin my interruptions, in fact, Searuption. P111 Far from constituting unwarranted threads in the "excursions" into his "own soul" were necessary brook's threads of text were essential, moreover, to fabric of The Magic Island. These "Haiti. The Magic Islandstands construction of an object called the author's the historical creation of that crucial piece of evidence attesting to as a observation and discourse during and after object through white American the U.S. occupation. characterizations of "the Haitian people" One of Seabrook' 's summary this point. He began by explaintoward the end ofl his narrative underscores vulnerable to a comic, a little ludicrous, they are easily ing: "they are a little himself seemed > With these phrases, Seabrook certain sort of caricature. observer, who would, presumably, be cognizant of the presence of the white describe his percepdraw the caricature. He went on, however, to the one to buried, nature of the Haitian people: "then tion of the true, if sometimes that is essential in the color and suddenly from time to time something in the color and texture of texture of their souls - essential perhaps too but which may trace more than atavistic savagery, their skins - something dark mother of mysteries - some none the less to their ancestral Africa, 112 Erasing the distincto the surface of group or individual." quality surges Haitian the illustrator Alextion between these two aspects of the people, mother of mysteries" to a visual caricature of the "dark ander King provided "Africa' " was a grotesque, horned, black which Seabrook referred. King's one each at her oversized suckling two black human figures, female figure of the line of illustration, while not strictly representative breasts. King's "illustrated," ? does reflect aspects of the Seabrook'st text, which its tsupposedly terrifying, which characterized Haiti as an overwhelming, overall narrative, female presence. and sometimes grotesque could be caricatured as comic or Seabrook contrasted the Haiti that time surges to with the true Haiti "that suddenly from time to ludicrous 11 he went on to explain, "we others are the surface. When this happens, and sometimes awe. 113 which strikes terror in the presence of a thing : MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 273 --- here, and what is striking throughout The Magic What is especially notable in the first place. Thus, Seabrook's Island, is that "we others" are present reader to Haiti in 1929 to narrative transported the U.S. American travel human placed on, and then removed observe the "bloody rites";to see a girl shuffled through the the altar of sacrifice; to watch as "the zombies from, neither father nor wife nor mother."114 marketplace, recognizing Beale Davis in his novel, The Goat without Like former chargé Robert tale of a land where soulless beings Horns, Seabrook's 's lurid and titillating the belief in a "neither father nor wife nor mother" promoted The recognized in Haiti. In other ways as well, benevolent U.S. military paternalism Seabrook portrayed Haitias Magic Islandsuggested the logic of paternalism. and mysterious at best, nation whose French origins were hazy an orphaned Africa remained strong. Thei influence of but whose maternal connection to Seabrook's 's Haiti, personified in mother Africa was everywhere in sight in his females. That Seabrook professed Maman Celie and other dangerous detract from this simulfor Haitian culture did not respect and admiration feminine. In other ways as well, benevolent U.S. military paternalism Seabrook portrayed Haitias Magic Islandsuggested the logic of paternalism. and mysterious at best, nation whose French origins were hazy an orphaned Africa remained strong. Thei influence of but whose maternal connection to Seabrook's 's Haiti, personified in mother Africa was everywhere in sight in his females. That Seabrook professed Maman Celie and other dangerous detract from this simulfor Haitian culture did not respect and admiration feminine. In these ways and characterization of Haiti as grotesquely taneous male and sugHaiti called out for a fatherly presence, others, Seabrook's were not too caught up in their own gested that U.S. marines, when they blatant racism, could fill that urgent need. in Seabrook's telling. vacuum walked Faustin Wirkus, Into this paternal serving on île who as a lieutenanti in the Gendarmerie The marine sergeant, of letters from American schoolboys, de la Gonave, was to receive dozens 99 according to Seabrook.15 Wirkus king of La Gonave,' had been "crowned in which the natives greeted Wirkus The Magic Island described a ceremony He described Queen Ti with and circumstance. as "Le Roi" great pomp to Wirkus's arrival, and Meminne, who had ruled La Gonave alone prior 116 welcomed the new king along with everyone else. who Wirkus rounded out the fantasy he was providing Seabrookschapters on sway on some for his white male readers. "To hold undisputed especially jewel amid the coral reefs of summer island set like a green, remote tropical dreamed of it, and how many grown men, civiliseas -how many boys have later, in the introducP117 He elaborated on this point two years zation tired." ever born, ifhe is any good, wants, among tion to Wirkus' s'sl book, "Every boy man, also, sometimes, other things, to be king of a tropical island. Every that is, a supreme laborer, wants to be king, whether millionaire or day in a wheel. Every man instead of being a highly polished or dirty cog Most of ego.. wants to be God. (who isn't dead on his feet like a zombie) perhaps Wirkus, in wheels, and are never the mainspring. us are continually caught Wirkus for a while - for ten thousand for a while, was the mainspring. AFTERMATH --- Page 274 --- White King of La Gonave," 91 accordGod.' 118 The story of "The people. - was As an 4, 'antidote to fulfilled the fantasy of the supreme ego. ing to Seabrook, Wirkus'sLa Gonave, offered civilization,' *9 Seabrook' 'sHaiti, and particularly a farmer boy readers to identify with Wirkus, a welcome escape. By inviting and promoted the ideology of turned tropical king, Seabrook personalized feminine Haiti. paternalism and the lure of an exoticized, imperialist IN EDNA TAFT's VOOD0O-LAND" SEXUALITY AND RACE Blair Niles, and William Seabrook, Edna Taft proLike Samuel Guy Inman, in which modern Amerijected onto Haiti an empire of the imagination, Inman had between race and sexuality. cans could confront the tensions Haiti in order to counter the primiadvised his readers to make their way to and Seabrook had, in they would find there. Niles tive sexual expression take that reality in and remake themdifferent ways, urged their readers to transported her it. Edna Taft, in common with Seabrook, selves through of desire and a source of readers to an exotic Haiti that was both an object *119 alluring fascinating, yet frightening. fear, "repellant yet Seabrook' 's "magic island" in the Yet, if Taft's "Voodoo-land" resembled from that model in one crucial boldness of its sensationalism, it departed particularly to Seabrook's salacious narrative appealed way. remake themdifferent ways, urged their readers to transported her it. Edna Taft, in common with Seabrook, selves through of desire and a source of readers to an exotic Haiti that was both an object *119 alluring fascinating, yet frightening. fear, "repellant yet Seabrook' 's "magic island" in the Yet, if Taft's "Voodoo-land" resembled from that model in one crucial boldness of its sensationalism, it departed particularly to Seabrook's salacious narrative appealed way. For whereas the desires and fantasies of modern white men, Taft's sought to represent would be crucial to that modern white women. Haiti's racial landscape occasioned by white woman's narrative of lost innocence project. Indeed, a linked sexual awakening with the empire, A Puritan in Voodoo-Land contact the violence of Haitian history.o Taft erotwith racial mingling and with and used her narrative of Haiti's icized race, recast gender and sexuality, herself as a modern female racial and sexual landscape to assert exotic supposed the discourse of primitivsexual subject. In effect, she appropriated and implications of this refemale desire. The consequences ism to assert Before we turn to these, however, let us sponse to paternalism were several. in Haiti. take a closer look at Taft's account ofherawakening Taft marked her own innoSetting out for her promiscuous adventure, of African heritage and by both by her lack of familiarity with people cence meet and associate with colored people, references to girlhood. "I would before in my life. I guessed that I I had never done she wrote, something Wonderland." 121 Taft narrated the to feel very much like Alicein was going boundaries, marking her emotional by which she tested her own that process Anticipating the "intimacy" reactions to various sorts ofintermingling. MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 275 --- with a Haitian man, she claimed to would necessarily be involved in dancing against the ordeal. 122 She thought of her uncle's warning * have "dreaded father who "would turn over in his grave. just this sort of event, and of her "was like a tall, broadYet, her first dance partner in Haiti, she recalled, have gloried in such a shouldered bronze statue. Phidias or Praxiteleswould athlete's body. *123 She model," " she mused, for this man "had a splendid and professed dozen or a dozen men that same evening, danced with a half and opinions by the "more confused than ever" as to her prejudices herself end of the night. 124 that her racism outshe have been, but it is clear enough Confused may " Further on in her narrative, she described lived the anticipated "ordeal." She wrote, "I had danced her anticipation of another "new experience." And now I was to I had eaten with colored people. with colored people; lovely girl, to be sure. But sleepbarely twenty feet away from a colored girl.A1 entailed racial the less.' 125 Thus Taft's loss of innocence colored, none with men. And, just as dancing with Haitian mingling with women as well as shoulders of Haitian masculinity, had allowed her to see the fine, broad men Haitian girl introduced her to a long line in close proximity to a SO sleeping that night was, she said, "a Haitian heroines, for her roommate of proud of Marie Jeanne, who "bayonet in true feminist.' * Upon hearing the story her way through nearly hand, at the head of seven hundred Haitians, carved Taft "jumped out of thousand French soldiers" at Crète-à-Pierrot, eighteen the picture of this indomitable bed and lighted her candle to examine woman. broad men Haitian girl introduced her to a long line in close proximity to a SO sleeping that night was, she said, "a Haitian heroines, for her roommate of proud of Marie Jeanne, who "bayonet in true feminist.' * Upon hearing the story her way through nearly hand, at the head of seven hundred Haitians, carved Taft "jumped out of thousand French soldiers" at Crète-à-Pierrot, eighteen the picture of this indomitable bed and lighted her candle to examine woman. 126 and statuesque men, but it was Thus, Taft found in Haiti strong women her arrival at itself that lured her into a tryst. Indeed, upon the landscape she found herself drawn to an "enchanted her first Port-au-Prince hotel, resist its alluring invitation, she bassin. "I could not grove"with: an open-air towel. I hastened back to the wrote, "I tossed on a negligé and caught up a cumbersome iron bolt entered the enclosure, and slid the beckoning bassin, the wall, out of breath and panting, the on the gate. AsIleaned' back against Here and there a bit of bright scene before me smote my senses vividly. fronds and boughs though the tracery of feathery palm blue sky pecked leaves. I threw off my negligé and clad with large, leathery, dark green fingers water, in answer to the beckoning stepped over to the beryl green of light. 127 ifshe cast her encounter And if Taft found pleasure in the "magic pool," the as an erotic interlude, fronds and dark "leathery"leaves: with "feathery" her travels was also a realm of sexualized Haiti that she discovered through to venture, for into this realm of danger that she sought danger. Yet, it was AFTERMATH --- Page 276 --- her "greatest desire of all,' ? she said, was to be led wild throbbing" of the Voodoo "before the altar, to the she drums. 128 In this was disappointed. "Such great desire, she admitted, women,' 91 she mysteries were not for least wrote. "And foreigners, of all for business were foreign females who did not mind their apt to be sorry.' "129 own This was no idle threat, Taft assured her women in Haiti's past, who had reader, with reference to white "be sorry." indeed found themselves in a to Drawing on a narrative of the Haitian position white Frenchman, and published in Revolution written by a portrait of "bestial black Philadelphia in 1927, Taft provided a of the former slaves' soldiery" unleashed on white women in the wake victory. "The wealthy women,' 3 wrote cately nurtured and of noble Taft, "those delithey had sated their lineage, were taken by the officers, who, after criminal lust, murdered these indescribable tortures. The unhappy females with the women of the lower classes furya and passions of the black rabble. "130 were abandoned to rape of slave women by Taft almost acknowledged the describe what masters, in that she used the word these white men had done, but her "violence" to that point while emphasizing, again, description hedged on owed its black rapists. "The origins to violence, 99 she mulatto aristocracy tween white masters and black wrote, specifying "lustful relations beslavewomen; and the rageous, shameful, but secret, infinitely more outsubjection of white children-t to girls-hardly more than concupiscent young negro slaves. 9) ing) paternalist discourses, Taft called Echoing (and reinscribthis a "double macy."ISI With these heritage of illegitipassages, Taft emphasized the sexuality and violence. connection between Taft's inability to acknowledge the rape of black sistent with the dominant construction women was wholly conUnited States. "lustful relations beslavewomen; and the rageous, shameful, but secret, infinitely more outsubjection of white children-t to girls-hardly more than concupiscent young negro slaves. 9) ing) paternalist discourses, Taft called Echoing (and reinscribthis a "double macy."ISI With these heritage of illegitipassages, Taft emphasized the sexuality and violence. connection between Taft's inability to acknowledge the rape of black sistent with the dominant construction women was wholly conUnited States. Within the of rape as a racial crime in the only white dominant cultural framework that women could be the target and victim of defined rape, African American man was the that crime, while the American women had for archetypal figure for the rapist. 132 African and the violence many decades protested that cultural that it generated and justified, framework, African American women and the including both the rape of Taft's lynching of African American inability to acknowledge the rape of black men.' had a more specific anchor in that it flowed women seems to have in Haiti as a sexualized realm from the logic ofl her investment and, especially, in black sexuality. For Taft waged her battle for women as vessels of mobilizing white female sexual self-assertion stereotypes about black women. by tutes, for example, Taft asserted that Writing about Haitian prostiall the unquenchable their "dark" bodies "held the secret of passions oft torrid lands. *134 Taft sought to claim those MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 277 --- to assert her modern sexual self in "unquenchable passions" as a means In this respect, Taft's the of a bygone Victorian era. contrast to puritanism to acknowledge the shed light on other white women'srefusal narrative may rape of black women. In the yearsand months Taft's comments on lynching are also significant. wave of lynchracial violence wasin the news. A new leading up to Taft'st trip, decade. The 1934 lynching of Claude ings had taken hold earlier in the received nationwide press cOvFlorida, in particular, had Neal in Marianna, for federal antilynching legisThe NAACPhad launched its campaign that in erage. bill had been introduced in Congress, to end, lation. Indeed, a new for Haiti. 135 That year, too, a Gallup poll 1937, the very year that Taft left around the countrytse support for such legislation revealed widespread declared their opposition to the Although clear majorities of Americans occasion, in her narrative on racism embodied in lynching, Taft took vicious she had hedged on the rape of black Haiti, to hedge on that question.just: as between black and What she learned about the history of conflict women. end: "Racial and intolerance, Haitians, she turned to this prejudice mulatto United States compared to the violent, I found out, were nothing in the of Haiti bore each other." Taft undying hatred the negroes and mulattoes that in terms of "savage U.S. American racial violence, claiming dismissed home could not hold a candle" to 9 "lynchings and race riots at ferocity' violence Haitians directed against one another.' the with racial crossings as titillating fare, her Given Taft's preoccupation seems also to be linked to her her to lynching refusal to declare opposition Her reflections on interraof and of race, to assert her sexuality. use Haiti, in relation to the racial-sexual cial marriage in Haiti also seem striking "If through his virility, debates in the United States. nexus of lynching succeeded in acquiring such a rare charm, and cleverness, a Haitian man the prize lost its white American wife, immediately after marriage, prize as a retained all the glory and honor of the value, while the colored husband twist in thisinterra138 Here, she thought, was surely "the strangest Taft's capture." is it not?"189 Here and elsewhere, cial marriage tangle. , in relation to the racial-sexual cial marriage in Haiti also seem striking "If through his virility, debates in the United States. nexus of lynching succeeded in acquiring such a rare charm, and cleverness, a Haitian man the prize lost its white American wife, immediately after marriage, prize as a retained all the glory and honor of the value, while the colored husband twist in thisinterra138 Here, she thought, was surely "the strangest Taft's capture." is it not?"189 Here and elsewhere, cial marriage tangle. . Queer, out of her attempt to reckon fascination with Haiti seemed to arise in part for white of U.S. discourses on rape and lynching with the implications women's sexual selfhood. race and sexuality onto Finally, in and through the process of projecting linked her own interiority a discourse of selfhood that Haiti, Taft produced Niles, who had Haiti "mapped" in her to the foreign context of empire. Like of Voodoo "acid-etched" and like Seabrook, with terrifying images memory, sounds of a market woman's strident call echoing in his brain, Taft had the AFTERMATH --- Page 278 --- warned her reader, and "two > "Years later," she in her "sub,consciousness." lifelike and clear, within your thousand miles away, you will hear her cry, subconsciousness? 140 leave Haiti is significant in this respect. Taft's account of her decision to the relentless rhythm of > she wrote. "Maybe it was "My nerves werej jangled, that had beaten its way into my subthe nightly drumming in the hills leave she attributed to a powerconsciousness." 99141 But her final decision to She she found herself "before a pair of colossal gates. ful dream, in which slammed shut in my explained, "just before I reached them, theyinvariably late!' A chorus of voices voice chanted, "Too late! Too face. And a deep her out, Papa Legba!' : . . Then, behind the barred gates chanted, 'Keep the with my bare blanche!" But I persisted, and pounded on gates 'Accursed the closed portals, Papa Legba, the fists.. When I continued beating upon voice, 'Go away, accursed Opener of the Gates, yelled at me, in a furious And, all of send Damballa' s snakes after you!" white woman! Or I shall Papa in and out between my bare a sudden, slimy green serpents were weaving but his voice, as I gradually struglegs. Papa Legba started to shout again, tones of the market assumed the shrill, rasping gled to consciousness, the markets in the hour that just their wares, as they strode to women calling precedes day break. 142 and that Taft drew the parallel between her own experience Here again, that "vile sink of iniquity," Raymond, who left Cap-François, of Zacharias ringing in his ears, "You will with the "shrill voice" of a worn-out prostitute never forget SaincDominguetie and related discourses, Taft's narrative Responding thus to paternalism for personal, national, performed cultural work with potential implications examined in this chappolitics. Like the other narratives and international it to elaborate a racialpersonal politics insofar as helped ter, it shaped and selfhood. Taft's use of her discourse of sexuality ized psychological in these terms. Taft's sexual selfancestor's alleged diary framed her book directly and indinational politics in that it took up, assertion also engaged legislation. Taft's trip to Haiti rectly, the debate over federal antilynching both racial violence and her with a context in which to explore provided interracial sexuality. her in the culture of U.S. other narratives and international it to elaborate a racialpersonal politics insofar as helped ter, it shaped and selfhood. Taft's use of her discourse of sexuality ized psychological in these terms. Taft's sexual selfancestor's alleged diary framed her book directly and indinational politics in that it took up, assertion also engaged legislation. Taft's trip to Haiti rectly, the debate over federal antilynching both racial violence and her with a context in which to explore provided interracial sexuality. her in the culture of U.S. imperialism. Finally, Taft'snarrativel implicated between Haiti and That culture was based on the imperialist relationship framework of hierarchy the United States, and it perpetuated the cultural embodied in U.S. the relationship, now and disrespect that underpinned and Seabrook, as we have seen, control of Haitian finances. Inman, Niles, declared their even as they reinscribed the logic of imperialist paternalism MAPPING MEMORY & DESIRE --- Page 279 --- the marines' withdrawal, but "disbelief in marines. 99 Writing four years after of Haitian afStates still exercised financial supervision while the United affirmed Haiti's need for guidance. fairs, Taft implicitly politics insofar as it Taft's narrative had implications for international relation to Haiti. It helped in the culture of U.S. imperialism in U.S. ecoparticipated framework that continued to underwrite to shape the cultural ventures as well. While otherimperialist nomic control of Haitiand possibly wide audience Voodoo-Land most likely did not reach a very A Puritan in narrative received),it (certainly it did not get the attention that Seabrook'st rhetoric would the ends to which the occupation' 's illustrates, nonetheless, be taken, in the hands of an elite white woman. their return from Haiti Many of the stories U.S. Americans told upon Sir St., John resembled the stories told by Spencer between 1918 and 1938 Prichard at the turn of the twenin the previous century and by Hesketh travelers told these stories tieth. But in the 1920S and 1 930s U.S. American earlier, U.S.Americans to new ends. In 1938, asin 1918and in new waysand Haiti in terms of race, gender, and sexuality. experienced and described the primihowever, had shifted. Bycelebrating The tone of their discourses, racialized object called "the Haitian tive sexual expression of a specifically and others articulated Edna Taft, people;" s1 Blair Niles, William Seabrook, and the between the "discovery" of the unconscious some of the links of the United States,' " said Carl Van claiming of an empire. "[T]he people citizens of an empire. 145 "should be reminded that they are . Doren, this end by mapping Exotic discourses on "the black nation" accomplished called "Haiti." truth of sexuality onto the geographical space the repressed AFTERMATH --- Page 280 --- RACE, REVOLUTION, AND NATIONAL IDENTITY LANGSTON HUGHES IN HAITI Langston Hughes arrived in Haitiin the Haitian sugarcane workers spring of 1931 on a boat filled with old, with a first novel returning home from Cuba. Twenty-nine years published and a few hundred dollars Foundation grant in his pocket, from a Harmon a Hughes had what he lump sum, not a steady income. needed, but it was Besides, the Hughes had recently lost the Depression was on, and Charlotte support of his wealthy white New York Osgood Mason. "She wanted me to be patron, lem - primitive in the simple, intuitive more African than Harwrote later. "I couldn't and noble sense of the word, ' he Cleveland. be, having grown up in Kansas So that winter had left City, Chicago and said, to gather his wits.2 me ill in my soul. lump sum, not a steady income. needed, but it was Besides, the Hughes had recently lost the Depression was on, and Charlotte support of his wealthy white New York Osgood Mason. "She wanted me to be patron, lem - primitive in the simple, intuitive more African than Harwrote later. "I couldn't and noble sense of the word, ' he Cleveland. be, having grown up in Kansas So that winter had left City, Chicago and said, to gather his wits.2 me ill in my soul. " He went to Haiti, he could make "[In Haiti I began to puzzle out how a living in America from writing. *3 I, a Negro, In addition to his Harmon Award, several letters of introduction Hughes arrived in Portau-Prince with letters from "to the cultural and political elite. ' James He had associated with WeldonjJohnson, Walter White, and Arthur the NAACP. He had a letter, Spingarn, all Perhaps there is some irony in the too, from William Seabrook, fact that Haiti, in part, to sort out his Langston Hughes traveled to white relationship to the primitivism audiences, and did SO carrying a letter of demanded by Seabrook,5 Yet, Hughes noted introduction from William none. That this should turn, suggests the extent to which U.S. go unremarked, in Americans- "white" and "black"- --- Page 281 --- milieu drenched with primitive functioned at that moment in a cultural never used the letter. exoticism. In any case, Hughes Hughes sought out "voodoo Like other U.S. American visitors to Haiti, dances are not easy for for "real voodoo dances, s though he found only one, "serious in mood" and "too s His of the dance as tourists to see. description contrast to the usual sensationalist self-centered to be vulgar" provided a of the movement the solitary and ritualistic nature fare. He emphasized the richness and dancein couples. 7 But Hughes accepted "even when they writing, for that Blair Niles had attributed to Haitian peasants, in their profundity Haitians of the soil seem to remember Africa example, "the black where each man and each woman danced souls and far-off ancestral tribes for there "the companions of n8 wakes to dances, alone. Hughes preferred and sing the songs the dead person the deceased gathered to play the games he would have drunk in liked, and to eat the food and drink the drinks and he found them well was after the ways of the Haitian folk, life.' Hughes represented at such events. to the preaccount of the Haitian people responded Langston Hughes's: the Haitian situation in its intervailing racism of U.S. discourses by placing nineteenth century, the "upcontexts. Thus, he wrote that in the national that ruled badly -yet no worse than per classes developed a political caste lands. 10 In 1915, he went on, "the another ruling class in other were there many American loans, and American Marines came to Haiti to collect the white marines *11 Indeed, Hughes had been rankled by when I came. him to disembark in Port-auwho had checked his passport and permitted his return to the Prince.12 Haiti, he wrote in an article for the Crisis upon in the white fingers of unsympathetic foreigners, States, "has its hair caught sort of military dictatorship Haitian live today under a and the people free. >13 backed by. American guns. They: are not characterization of the Haitian In this light, Hughes recast the marines' without without shoes. 9 "Haiti was a land full of people peasants as "people whose feet walked the dusty roads to marshoes," " he wrote, "black people, the bare floors of hotels, serving ket in the early morning, or trod softly on and cane fields under the Barefooted ones tending the rice foreign guests. baking coffee beans, wading through mountains slopes, hot sun, climbing of the work that kept Haiti alive, boats on the blue sea. the Haitian In this light, Hughes recast the marines' without without shoes. 9 "Haiti was a land full of people peasants as "people whose feet walked the dusty roads to marshoes," " he wrote, "black people, the bare floors of hotels, serving ket in the early morning, or trod softly on and cane fields under the Barefooted ones tending the rice foreign guests. baking coffee beans, wading through mountains slopes, hot sun, climbing of the work that kept Haiti alive, boats on the blue sea. All surf to fishing loans, and enriched foreign traders, was paid the interest on American from Haiti to the without shoes." P14 He sent a sharp critique done by people magazine back in the States: New Masses, a radical political, art, and literary the occupation, coffee a fruit tree for Wall Street, a mango for "Hayti today: for its own black workers and peasants." for foreign cups, and poverty AFTERMATH --- Page 282 --- were, above all, proud Hughes, the : people without shoes" For Langston embodied in the Citadel, which he and he saw that spirit and independent, Weldon, Johnson, Hughes visited three timesi in one trip to Haiti. LikeJames massive fortress. "The with the sheer masculinity expressed by the was taken "But it is one of the lustiest ruinsin the world, Citadel is in ruins, " he wrote. with all the strength of the rearing its husky shoulders out of a mountain *16 "The fact that that went into its making more than a century ago. dreams into its making is cause for further wonderbeauty as well as strength went with wide the Citadel is majestic, graceful in every proportion, ment, for battlements, spacious staircases and noble doorways of stone, curving inner cellars, dungeons, terraces and parade chambers and a maze of intricate theme in his creative work over the 17] Hughes would return to this grounds." next decade and beyond." answer to the questions Langston Hughes found-in the Citadel-the when he had lost his pahim in the winter of 1930-31, that had plagued or turn out fake 'true' stories to tron. "I did not want to write for the pulps, bat out slick names. I did not want to non-Negro tell under anonymous other commercial writers. I short stories in competition with a thousand how about the Negro people, write seriously and as well as I knew wanted to P19 Hughes puzzled out make that kind of writing earn for me a living. and relation to the United States, and about the something significant about his "wide inner to his Americanness, as he ascended relation of his own writing of stone. " For Hughes, and "noble doorways staircases" and passed through of the Haitian Revolution other African Americans, the legacy for many would help to remake race in America. ofi race, this chapthe contextandi impact of that remaking To understand andAfrican American critiques of exoticism, ter examines: anti-imperialism, in the 1920S and 1930S. We begin responses to the discourse of paternalism contexts of interracial and institutional with some of the social, political, activism. We have seen the imanti-imperialist collaboration and antiracist both counts, and of the of the NAACP and of the liberal press on - portance efforts. Other important for antiracism, though not for interracial UNIA urban North, the contexts included the postmigration and overlapping in the United States, the internascent Haitian immigrant community radical left.20 These were among national women's movement, and the Critiques of exotic the varied sources of protest against the occupation. and institutional with some of the social, political, activism. We have seen the imanti-imperialist collaboration and antiracist both counts, and of the of the NAACP and of the liberal press on - portance efforts. Other important for antiracism, though not for interracial UNIA urban North, the contexts included the postmigration and overlapping in the United States, the internascent Haitian immigrant community radical left.20 These were among national women's movement, and the Critiques of exotic the varied sources of protest against the occupation. Such in those contexts, too, though not consistently. primitivism emerged though they were - - were also critiques s-again partial and problematic and in the popular of anthropology grounded in the academic discipline turn to folklore and folkways in the 1930S. IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 283 --- of the Depression decade proThe social and political reconfigurations the emergence of a new emvide one more set of keys to understanding Hughes wanthe Haitian Revolution of 1791-1804. Langston phasis on and brought his images of proud black dered up to the Citadel in 1931 than had James home to a very different cultural landscape masculinity and others could now build on, Johnson's WeldonJ Johnson in 1920. Hughes discussions of Haitian history and through work in new ways, unsettling, American identity. interpretations of culture, hegemonic Americans challenged prevailing conThrough such discussions, African States. Moreover, in and national identity in the United ceptions of race African American writers and artists confronting racist cultural constructs, of and sexaddressed themselves to the uses gender explicitly and implicitly In doing SO, they sometimes discourses of domination. uality in hegemonic while laychallenged - gender inequalities, reinscribed - and occasionally of race relations in the decades ing the groundwork for the transformation consideration of one such The closes with an extended to come. chapter TellMy Horse. challenge: Zora Neale Hurston's IN THE 1920S THE CONTEXTS OF ANTI-INPERIALISM the NAACPand the UNIA functioned in During the U.S. occupation of Haiti, of the Great Migration that the significance a broad context encompassed The first fifteen of national African American organizations. and the growth with tremendous social and cultural coincided years of this long occupation ofthe Marines' invasion of for African Americans. In 1915, the year thouchange Over the next five years, Haiti, the Great Migration was beginning. members who had African Americans would follow family sandsofsouthern lead the way to northern cities to escape the migrated, or would themselves to one historian, difficulties of their southern lives. According an increasing left the South in the late teens saw migration as African Americans who of American citizenship - opportunity to claim the rights and privileges Land" fell short of their black The "Promised specifically, as Americans." industrial working conditions, expectations, bringing low wages, unhealthy and overfrom skilled trades, high rents, residential segregation exclusion to the boll weevil, race riots, and a host of other problems replace crowding, sexual harassment, rape, and other sometimes disfranchisement, lynching, deadly trials of the South. 22 in urban centers and the of African Americans The concentration however, created new possibilities for strengthening of black organizations, AFTERMATH --- Page 284 --- political and cultural assertion. The civil rights the black nationalism of Marcus orientation of the NAACPand articulation of African Garvey'sUNIA would both contribute to the the Americans' desires for themselves and 19208.23 Garvey's working-class for Haiti in from the urban North. In constituency would be drawn especially black addition, the creation of an economic communities combined with white base within flourishing of African American patronage to make possible the notably Harlem and cultural expression in some urban Chicago. 284 --- political and cultural assertion. The civil rights the black nationalism of Marcus orientation of the NAACPand articulation of African Garvey'sUNIA would both contribute to the the Americans' desires for themselves and 19208.23 Garvey's working-class for Haiti in from the urban North. In constituency would be drawn especially black addition, the creation of an economic communities combined with white base within flourishing of African American patronage to make possible the notably Harlem and cultural expression in some urban Chicago. In these settings, come contexts, African together to protest U.S. actions in Haiti and Americans could cance of the Haitian situation. to reflect on the signifiWithin this urban context, particularly in New York, a community also began to take root as educated Haitian immigrant conditions of the occupation." Haitians fled the repressive From the States paign of protest against the they could mount a camand occupation in alliance with African progressive white organizations. American thus established its During the I 1920S, the Patriotic Union presence in the United States. 25 tian community The transnational Haiheadquartered in New York also drew on through the emigration of African links established tury. The American-Haitian Americans to Haiti in the previous cenBenevolent Club, scendants of those emigrants, representing the Haitian dethe of protested not the occupation as a whole deployment racist white but called for the exclusive marines to conduct the occupation. use of African American They policy in Haiti,26 troops to carry out U.S. At the same time, the base of national African strength in the North also American strengthened National organizations. In addition to the Negro Press Association and the National NAACP, the Women (NACW) also in Association of Colored administration weighed on the Haitian question.27 The responded to such protests by Harding Napoleon Marshall, as a clerk for the U.S. appointing a black man, Brenda Plummer has Legation in Port-au-Prince. As shall, isolated pointed out, Harding's action backfired when from his white superiors, "became Maroccupation. "28 He and his wife, Harriet a vocal opponent of the tians organize effective Gibbs Marshall, worked to help Haiopposition to the The international occupation. women'smovementa also provided a protest against the occupation, crucial context for national particularly through its intersection activism of African American with the Women (ICW) had been women. The International Council of around the founded in 888 in order to unite world in a common effort on behalf women from special attention to issues of human welfare, with leaderofthewhite affecting women. 30 Frances Willard, charismatic "woman movement," ' leading butinconstants white ally to RACE, REVOLUTION, & NATIONAL IDENTITY --- Page 285 --- had served as the international organization's African American women, founded in 18g6, was probably first reprefirst chairperson. The NACW, when Mary Church international congress of the ICW in 1904, sented at an 32 In 1920 members of the NACW seekTerrell attended the Berlin congress. affairs and to influence U.S. ing to take a more active role in international Council of and the Caribbean joined the International policy in Africa and its affiliated white women's organizaWomen. 33 Racism within the ICW Mary the racist treatment of NACW representatives, tions, and specifically in Paris, led the NACW Talbert and Dr. Mary F. Waring, at the 1920 congress Races. 34 Council of Women ofthe Darker to found the International of the Darker Races met in Council of Women In 1922 the International from North America, Africa, Asia, Washington, D.C., with representatives set forth the organiincluding Haiti. 35 The convention and the Caribbean, the economic, social, and zation's statement of purpose, having "asits object "36The council elected welfare of the women of all the darker races.' T. Washpolitical (widow of Booker officers, including Margaret M. 0 congress Races. 34 Council of Women ofthe Darker to found the International of the Darker Races met in Council of Women In 1922 the International from North America, Africa, Asia, Washington, D.C., with representatives set forth the organiincluding Haiti. 35 The convention and the Caribbean, the economic, social, and zation's statement of purpose, having "asits object "36The council elected welfare of the women of all the darker races.' T. Washpolitical (widow of Booker officers, including Margaret M. Washington As Cynthia and Addie W. Hunton as first vice president. ington) as president activity for the remainder of Neverdon-Morton has noted, "the principal and children in Haiti. of the status ofwomen 1922 was to be an investigation women there; her trip was partially Emily Williams was sent to Haiti to study was submitted to the general body financed by the Council, and her report D.C., in August of convention,' 19 which met again in Washington, at the 1923 that year. 37 women's movement, the Women's Another branch of the international founded in 1915, International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), and interracial work against the occupation would both foster significant audience for its views. In 1925 Haitian find a larger and more influential that WILPF undertake an investigamembers of that organization requested interracial delegation with tion of the occupation." 38 WILPF put together an from the International from its own U.S. section as well as representatives the Darker Races, and several other organizations. Council of Women of section led the delegation. It also Emily Greene Balch of WILPF's U.S. International Council of Addie Hunton, now president of the included of the NACW, and CharWomen of the Darker Races and vice president and high school African American clubwoman lotte Atwood, a prominent of Chicago professors were D.C. Two University teacher from Washington, at the School Zonia Baber, a white woman who taught geography included: member, and Paul H. Douglas, who was of Education, who was also a WILPF Douglas, a white man, was a in the field ofi findustrial relations. an economist Committee of the Society of Friends, and a member of the Foreign Service AFTERMATH --- Page 286 --- would later become a U.S. socialist -though not advertised as such-and Harold) Watson of Pennsylvania represented senator. Finally, Grace (Mrs.J. 39 In Februa Christian peace organization." the Fellowship of Reconciliation, observe and evaluate U.S. traveled to Haiti to ary 1926 this delegation rule there. findings and recommendations, Occupied Haiti, the report of the group's of issues, including Greene Balch, covered a wide array edited by Emily order, civil liberty, education, finances, land tenure, racial relations, public existed in all and freedom of the press. 40 Specific problems public health, ' Balch declared on be- "even more than they anticipated," these areas, yet found the problem in Haiti to consist half of the whole delegation, "they but in the fundamental fact of instances of misused power, not in individual 141 "There has been for some time a the armed occupation of the country." and in this regard, she as- * Balch concluded, drift towards imperialism, 99 U.S. officials, Balch serted, < our actionsi in Haiti are perhaps most flagrant." themselves" and "to accept Haitians "to subordinate charged, were training 42 "The determining element in the military control as the supreme law.' makes Amerion force, [which] situation, 7 wrote Balch, "is that it rests the Haitians that still prize independence can rule deeply repugnant to all maintain. 943 have suffered SO much to win and that they Balch drew on the discursive framework of Like James Weldon Johnson, As the editor of WILPF's case against the occupation. most flagrant." themselves" and "to accept Haitians "to subordinate charged, were training 42 "The determining element in the military control as the supreme law.' makes Amerion force, [which] situation, 7 wrote Balch, "is that it rests the Haitians that still prize independence can rule deeply repugnant to all maintain. 943 have suffered SO much to win and that they Balch drew on the discursive framework of Like James Weldon Johnson, As the editor of WILPF's case against the occupation. paternalism to present for the volume, a quote from Occupied Haiti, she chose, as an epigraph Revolution. "No commuFisher's True History of the American Sidney George circumfrom others : . by any strong nity of people, naturally separated remains a colony. 97 He had stances, 1 Fisher had asserted, "ever willingly that seeks indethat some members of every community gone on to specify in the dominant trend. Quoting pendence will, however, fail to participate faction in Haiti. to the pro-American Fisher, Balch drew an implicit parallel as 71 she quoted him as saying, "just "There will always be a loyalist party, individuals who prefer to live in there will always be a certain number of 44 The houses, and do not want a family. lodgings, or in other people's of the American Revolution, metaphor of the family, as well as the memory The of Haireader's mind dearly held values. majority served to call to the - would never prefer to tians-those who still prized their independence do want a family, houses, as Fisher had put it; they live in other people's headed by Uncle Sam. 45 Balch seemed to be insisting, and not a family one interinternational women's movement provided Ifthe (interracial) left another. This the radical provided nationalist alternative to paternalism, conservative political overlooked because, in the relatively has often been IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 287 --- advertise themselves as atmosphere of the 1920S, radicals did not always 46 Emily liberals who in radical organizations. such, nor did participated subtitled WILPF's important volGreene Balch, for example, very carefully Committee of Six disinterested Haiti, "Being the report of the ume, Occupied exclusively American, who, having organizations Americans representing favor the restoration of the studied conditions in Haiti in 1926, of this personally 947 The political expediency Independence of the Negro Republic. in the jinis clear enough, particularly characterization of the delegation mention the fact that the context of the 1920S. Balch opted not to goistic associatedwith the Socialist Party's liberal Paul H. Douglas was, for example, on sixty college Socialist Society (ISS), which had chapters have Intercollegiate Pointing this out would hardly and university campuses by 1923. she desired, and did in fact helped to secure for Balch the personal meeting well have provided a President Calvin Coolidge: 48 Yet, the ISS may have, with perspectives on U.S. foreign significant vehicle for cultivating oppositional included others who were outpolicy. In addition to Douglas, ISS members Baldwin of the of Haiti, such as Roger spoken in opposition to occupation then editor of the American Civil Liberties Union, Freda Kirchwey, the and Paxton Hibben." Nation, Lewis Gannett, then known as the Workers The American Communist Party (CP-USA), its tracks in order systematic in covering (Communist) Party, was famously For this on capitalism and imperialism. to promote critical perspectives historians continue to minimize reason, and perhaps for other reasons, too, the Yet its role in domestic opposition to occupation. aldwin of the of Haiti, such as Roger spoken in opposition to occupation then editor of the American Civil Liberties Union, Freda Kirchwey, the and Paxton Hibben." Nation, Lewis Gannett, then known as the Workers The American Communist Party (CP-USA), its tracks in order systematic in covering (Communist) Party, was famously For this on capitalism and imperialism. to promote critical perspectives historians continue to minimize reason, and perhaps for other reasons, too, the Yet its role in domestic opposition to occupation. or ignore altogether role in antioccupation protests in the Communist Party played a significant the 1920S. of uniting all revolutionary working-class The party called for a "program with the National Liberamovements in the home countries of imperialism countries. 50 "In colonial and semi-colonial tion struggles in the oppressed Department" recalled a leader in the party's Anti-Imperialist our case, for Puerto Rico, liquidation of from the 1920S, that meant "independence withdrawal of U.S. forces from Haiti Naval base in Cuba, the Guantanamo in Latin Republic and an end to all U.S. exploitation and the Dominican Wealso called for a free China. 51 America and the Philippine islands. Department practices, the Anti-Imperialist In keeping with regular party 19 which was not nominally functioned largely through a "front organization, knownas Manuel with the Communists. Charles Phillips, who was front associated a section of the Communist Gomez in the 1920S, first established League (LigaAntiorganization, known as the All-America Anti-Imperialist Later that year he estabde las Americas) in Mexico in 1925-1 imperialista AFTERMATH --- Page 288 --- He found a handful of radicals at the lished the U.S. section in Chicago. service, who gave the league Chicago Bureau of the Federated Press news fund the league's acChicago liberal" to publicitya He found a "wealthy against U.S. which consisted primarily of putting out "propaganda" tivities, 54 The league also secured the imperialism in the Caribbean and elsewhere. Morss Lovett of the Univerof William Pickens of the NAACP, Robert and support Baldwin, Freda Kirchwey, and other liberals sity of Chicago, Roger a banquet to honor Philradicals. 55 The Haitian Patriotic Union organized League in of the All-America AntiImperialist lips, alias Gomez, as secretary September 1928.9 Department and its better Besides the activities of the Anti-Imperialist League, the Commupartner, the Anti-Imperialist known "pro-communist" literature to promote critconferences and generated nist Party sponsored in Haiti and elsewhere. Party member, Joseph ical discussion of imperialism for example, coauthored the Freeman and party sympathizer Scott Nearing, American Imperialism, volume, Dollar Diplomacy: A Study of important 1927 Nearing, together with Philips and sevwith a substantial focus on Haiti. attended the 1927 Conference eral other members and sympathizers, also in Brussels, organized by Colonial Oppression and Imperialism against the party:. 58 out against the occupation, some Other radical organizations also spoke such as the American Ne- "front" organizations, founded as pro-Communist of for Negro Rights), (later called the League Struggle gro Labor Congress Lovett The New writer, Fort-Whiteman." headed by former Messenger published his comments on Masses, the magazine where Langston Hughes which shared quarters the occupation, was also a Communist organization, New York in The League, after it moved to 1927.T with the Anti-Imperialist antiracist account of Press would publish, in 1934, an important of Vanguard Given the centrality of the Communist critique the Haitian Revolution. of for Negro Rights), (later called the League Struggle gro Labor Congress Lovett The New writer, Fort-Whiteman." headed by former Messenger published his comments on Masses, the magazine where Langston Hughes which shared quarters the occupation, was also a Communist organization, New York in The League, after it moved to 1927.T with the Anti-Imperialist antiracist account of Press would publish, in 1934, an important of Vanguard Given the centrality of the Communist critique the Haitian Revolution. it is not that African in the work of the party, surprising U.S. imperialism learned about the 1929Aux Cayes American newspapers: across the countryl by the CP-USA. massacre from a press release sent out immediately anti-imperialist protest in To be sure, there were other contexts shaping crucial role throughout the The African.American press played a the 1920S. drew attention to the connections bedecade. The Pan-African movement and U.S. actions in Haiti. Protestant tween European colonialism in Africa on the occupation. 62 missionaries continued to provide critical commentary out against Welfare Association of the United States spoke The Catholic network of American-owned plantations the U.S. attempt to establish "a will be turned into peons and day through which Haitian small farm owners IDENTITY RACE, REVOLUTION, & NATIONAL --- Page 289 --- reviewed the record of the Senate laborers.' 63 Two dozen prominent lawyers violated "traditional and declared in one voice that the occupation and inquiry tenet of fair equal international law . every American principles nations, and . . American profesdealing between independent sovereign good faith. *64 sions ofinternational U.S. AMERICANS AND THE STRUGGLE WHITE AGAINST RACISM IN THE 1930S known what to think about the If in 1920 Samuel Guy Inman had just the issues had between black Haiti and white America, by 1930 relationship Inman had earned two In that ten-year period, become more complicated. and the other from Texas Christian graduate degrees, one from Columbia in the Caribbean about U.S. imperialism University, and had read widely WILPF's account of Haiti but and in Latin America. He had read not only an Black Haiti had made quite impresalso William Seabrook's. Blair Niles's He had observed the Vandercook's. Black Majesty" sion on him, as had John and had followed the progress of Harlem Renaissance with great interest Africa to South Africa." He Congresses from Europe to West Pan-African himselfin several inter-American conhad both organized and participated for Latin American and ferences and had gained a new measure of respect Caribbean peoples. domination but also the asInman opposed not only military By 1930 in which he had himself participated SO thorsumption of white superiority, in his mind, the biggest question oughly ten years earlier. By that time, what path that nation U.S. relations with Haiti was neither relevant to Haiti from dragging white men down, should follow, nor how to prevent of his racial superiority the white man can eliminate some but "whether complex. 67 to Haiti in a new book, Trailing the Retelling the story of his 1918 trip He still recalled having Conquistadores, Inman's emphasis had clearly shifted. but now he disturbed by the sight of Haitian men and women dancing, been which he had found most explained that the "nude" dance performance, 68 He still had been "staged by one of our fellow-countrymen. disturbing, marveled at the contrast between but now he saw the peasants as primitive, of modernist appreciation. When primitive and modern with a distinct note Massacre River, he now had needed to cross the he and his companion bothersome trappings of civilirecalled, "ten husky Haitians, stripped of the yelling, their shoulders and slipping and sliding, zation, hoisted the car on AFTERMATH --- Page 290 --- shore. nude" dance performance, 68 He still had been "staged by one of our fellow-countrymen. disturbing, marveled at the contrast between but now he saw the peasants as primitive, of modernist appreciation. When primitive and modern with a distinct note Massacre River, he now had needed to cross the he and his companion bothersome trappings of civilirecalled, "ten husky Haitians, stripped of the yelling, their shoulders and slipping and sliding, zation, hoisted the car on AFTERMATH --- Page 290 --- shore. Such a mixture of and laughing, finally made the opposite 69 "Darkest cursing Africa' one could not have imagined." modern and of 'darkest marks, while the "high stanAfrica" " had come into qualifying quotation before had now become of life" Inman had held SO dear ten years dards "bothersome trappings. 70 for the primiInman's newfound appreciation As this retelling suggests, and assumptions. Yet, it tive enabled him to reevaluate his racial perspective discourses. Indeed, left him still moving within the grooves of exoticizing in new ways, even as seemed to become invested in those discourses Inman on them. Thus, knowing the formuhe tried to develop a critical perspective on Haiti with an incanof U.S. narratives, he began his chapter of laic patterns Haitil, " followed by a scene tation, "Drums, shadows, forests, mystery-H lead-in to a series of quesand dancing. The scene served as a drumming Ignorance? Inferiority? tions framed by cultural relativism. "Superstition? swift hard blows, such indewhites to drive out, with Challenge to superior the distance he had traveled, and his cent sorcery?" And his answer marked "As long as the white hopes for effective cross-cultural communication. other and revelries, his prejudiceagainst man, who has his own superstition force and teach the Negro his races, goes to Haiti to destroy Voodoo by the Negro. >71 the white man will fail with inferior place, sO long he attributed to other white men, In contrast to the racist superstition drummer in this primitive scene, found himself identifying with the Inman which he did SO illuminate his newinvestmentin and the gendered terms on of this supposed What is striking about Inman's description Rather than primitivism. in the forest is that the actors are male. Voodoo ceremony and women, Inman now told a the relations between men emphasizing > In the course of their revelstory about a drummer and "his companions. who respond to to "see" a "long line of African girls ries, these men get with movements oft theirarms, their every emotion invoked by the drummer told readers of his new their hips. 72 Through this process, Inman feet, "received into themselves the volume, the drummer and his companions 73 Here, then, was a and "the strength of the bull.' wisdom of the serpents" land. Here was a drumnewly configured story about gender in a primitive "heart and Inman felt he could respond. Indeed, he wrote, beat to which whose heart and whose body begin answering to the rhythm," not specifying with and Haitian men virility body responded SO readily.? 74 Vesting primitive himself from what Blair masculine dignity, Inman was now eager to distance "omniscience in the matter of civilization. Niles had called the drummer in other ways as well. He Inman attributed masculinity to for liberty, the drum with the history of the Haitian struggle associated IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 291 --- Majesty. And if the drum was a alive for him when he read Black which came scene, it was nothing less than a in one figure for primitive masculinity slaves who "came from noble technology in another. One of many brilliant > Inman told his readers, was Mackenin Africa torule, families, accustomed into the forest, and the drums began to dal (sic). "One day he disappeared To the the drums only messages to the slaves. planters wireless mysterious be allowed to satisfy their craving for announced a dance; the Africans must another meeting . alive for him when he read Black which came scene, it was nothing less than a in one figure for primitive masculinity slaves who "came from noble technology in another. One of many brilliant > Inman told his readers, was Mackenin Africa torule, families, accustomed into the forest, and the drums began to dal (sic). "One day he disappeared To the the drums only messages to the slaves. planters wireless mysterious be allowed to satisfy their craving for announced a dance; the Africans must another meeting . and rhythm. To the slaves, however, the drums meant Christophe, 99 moredreams of freedom. >75 "Toussaint, Dessalines, renewed the drums, ? and all were strong native leaders. over, all "listened to the message he saw in Samuel Guy Inman hoped to underline positive to shift his readof Christophe, but he also sought Vandercook' 's biography Haitian leaders. He drew attention ers' attitudes toward contemporary lawyers, and devoted literary men, international to Haiti's "distinguished he wrote, "has much real talent and leaders. This small cultured class, work, he noted, "Their character." As if to comment on his own earlier underLatin rather than Anglo-Saxon, are easily morals and culture, being reader, life Nordic. * But, he assured his "Family estimated by a provincial Ameribeautiful.' " Inman rejected commonplace among them is often most of their treatment of the peasof the Haitian elite in terms can judgments rich land owner and the peasants are often ants. "Relations between the conditions not found on the surface. found to contain praiseworthy for Christianity and Christian uplift, While Inman still saw in Haiti a need its association that Haiti would find what it needed through he now believed rather than from white missionaries. with other people of African heritage from the world problem of Haiti cannot be considered apart "The problem were, he saw, "de7) he insisted. People of African heritage of the Negro, The Pan African movement, the West Afriveloping a world consciousness. National Association for the Adand South African conferences, the can the Union Patriotique d'Haiti, vancement of Colored People in America, for Federation of movement in Jamaica, and the movement the Garvey the most important signs. Inman British West Indies Negroes, are among racial abuses" as program of protest against hailed the NAACP's "aggressive of Haiti. He also linked this growing well as its assistance to the people of the Harlem with the artistic achievements "political self consciousness" found himself and his people Renaissance. "The Negro,' " he declared, "has in possession of the power to create. 79 had been particularly Moreover, while this "awakening of the Negro" Americans War," that same period found white noticeable since the World new chapter on Haiti Thus, Inman rounded out his in a state of affliction. AFTERMATH --- Page 292 --- Emerson warns us, 9 he wrote, that "we are with a diagnosis. "Dr. Haven human beings in peace as the as unbearable for creating . conditions trenches during the World War. Much conditions which existed in front-line fear, which is induced in of mind and nerve today is due to of the wreckage by the sudden realization by depression, no small degree by unemployment, living that there is no place for them of working for their of people capable *80 In contrast, as Inman now saw, Haiti in this vaunted modern civilization.' from eyes too blind to see that full of where God lurks, hidden was "spaces which does not move. 81 Samuel Guy Inman when they were It is possible that Guy Endore knew Columbia in the early 1920S, Endore as an eager undergraduate both at student, a lecturer, and an with radical views, Inman as an older graduate Ameractivist. Inman would soon publish "Imperialistic outspoken peace in Haiti and elsewhere, in the critique of U.S. policy ica," an important and make his living as a translaAtlantic Monthly: 82 Endore would graduate after the stock market and novelist in New York. 81 Samuel Guy Inman when they were It is possible that Guy Endore knew Columbia in the early 1920S, Endore as an eager undergraduate both at student, a lecturer, and an with radical views, Inman as an older graduate Ameractivist. Inman would soon publish "Imperialistic outspoken peace in Haiti and elsewhere, in the critique of U.S. policy ica," an important and make his living as a translaAtlantic Monthly: 82 Endore would graduate after the stock market and novelist in New York. Sometime several tor, biographer, working for Endore landed in Hollywood as a screenwriter crash, be blacklisted for his connection to the major studios. (He would later that he wrote Babouk. Communist Party It was in this context historical novel Press brought out Guy Endore's! In 1934, the Vanguard leader of Saint Domingue (called about Boukman, the early revolutionary the book' 's title). Like by the fictional name "Babouk," which also provides of Africa and Haiti Endore called attention to the prevailing images Inman, "Who has not read a hundred stories, seen a dozen against which he wrote: A thousand authors have plays, of the dreadful tomtom of the savages[P] the terror of the jungle. blathered of the dreadful tomtom of the blacks, of the shiversin a cozy room to read of darkj jungle sorcery, How one'ss spine it is the white man's drum, backed by black man's cruel witchcraft. . But the globe. 84 By calling by and cannon, that has girdled lash and chain, gun in exotic discourses, and by attention to the fictional vilification of blacks Endore levthat fiction with the violent reality of imperialism, contrasting States for its actions in Haiti. At the same eled harsh criticism at the United the sexual emphasis of time, his narrative call for revolution replicated earlier exotic discourses. in Haiti, the anthropologist Melville More subtly critical of U.S. actions white of the exoticism that SO pervaded Herskovits offered a direct critique Haiti in with a scholarly expediscussions of Haiti. Having traveled to 1934 Herskovits was in a dition from Columbia and Northwestern Universities, when, in 1935, yet the tradition of exoticism good position to challenge entitled Voodoo Fire in Haiti.ss another travel narrative appeared, this one IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 293 --- Alfred A. Knopf solicited from Seeing Herskovits's s review of the travelogue, Haitian theme, and the treatment of the the anthropologist a book-length volume, Life in a Haitian Valley, resulted. litera1937 directly challenged much of the sensational Herkocinsethnologe that he to : The of the Haitian" attempted ture on Haiti to date. picture that "of a man going about his draw for his readers was, at least in part, to carefashion. 987 Herskovits also sought provide affairs in a matter-of-fact influences in Haitian culture. In ful elaboration of African and European he pointed those who associated Haiti with sexual immorality, response to of the Créoles and other Europeans" to the influence of "the sex customs equally Haitian magic practices crucial sources. 88 Similarly, he traced as 89 Thus, Herskovits found in Haiti evidence to European as to African roots. and Africa. He suggested, moreof cultural retentions from both Europe Americans as well as of that this was in all likelihood true of African over, Haitians. critique, Herskovits reOn the other hand, despite his impassioned culture. those who associated Haiti with sexual immorality, response to of the Créoles and other Europeans" to the influence of "the sex customs equally Haitian magic practices crucial sources. 88 Similarly, he traced as 89 Thus, Herskovits found in Haiti evidence to European as to African roots. and Africa. He suggested, moreof cultural retentions from both Europe Americans as well as of that this was in all likelihood true of African over, Haitians. critique, Herskovits reOn the other hand, despite his impassioned culture. His analysis inscribed the idea of an inherent instability in Haitian and Haiti's dual cultural inheritance from Europe not only emphasized ambivalence between the two, which Africa but also posited an inherent > Where Langston Hughes structured the Haitian "personality." supposedly conflict as the heart of Haiti's problem, identified imperialism and class waged within conflict" that was "being Herskovits found a psychological an "absence of society." " He identified, for example, the frame of Haitian revealed "the anatomy of this inner graphic and plastic arts"i in Haiti, which that the traditions, since it is important to recognize suppression conflict of tradition would seem to have lost to of these forms of the prevalent. African of inner tensions caused outlet for the resolution the Haitian an important by pent-up drives. *90 the Haitian, it must be recogHerskovits concluded that, "[a]s regards have never been elements in his civilization nized that the two ancestral smoothly functioning life is completely merged. As a result, his outwardly in order to make inner conflict, SO that he has to raise his defenses full of combination of differing within the historical and cultural his adjustment civilization. 91 Ironically, this attribution of modes of life that constitute his ambivalence," mirrored the "socialized psychological conflict, an ingrained Wise, who called into quesdiscourses of William Seabrook and Frederick the of and, in that connection, insisted on instability tion Haiti's paternity that Herskovits rejected, Like the discourses of exoticism Haitian identity" of social and economic condisplaced relations power-s his own analysis realm.3 flict -onto a recently discovered psychological AFTERMATH --- Page 294 --- discourse of exoticism came from the folklorist Another challenge to the on Haiti in 1939, at the Courlander, who published his first book Harold Courlander tried to here. In HaitiSinging, end of the period I am examining with assisthe subtleties and tangent ways of Haitian thinking" "understand friends. 94 He presented Vodou not as a primitance from a host of Haitian formalized and sophisticated tive and violent set of rites, but as "a highly both less and more toward life,' 1 which he considered to be at once attitude " Courlander sought 95 Far from reducing Haiti to "Voodoo, than a religion." which Vodou related to diverse aspects of of the ways in an understanding all that goes on in Haiti, but this is the "This is not Haitian experience: this that men slave all day else, " he wrote. "Itis for reason for everything of a rich foreigner, for twenty in dusty lime pits, or perhapsi in the cane fields Robert Beale Davis, A.J. the discourse of cents a day. 96 Finally, challenging is a thing of the family. others, Courlander insisted that Vodou Burks, and the differences that how did Haiti Singing resonate in 1939? Despite Yet, at the same time it underscored stereoset it apart from exoticizing texts, and naturally happy, having notions of blacks as closer to nature, Courtypic could not. reason for everything of a rich foreigner, for twenty in dusty lime pits, or perhapsi in the cane fields Robert Beale Davis, A.J. the discourse of cents a day. 96 Finally, challenging is a thing of the family. others, Courlander insisted that Vodou Burks, and the differences that how did Haiti Singing resonate in 1939? Despite Yet, at the same time it underscored stereoset it apart from exoticizing texts, and naturally happy, having notions of blacks as closer to nature, Courtypic could not. Like Blair Niles's Black Haiti, special access to joy as whites within cultural defisensitive work was caught prevailing lander'ssometimes: tried to shift those definitions. nitions of race, even as it book entitled Uncle Bouqui of Haiti, His next book on Haiti, a children's Based on the the crucial matter of context in starker terms.7 demonstrated and Malice, the sharp trickster, in some Haitian folk tales about Bouki of Jean Price-Mars's Courlander's Uncle Bouqui resembled parts respects, American context, Uncle Bouqui preAinsi parla V'oncle. 98 Yet, in the U.S. the central comic familiar stereotype of a big stupid black man as sented a between Haiti Singing and Uncle Bouqui, figure in the stories. The contrast to avoid falling into insofar as one works hard trying then, is startling, into them. while the other tumbles headlong Enreceived stereotypes, evaluation of the work of Inman, The complexities attending any themes suggests the imporHerskovits, and Courlander on Haitian dore, racial ideology. These white authors tance of context for understanding and, to some extent, shifted the grappled with race in ways that challenged by the cultural context At the same time, they were produced the status quo. in different ways, were that bolstered the status quo. So too, though American writers to whom we turn next. African "white writers" and will now go on to Although I have been discussing that instances of "black writers," it would be misleading to suggest discuss according to the racial U.S. attention to Haiti could be neatly categorized out of this each writer or artist who contributed to the playing identity of IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 295 --- white and black authors, artists, pubcultural fascination. On the contrary, in in complex ways negotiations lishers, actors, and audiences participated but related discourses on in diverse over racial identity as they participated influenced William SeaWeldon Johnson was proud to have Haiti. James version of Babouk. Orson Welles brook. Black actors presented a dramatic White publishers "black" version of Macbeth, set in Haiti." directed a Zora Neale Hurston, and Raybrought out the work of Langston Hughes, dean asked the African ford Logan. And, as we shall see, a white college by burning a author Arna Bontemps to renounce racial politics American Nandercooksbeoseling Black Majesty.' book written by a white man,John tothe national andinternaBearing in mind this complexity, let us turn now turned to the Haitian contexts in which African American writers tional Revolution and its leaders in the 1930S. HISTORY AND A WORLD IN CRISIS HAITIAN of the Haitian Revolution was transBetween 1920 and 1940, the legacy Americans' increased conformed. It shifted, first, as a result of African result of the social the occupation and, second, as a tact with Haiti during how African Americans' changes of the Depression years. But to understand the national context Haiti we must look not only to relationship to changed, between Haitians and U.S. or to the bilateral relationship of the Depression, contexts of the radical left and the Americans, but also to the international and other African movement. of the Haitian Revolution was transBetween 1920 and 1940, the legacy Americans' increased conformed. It shifted, first, as a result of African result of the social the occupation and, second, as a tact with Haiti during how African Americans' changes of the Depression years. But to understand the national context Haiti we must look not only to relationship to changed, between Haitians and U.S. or to the bilateral relationship of the Depression, contexts of the radical left and the Americans, but also to the international and other African movement. For what Johnson, Du Bois, Pan-African the teens and twenties, a pair of Trinidadians, George Americans began in along with dozens of other Padmore and C. L. R. James, carried forward, in the Caribbean, of African heritage in the United States, men and women and elsewhere. his return from Haiti,James Weldon, Johnson Addressing the NAACPafter of African Americans in 1920. Henri Christophe to the attention brought of that many African AmeriHe also noted the disparaging view Christophe snobs -laughing at Haiti had held up to that time: "We, too, have been cans as true the lies that have been because we knew no better - simply taking at Christophe's many of us have not laughed told about her. . How ridicule with a respectful and hecourt?"101 Johnson now countered such court, of the black king. No longer laughing at Christophe's roic portrait in the struggle to establish a black Johnson lauded Christophe's leadership for that nation. He appealed to nation, and in the attainment of prosperity the new portrait he Americans to revise their view of Christophe; African AFTERMATH --- Page 296 --- black man. In the context of fAmerican racism, suggested was that of a strong black manhood embodin light ofthe racist attacks against and particularly assertion of race pride. But, for all ied in lynching, this was a significant American Renaissance, the cultural ferment of the African the literaryand history byl black writers. Where little attention to Haitian 1920S saw relatively discussions of Christophe, on it existed, it usually focused, like Johnson's would shift dramatically of an individual leader.' 102 This emphasis the stature that decade to link this black hero with the in the 1930S. It would remain for revolution he led. consider, first, the social context in To understand this shift, let us and how that context Americans reflected on Haitian history, AmeriwhichAfrican. The majority of African changed with the onset of the Depression. economic hardship, and the 1920S already suffered from severe cans in survived on annual income indeed a significant part of the U.S. population time, the considthe official poverty line of $2,000.. At the same levels below echelons of the economy created the erable wealth of those in the upper attention focused away from impression of nationwide prosperity and kept affected black as This bifurcation in the social structure social problems. in cities where African American artwell as white communities, particularly both African American benefited from the interest of wealthy patrons, ists and poor African Americans and white. In those same cities, working-class movement than to in Garvey'sl back-to-Africa were more likely to participate like the NAACP. civil rights organization put their faith in an interracial context for African American The onset of the Depression shifted the the United States. While in cultural expression and political participation African American the financial means available to support many of reducing following the Great Crash 1929 writers and artists, the social changes and for the articulation of for social criticism opened up new possibilities writers. race and class consciousness by black U.S. -class movement than to in Garvey'sl back-to-Africa were more likely to participate like the NAACP. civil rights organization put their faith in an interracial context for African American The onset of the Depression shifted the the United States. While in cultural expression and political participation African American the financial means available to support many of reducing following the Great Crash 1929 writers and artists, the social changes and for the articulation of for social criticism opened up new possibilities writers. race and class consciousness by black U.S. Americans to join the As the Great Depression caused SO many more up also for and disaffected, new possibilities opened ranks of the struggling levels. Ultimately, the work of interracial alliances on local and national and the economic in alliance with African Americans white Communists Deal, however limited they were, both opportunities opened up by the New Americans with on the part of African contributed to rising expectations with whites. 103 According to respect to the benefits of political association New Deal to such rising Weiss, the contributions of the historian Nancy, J increases in African American voter parexpectations led to substantial civic and political leagues where of black ticipation and to the founding before. work of interracial alliances on local and national and the economic in alliance with African Americans white Communists Deal, however limited they were, both opportunities opened up by the New Americans with on the part of African contributed to rising expectations with whites. 103 According to respect to the benefits of political association New Deal to such rising Weiss, the contributions of the historian Nancy, J increases in African American voter parexpectations led to substantial civic and political leagues where of black ticipation and to the founding before. 104 none existed IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 297 --- American attention to Haitian history expanded In this context, African but also, simultaneously, the reflect not only the assertion of race pride to In 1930, for example, Harriet Gibbs possibility of revolutionary change. would write a history of Haiti for Marshall, the wife of Napoleon Marshall, that they may know the inpeople, focusing on the Revolution, "[so] masses young victories that enabled the unlettered spiring details and thrilling their independence from their shores, to proclaim to drive the foreigners America, Haiti spoke to *105 Thus, in Depression and establish a Republic." black citizens in ways that were newly compelling. and artists of the 1930S other African American writers Not surprisingly, heritage of the Haitian Revolution joined Marshall in passing on the proud Hughes and of Haitian history and culture. Langston and the rich treasure author, Arna Bontemps, focused his friend and fellow Harlem Renaissance and Fifina, and separately together, in a children'st book called Popo on Haiti to focus his scholarly and novels.' 106 Rayford Logan began in poems, plays, 107 Jacob Lawrence usedi images oft the attention on Haiti and Haitian history.' and (Figure Revolution and of the Citadel in murals paintings Haitian Lavinia Williams studied Haitian dance, Katherine Dunham and re29).1 Haitian folklore. 109 Sculptor Augusta Savage and Zora Neale Hurston, fascination with the masculinity ofthe men's sponded to Africa.American which she called La Citadelle Citadel with a feminine image of freedom, either to took of New Deal arts projects (Figure 30).110 Others advantage audiences. Haitian themes to African.American: study Haiti or to present and C. L. R. James turned their At the same time, George Padmore of the Communist Party, attention to Haiti. Padmore, an active member when he left there disenfrom the Soviet Union until 1935, did SO mostly interested in aligning themselves with chanted because the Communists, seemed to be watering in to fascism, now England and France opposition Padmore went to of Western imperialism and racism."1 down their critiques support for Ethiopia, in London, where he worked with James organizing had invasion of that nation.' 112 By this time, James the wake of the Italian Haitian Revolution and had writresearch on the history of the done some L'Ouverture.18H By 1938 he would ten a play based on the story of Toussaint The Black Jacobins." 114 In his "grand narrative" of the Revolution, model for complete Farred has out,, James found a Haitian history, as Grant pointed and periphery, revolution in which white and black, metropolis popular a world in crisis.' 115 could come together to put right figure in London, Paul found another key international The early 1930S considerable fame in connection with his Robeson. Robeson had met with would return to the of The Emperor Jones. 116 In 1933 he stage performances AFTERMATH --- Page 298 --- Figure 29. Jacob Laurence, "General image #20 from the Toussaint Toussaint L Ouverture, ) screnprint based Jacob Laturence and the Francine: LOwurturs series. Courtesy of the estate on Seders Gallery: print, of Spradling Ames. found another key international The early 1930S considerable fame in connection with his Robeson. Robeson had met with would return to the of The Emperor Jones. 116 In 1933 he stage performances AFTERMATH --- Page 298 --- Figure 29. Jacob Laurence, "General image #20 from the Toussaint Toussaint L Ouverture, ) screnprint based Jacob Laturence and the Francine: LOwurturs series. Courtesy of the estate on Seders Gallery: print, of Spradling Ames. --- Page 299 --- dom Figure 30. Augusta Savage, La Citadelle Freedom, bronze sculpture, 14' in. (h). Howard University Gallery ofArt, Washington, D.C. States for the film version, with Jones Beach, Long Island, standing in for the Caribbean coast. By that time he and James were acquainted, and soon Robeson would come to know Padmore, who would do a stint as an amateur performer, alongside Robeson, in a play called Stevedore. 117 By the early 1930S Robeson was moving toward a more radical stance, although publicly he defended his artistic decision to make the film version of O'Neill's play."1s With Paul Robeson in London, C. L. R. James pursued his research on AFTERMATH --- Page 300 --- and the Haitian Revolution against a background Toussaint L'Ouverture of Haitian history. James would formed in part by O'Neill's representation the Revolution United States in 1938, and his work on Haitian come to the African Americans. But the connecwould be greeted with excitement by discourses on Haiti had and U.S.American tion between, James'sradicalism: been established already- overseas. RACE AND REVOLUTION themselves in the project of African Americans were engaged Meanwhile, In books for young readers, Haiti's history and reputation. rehabilitating Hughes, and Arna Bontemps responded Harriet Gibbs Marshall, Langston Haiti an alterU.S. discourses on by providing to the exoticism of prevailing Harriet Gibbs Marshall wrote: "the native. Introducing The Story of Haiti, in the the privilege of a lengthy sojourn writer, with a real sense of dutyafter the young people of all of Haiti, presents this story to give little Republic nations, a concise and correct history lands and especially English-speaking of the Haitian people. 119 Foreof the struggles and laudable achievements attainment of freedom those achievements was the successful most among struggle. A large portion of the book from slavery through revolutionary Marshall emphasized the the and within that focus, focused on Revolution, leadership of Toussaint L'Ouverture. Marshall chaladdressing the discourse of exoticism, Without explicitly Toussaint. His success lay not only in lenged it through her portrait of in war by superior she wrote: "Though vanquished having led a revolution, for all time what a slave his life was a success in that he demonstrated a power, and left to the coming generation and black man could accomplish, of Toussaint's life was also sublime.' 120 For Marshall, the success her heritage life: "He married Suzanne Simon and adopted evident in his domestic directed by a devoted husband Placide. His [Toussaint's] home life, son, father, seemed to be nearly ideal. >121 and affectionate discourses on Haiti was the effects of sensational This attempt to reverse book coauthored by Langston evident too in Popo and. Fifina, the children's discourse of as Challenging the paternalism Hughes and Arna Bontemps. story emphasized host ofwhite writers, Hughes and Bontemps'ss laid out bya family and in Haitian history. Chalfigures in the Haitian strong paternal untamed sexuality, the notion that Haiti embodied a threatening, lenging context. the story was set in a solid nuclear-family and his sister) follows the about a Haitian boy Popo and Fifina (ostensibly: IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, 's discourse of as Challenging the paternalism Hughes and Arna Bontemps. story emphasized host ofwhite writers, Hughes and Bontemps'ss laid out bya family and in Haitian history. Chalfigures in the Haitian strong paternal untamed sexuality, the notion that Haiti embodied a threatening, lenging context. the story was set in a solid nuclear-family and his sister) follows the about a Haitian boy Popo and Fifina (ostensibly: IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 301 --- of his culture and the history of his adventures of Popo as he learns the ways Haîtien) because his moves with his family to Cape Haiti (Cap people. Popo "had grown tired of the life of their parents, who had been peasant farmers, become a fisherman, while hillside. 122 In town, Popo's father could the lonely home and visit the market. Popo notes preshis mother could tend the on the American factory, at ence ofl U.S. marines in the town, and comments to learn he would not like to work. 123 In time, Popo begins which, he is sure, to his uncle (a carpenter) that a trade, and it is during his apprenticeship of Haitian history: the proud and the reader learn the central lesson the Popo Citadel, which protected heritage of Henri Christophe and the great freedom of the Haitian people. 124 hard-won racial pride, and revolutionary possibility The themes of black manhood, African American in these works for young readers also pervaded evident decade. In addidirected to adults in the Depression cultural expression contradictory themes aption, two other closely linked though apparently intended for adult auin many of the novels, plays, and histories toward whites; peared expression of violence diences. One was the unprecedented and alliance. Taken tothe of interracial respect the other, expectation arrival of a new stage in the history of gether, these themes marked the contestations over U.S. American national identity. slave one based on an American The historical novels of Arna Bontemps, about the Haitian Revoluby the Haitian Revolution and one revolt inspired themes of violence and interracial alliance, tion itself, brought together the racial pride, and revolutionary as well as the emphasis on black manhood, crucial roles as the accounts, white allies play possibility. In Bontemps's themselves and claim their freecentral black figures in each novel assert Bontemps's novels to do so) through violent revolution. dom (or attempt vision of the nation, while prereconstructed a nonracial Enlightenment and imposProsser and Toussaint L'Ouverture as powerful senting Gabriel ing black leaders. came to write about the Haitian The path by which Arna Bontemps culillustrates the way) in which exposure to Haitian historyand Revolution American radicalism in the 1930S. to the matrix of African ture contributed Bontemps began to learn about A central figure in the Harlem Renaissance, after the When he lost his teaching position Haitian history vin that context. where he managed his family and moved to Alabama, Crash, he packed up Adventist college. 125 Bontemps a teaching position at a small to secure fellow Harlem writer Langston Hughes. When kept up his friendship with with the idea for Popo and Fifina, the Hughes returned from Haiti in 1931 AFTERMATH --- Page 302 --- learning about Haiti from two set out to coauthor the little book, Bontemps much of the writing himself.' 126 Hughes and doing Alabama, nine young black That same year, in the town of Scottsboro, The Scottsboro trial, accused of raping two white women. ontemps a teaching position at a small to secure fellow Harlem writer Langston Hughes. When kept up his friendship with with the idea for Popo and Fifina, the Hughes returned from Haiti in 1931 AFTERMATH --- Page 302 --- learning about Haiti from two set out to coauthor the little book, Bontemps much of the writing himself.' 126 Hughes and doing Alabama, nine young black That same year, in the town of Scottsboro, The Scottsboro trial, accused of raping two white women. men were unjustly: "Communists and agitators," which was held in nearby Decatur, brought to the area; it was in Bontemps' 's vocal friend, Langston Hughes, "a including that Bontemps demonstrate this context that the college dean suggested and in the world" by burning his "race-conscious clean break with unrest 's Black Majesty. 127 Bontemps not provocative" books, including Vandercook'; decided it was best to leave the refused to burn any books but also only college as quickly as possible. about a novel based on Bontemps had begun to think writing Meanwhile, in the United States. He had been the slave revolts that had been attempted where he had had the by reading slave narratives at Fisk University, S. inspired other friends from his Harlem years: Charles opportunity to visit three Schomburg. 129 AfterthebookJohnson,James' Weldon, Johnson, and Arthur Watts, California, Bontemps and his family headed to burning request, Black Thunder. he began to compose where, in cramped quarters, Prosser revolt in Virginia in 1800, A fictionalized account of the Gabriel the model and inspirathe Haitian Revolution as Black Thunder presented to the Enlightenmenti ideals tion for revolt in this country. Bontempslooked: Toussaint L'Ouverture in as carried forth by of the French Revolution, relations in the American basis on which to establish race Haiti, for a new several black figures who led or particicontext. While the novel focused on several white Jacobin in the revolt, it also treated with importance pated for the slaves. characters who expressed sympathy linked Arnold has pointed out, Bontemps As literary critic Rampersad of the slaves by highlighting tradition with the struggles the radical Jacobin Revolution. In this way, he expressed "his the importance of the Haitian at how blacks for radicalism, and his growing outrage deepening respect from time immemorial in the United were treated and had been treated African Ameri- *130 Black Thunder met with enormous success among States. Richard Wright, who hailed the novel and reviewers, including can readers tradition.' 131 for its presentation of a black revolutionary historical novel, this one Several years later, Bontemps published another Black Thunder had sugdirectly with the Haitian Revolution. While in dealing allies and Western intellectual traditions gested the importance of white This novel preDrums at Dusk placed these at center stage. from time immemorial in the United were treated and had been treated African Ameri- *130 Black Thunder met with enormous success among States. Richard Wright, who hailed the novel and reviewers, including can readers tradition.' 131 for its presentation of a black revolutionary historical novel, this one Several years later, Bontemps published another Black Thunder had sugdirectly with the Haitian Revolution. While in dealing allies and Western intellectual traditions gested the importance of white This novel preDrums at Dusk placed these at center stage. slave revolts, of the blacks, as an important but secondary sented Toussaint, the leader IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 303 --- character; the central figure in Drums was the white man and a member of the Amis fictional Diron Desautels, a slave revolution.' 132 At des Noirs, who actively assisted the crowd one point, the novel finds Diron of whites in the midst of a attempting to escape from the begins. Diron breaks blacksjust after the away from the crowd in uprising alone" and "take his chances order to "meet the slaves as an individual." "133 In seems to be an extended discourse many respects, Drums liances in the midst on the possibilities for interracial alofrevolutionarys struggle. If Bontemps suggested the possibility of liances with whites, he also productive and liberating alwhite emphasized some of the most brutal oppression. In particular, aspects of which white Bontemps drew attention to the extent to power was expressed through Drums at Dush, sexuality and sexual violence. In immediately after the slave encounters her master's uprising begins, one young female cousin and in a hallway as she is representative, the Count de Sacy, abandoning her and she is relentless in her household duties. They begin to brawl He eventually attacks, biting and scratching with all her leaves, beaten, exhausted, and she might. ment. Toussaint arrives at the rests on the floor a mothe look of one who had scene and, seeing her, is alarmed. "She had been ravished; but when Toussaint tioningly, she quickly corrected him. It wasn't what squinted quesLater on, de Sacy, he thought. "134 having been run off his cousin's escaped onlyl by disguising himself as a black plantation, having an attempt to maintain a sense of his man, rapes a mulatto woman in the rape, de Sacyis caught, and his disintegrating power.' 135 Shortly after are you doing?" the captors, in a sense, rape him too. 46 'What count cried, feeling the clothes downward. Just torn from his waist inserting a little gun a count felt himself torn powder,' slave replied. . The apart by crude implements modate the charge. A moment later, devised to help accomto protest. "136 fainting away, he ceased to struggle or In Bontemps'st telling, the struggle for and the white slave power between the revolting slaves owners was waged, at least in part, in sexuality. In response to the terms ofs gender and killed de Sacy but depredations of slavery, the slaves not deprived him of his manhood only Bontemps's description of this violent precisely as they did SO. scenes in Black Thunder, action, along with similarly violent American cultural indicated the arrival of a new phase in African would expression, a phase in which the Haitian facilitate the Revolution unprecedented representation of black violence against whites to extent. an As in Bontemps's novels, other the Haitian Revolution 1930S African American discourses on juxtaposed fierce, sometimes violent, expressions of AFTERMATH him of his manhood only Bontemps's description of this violent precisely as they did SO. scenes in Black Thunder, action, along with similarly violent American cultural indicated the arrival of a new phase in African would expression, a phase in which the Haitian facilitate the Revolution unprecedented representation of black violence against whites to extent. an As in Bontemps's novels, other the Haitian Revolution 1930S African American discourses on juxtaposed fierce, sometimes violent, expressions of AFTERMATH --- Page 304 --- white allies who served the cause of black race pride with stories about of the by which African was indicative process freedom. This juxtaposition of a new national political American writersb began to imagine the possibility reached out to in the United States. As white Communists community class solidarity, and as white Democrats blacks with a vision of interracial through economic opporthe cause of racial justice appeared to champion vision of African American life. No tunity, black artists fashioned a new life in an Garveyite vision, this new vision projected longer a separatist cooperation and, at the same time, the America characterized byi interracial The Haitian assertion of African American race pride. uncompromising for elaborating this vision. Revolution offered a useful point of departure FEDERAL THEATRE of with respect If the New Deal contributed to a politics rising expectations for African in the United States, it also provided material support to life who would articulate new ways of imagining American writers and artists its several branches, the the national community. Through and creating funded black writers, painters, actors, dancWorks Progress Administration would focus attention on Haiti. One ers, and other artists, many of whom was a history of the oft the Federal Writers Project, for example, undertaking New York. of the project influence of the Haitian Revolution on Employees the myriad historical materials in order to show researched a variety of forms of that influence.' 137 with several "Negro" Federal Theatre Project, founded in 1935, The and one in Los. Angeles, provided numerous units, including one in Harlem the relevance of Haifor African American artists to consider Federal opportunities lives. One of the most successful of all tian themes for their own Harlem unit's Macbeth. Directed Theatre productions was undoubtedly the Macbeth, " the play was set Orson Welles and informally dubbed "Voodoo by Haiti.' 138 in nineteenth-century) called Black Empire, which Los was a play One of the Angeles productions reign as king of Haiti. Black focused on the final days of Henri Christophe's would on race pride in which a French spy Empirewasan unabashed polemic "I came his mission and confess to a dying Christophe: eventually abandon brave Henri! I leave your unhappy empire to rob and ridicule a negro, my fare on the Haitian Revoman. *139 Other dramatic paying tribute to a great Theatre and from smaller, local lution and its leaders, from the Federal Endore), Opener of included Babouk (based on the novel by Guy theaters, & NATIONAL IDENTITY RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 305 --- Dessalines, Christophe, Christophe's Daughter, King Doors, Toussaint L'Ouverture, Drums of Haiti and Trouand Genifrede, as well as Langston Hughes's Henry, Black Majesty. 140 bled Islandand C. L. R., James's further the ways in which called simply Haiti, illustrates Another play, reflected changing struggles over representations of the Haitian Revolution The play, whose national identity between 1915 and 1940. U.S. American almost this entire period, was written long and unexpected career spanned named William Dubois. Christophe's Daughter, King Doors, Toussaint L'Ouverture, Drums of Haiti and Trouand Genifrede, as well as Langston Hughes's Henry, Black Majesty. 140 bled Islandand C. L. R., James's further the ways in which called simply Haiti, illustrates Another play, reflected changing struggles over representations of the Haitian Revolution The play, whose national identity between 1915 and 1940. U.S. American almost this entire period, was written long and unexpected career spanned named William Dubois. Set in 1917bya white southern newspaper reporter drama was a morality play in the final years of the Revolution, Dubois's a class of mulatto of miscegenation. By creating about the grave dangers in colonial Saint Domingue had freedmen, Dubois believed, the French and bloody downfall.11 brought on their own tragic between one French officer and The story revolved around a romance and as the play unfolds it This wife and lover is Odette, the wife ofanother. she is not white. What is becomes clear that Odette is not as she appears; -her fatheri is a spy -for the French, and for the intended audience worse When Odette realizes her true identity, in for Christophe and Toussaint. impulses and betrays both Dubois' 's original version, she follonsheratavisticl French leading to the utter defeat of the army." husband and lover, to have read Dubois' S script with It was not until 1937 that anyone seems Clark, the AfricanAmeriit. The man who did was Maurice an eye to staging Project's Harlem unit. Needless to say, can director of the Federal Theatre the audience for which the Clark's audience would contrast sharply with was now a reintended. Clark sat down with Dubois (who play had been described how he wanted to revise the porter for the New York Times) and disturbed by the Dubois, though he was considerably play for production. insisting only. -in deference to his revisions, agreed to them all, Clark proposed black and white hands could touch on stage. original theme - that no agreed to that condition."3 Theatre in Harlem on the time Haiti hit the stage of the Lafayette By transformed. No longer a play about the March 2, 1938, it had been utterly of the black struggle demise of the French, it was now: a dramatization Odette tragic discovered racial identity, the revised for freedom. True to her newly By the end of the evening, assists Christophe and his black troops. proudly the for the final scene of revolutionary most of the cast crowded onto stage Haiticouldl boast the of the audience. That night, triumph, much to delight eight curtain calls.' 144 the curtain to register its approval of Neither did the audience wait for than 100 nights to On that night, and for more theaction on stage. opening whites on stage. And as saw blacks beating up follow, Harlem theatergoers AFTERMATH --- Page 306 --- their fists Rex Ingram and Canada Lee-brought the actors the strapping audience could be heard encouraging down on the whites, voices from the "Man, that'sit, that's action: "Give him a lick for me!" "Hit him again!" the reviewer noted that, when the Revolution it!"145 On opening night, one 146 That same the audience burst into "deep-throated applause." the dismay triumphs, when the curtain rose, black and white actors, to night, however, bows, eight times over, side by side, and took their of the original playwright, hand in hand.1"7 these scenes reenacted over the next Over 72,000 people came to see then went on to Chicago, New York alone.148 The play four months-in with the Federal Theatre Project's Cleveland, and Hartford. Revolution it!"145 On opening night, one 146 That same the audience burst into "deep-throated applause." the dismay triumphs, when the curtain rose, black and white actors, to night, however, bows, eight times over, side by side, and took their of the original playwright, hand in hand.1"7 these scenes reenacted over the next Over 72,000 people came to see then went on to Chicago, New York alone.148 The play four months-in with the Federal Theatre Project's Cleveland, and Hartford. In keeping this play's headlines tradition of using the stage as a "living newspaper,' interracial collaborain different ways, both the possibility for announced, of African and growing race consciousness tion and the frustration, anger, Americansin the 1930S. were sure to draw fire, and funded by federal tax money, Such headlines, Parnell Thomas, a member of the House draw fire they did. Congressman, J called the Dies Committee for its Un-American Activities Committee (then Haiti and two other Texas Democrat Martin Dies), picked out first chair, "un-American activity" of the New Federal Theatre plays as evidence of the had "communistic Haiti, according toJ. Parnell Thomas, Deal arts project. Theatre Project was "one more link leanings" and showed that the Federal machine. 149 Not more than New Deal propaganda in the vast unparalleled the Federal Theatre Project was brought a few months after the play closed, that led, ultimately, to the before the Dies Committee for a series of hearings down of the entire project, coast to coast. 150 we closing about the play called Haiti? How might So, what was "un-American" conceptions of American namake sense of this conflict over competing Haiti? in relation to a drama of revolutionary tional identity, expressed been an Revolution, like the American Revolution, Hadn't the Haitian And hadn't the Haitians anticolonial struggle for national independence? do SO, even at the cost as Americans had fought to fought to end slavery,j just of antiwhite their Union asunder? It was the bold representation of splitting for those appointed to ferret out violence that marked the play as a target Here was a challenge the"un-American" in American cultural expression. whiteness and American identity, a challenge to the association between and articulated by African Americans couched in terms of Haitian history, assistance from the governmenti itself. with financial was indicative of imporand reception of Haitiin 1938 The production history and culture for African Ameritant changes in the uses of Haitian IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 307 --- African Americans could express in the While, in the 1920S, cans 1930s. individual figures like Christophe, portraits of powerful race pride through Revolution would facilitate the decade, the Haitian during the Depression and for from whites. In that articulation of black demands for rights respect indeed challenge American discourses on Haiti did sense, 1930S African 99 for they were discourses on Amerihegemonic conceptions of "America, the racial status quo. As we identity that sought to undermine can national often contended with questions of genhave seen, African American writers this challenge. with varying results - as they articulated der and sexualityNEALE HURSTON's GODS AND HORSES ZORA U.S. discourses on Haiti and Zora Neale Hurston's challenge to prevailing directly the Notably, Hurston refused to criticize "America" stood apart. of Haiti. Hurston's involved in the U.S. occupation racism and exploitation Tell My Horse, also played right anthropological study of Haiti and Jamaica, white themes of exotic primitivism evident in popular into the prevailing decade. On the other hand, Hurston discourses on Haiti over the previous that underlay Ameripresented a subtle critique of the gendered ideology of literary white writing about, Haiti. Zora Neale Hurston's challenge to prevailing directly the Notably, Hurston refused to criticize "America" stood apart. of Haiti. Hurston's involved in the U.S. occupation racism and exploitation Tell My Horse, also played right anthropological study of Haiti and Jamaica, white themes of exotic primitivism evident in popular into the prevailing decade. On the other hand, Hurston discourses on Haiti over the previous that underlay Ameripresented a subtle critique of the gendered ideology of literary white writing about, Haiti. Through a variety can action in, and sheappeared to reinscribe. In Hurston challenged the very) meanings turns, number of the assumptions underlying white the process, she laid bare a identity. 151 black discussions of race and U.S. national and readers, as it was lost on the This subtlety was undoubtedly lost on many vindication for his own author, William Seabrook, who sought sensational his autobiography in the early exotic discourses in Tell My Horse. Writing Herskovits had cast on the Seabrook recalled the doubt that Melville interval 1940S, 19 Seabrook wrote, "that in the veracity of The Magic Island. "I hope,' a little while after his, has chanced to read a book, published he [Herskovits] Hurston. 152 "It was a lucky break for me that entitled TellMy Horse, by Zora to doubt, contained ethnologist has presumed her book, which no sea-level verification of the scenes and page after page, the complete circumstantial was indeed the key I'd described in mine. 153 "Circumstantial" ceremonies evaluation of Hurston'swork. word in Seabrook'se stories about of "Voodoo and Life in Haiti" presented Hurston's study shrouded in language that made it hard to zombies and Voodoo ceremonies had said to the "fact" or lore. It was as ifshe knowwhether: she was reporting exoticl"154 exotic? I'll give you something reader, "You want something and gloried in what he Herskovits's critique While Seabrook regretted AFTERMATH --- Page 308 --- of his own work, neither Life in a Haitian took to be Hurston's vindication be characterized have seen) nor TellMy Horse could ultimately Valley (as we confirmation of Seabrook' 's sensational simply by its apparent rejection or the themesin meditations on prevailing claims. Both works offered complex on the relevance and discussions of Haiti; both also commented American and American culture. of those themes for Americans implications framework within which Hurston presented Two points concerning the the complexity of her study will be especially important for understanding moment in which to the historical and cultural her text and its relationship conscious of the white audience she wrote. Both suggest that Hurston was dedicated the book to Carl Van that would receive her work. First, Hurston s The fascination that whom she called "God's image of a friend.' Vechten, and promoter of Harlem Renaissance Van Vechten, a leading white patron of the primitive felt for African Americans grew from his perception writers, became clear in his controversial 1926 novel nature of the black race. This Van Vechten after the Nigger Heaven. 155 While many Harlemites rejected the clubs he had freand kept him out of some of novel's publication readmittance to his favorite quented for several years, he finally gained her of Jamaica arm. 156 By dedicating study night spot - on Zora Hurston's announced her awareness of Hurston implicitly and Haiti to Van Vechten, structure her text. the white audience that would, in part, from which Hurston of that aspect of Vodou Second, an examination have directed the book drew her title suggests that on one level Hurston may itself) as (or that, she believed, perceived to an audience that she perceived that the book may have than Hurston. years, he finally gained her of Jamaica arm. 156 By dedicating study night spot - on Zora Hurston's announced her awareness of Hurston implicitly and Haiti to Van Vechten, structure her text. the white audience that would, in part, from which Hurston of that aspect of Vodou Second, an examination have directed the book drew her title suggests that on one level Hurston may itself) as (or that, she believed, perceived to an audience that she perceived that the book may have than Hurston. Moreover, it appears that more powerful kind of back talk against the authority of constituted for Hurston a formulaic utterance of a Haitian Hurston took her title from the audience. characteristic is the audacity of his Guedé, whose primary god, or loa, Papa that is, those he possesses his "mounts" or" "horses". back talk. Through beginning always with the words, Guedé talks back brazenly to the powerful, "Tell my horse . 157 voice of Guedé, this phrase serves When not deriving from the authentic take on in order to speak a voice one may as a mask enabling self-expression, 158 Hurston explained, "You can one's mind under the guise of possession." who now and then in the domestic servant see him in the market-women, by this god who takes occasion to before her employer'mounted of the comappears to the boss. s Guedé is "the deification say many stinging things 159 The elites don't worship Guedé, ' Hurston told her readers. mon people, the most likely of his targets. though they fear him, because they are among revelations, * Hur- "horse" by Guedé makes "devastating When a possessed IDENTITY 28g & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 309 --- dras' (Guedé is not a "the common comment is 'Guedé pas ston explains, It seems to be his mission to expose sheet), that is, Guedé coversup1 nothing. then, ready to loose reveal. 160 Guedé speaks with a sharp tongue, and official, as the occasion gossip, about a boss or a government damaging demands. and for the common people of Haiti, SO Whereas Guedé speaks through and inequalities with themselves on the unfairness that they may express of Haiti seem to speak through which they contend, the common people of Guedé, in the title, Tell ethnology, beginning with the words Hurston's to Hurston, Guedé "covers up My Horse. Moreover, whereas, according quite a lot, evenas title may cover up s Guedé'swords in Hurston's nothing, subversive voice in her text. At the very least, Hurston's theyreveal a critical, for it raises the question: the complexity of her own utterance, title suggests follows the words "Tell my horse"? whose voice isit that Hurston's title, it is especially connection with the issues raised by In which al human being is interesting to consider the one and only instancein of a Guedé mount Guedé in Hurston's study. "A tragic case possessed by Hurston. "A woman known to be a happened near Pont Beudet,' wrote announced through her 'mounted' one afternoon. The spirit Lesbian was to stop making love Tell my horsel Ihave told this woman repeatedly mouth, to it. Tell my horse that this woman to women. It is a vile thing and I object but each twice that she would never do such a thing again, promised me as soon as she could find a woman time she has broken her word to me for the last time. possessed by Hurston. "A woman known to be a happened near Pont Beudet,' wrote announced through her 'mounted' one afternoon. The spirit Lesbian was to stop making love Tell my horsel Ihave told this woman repeatedly mouth, to it. Tell my horse that this woman to women. It is a vile thing and I object but each twice that she would never do such a thing again, promised me as soon as she could find a woman time she has broken her word to me for the last time. But she has made love to women suitable for her purpose. Tell horse to tell that woman I am She has lied to Guedé for the last time. my 1 and The woman pranced her today. She will not lie again." going to kill tree, climbed it far upa among the top galloped like a horse to a great mango 161 Hurston's account bears a limbs and dived off and broke her neck. Haitian woman who was resemblance to another story involving a striking in the 1920S. The woman, a manbo (priestliving in the Dominican Republic male loa - Ogou, the warrior -by another ess) who was a lesbian, angered instead.' 162 (Anthropologist Karen neglecting him and giving gifts to women with military power in Brown explains that Ogou is associated McCarthy of 1915-34. she points out, provided Haitian history. The U.S. occupation the handsome of and betrayal" by additional material for stories promise violent. ") In this and "wantonly soldier who could also be "untrustworthy" between a male the story told by Hurston, the struggle manbo 's story, as in death. 163 horse ended in the woman's loa and his unresponsive together, it is as if, through her voice, Reading Hurston's title and story a male god who "Tell my horse it is futile to defy openly Guedé is saying: AFTERMATH --- Page 310 --- obedience.' 1 Or, like the market women who feign requires allegiance and that futility? In any case, Tell My is it Hurston herself suggesting only possession, the dictates of exoticism and paternalism; Horse openly conforms to and trickthrough multiple voices, storytelling, subtly: and under cover, only or themes of white does it challenge the dominant tropes ster strategies, discourses on Haiti. let us consider Hurof the textual framework I have suggested, In light of the U.S. military occupaston's stance with respect to the righteousness Haiti. On the most obvious tion, ended three years before Hurston's trip to defense of the forits enthusiastic and emphatic level, Telll My Horseis striking "For four hundred years occupation. Consider, for example, the following: them and it of Haiti had yearned for peace : . . but it eluded the blacks could have foretold it was to come to vanished from their hands. A prophet unlike the Haitian from another land and another people utterly them rendering of a peasant ' Or consider this fictional people in any respect." invasion: "One black peasant woman fell response to the coming American like a crucifix and cried, They her knees with her arms outstretched The man is SO upon is to rule Haiti again. black say that the white man coming come!"" Or: "The smoke from the cruel to his own, let the white man naval vessels that carried funnels of the U.S.S. Washington [one of the U.S. *164 Contrast black with a white hope. the marines to Haiti] was a plume Haiti under the U.S. occupaHughes's description of these with Langston bore a greater resemcharacterizations of the occupation tion. Hurston's marines themselves, in contrast to written by blance to the descriptions those of Hughes or James Weldon, Johnson. Or: "The smoke from the cruel to his own, let the white man naval vessels that carried funnels of the U.S.S. Washington [one of the U.S. *164 Contrast black with a white hope. the marines to Haiti] was a plume Haiti under the U.S. occupaHughes's description of these with Langston bore a greater resemcharacterizations of the occupation tion. Hurston's marines themselves, in contrast to written by blance to the descriptions those of Hughes or James Weldon, Johnson. American efforts on behalf of Hurston was certainly aware of African Stenio condemning Haitian president Haiti, as she indicates in a passage he "announces himself as Vincent lies outright, she writes, when Vincent. He knows that the N.A.A.C.P., The Nation the Second Deliverer of Haiti. deal more to do with the withother organizations had a great and certain did and much more than they are given drawal of the Marines than Vincent credit was in that Hurston thought credit for." While this passage suggests in the next for bringing an end to the occupation, fact due to these groups wanted the Marines to go. 165 breath, she asserts that "nobody To dismiss such bold statethese passages? How are we to understand would be absurd. Yet some mentsin retrospective support of the occupation Hurston within the text are worth noting. On one hand, contradictions be saved from itself by a people, namely Americans, asserts that Haitiwould On the other, she repeatedly with whom they had nothing in common. both have populations of similarities between the two countries: mentions IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 311 --- both have had, as she put it, black folk who want food, shelter, and clothing; bloodshed at the wind bags" for race leaders; both experience not been, "empty crime, which cannot be, or has hands of some form of organized who publicly condemn of the law; both harbor hypocrites stopped by agents Voodoo in the other) but privately support something (whiskey in one case, national differences in small ways, throughout the text, it;and SO on.Thusi are diminished. consider statements made by Hurston in Another similarity emergesi if we Americans, in which her collection of the folklore of African Mules and Men, with whites.' 167 Literary discusses the role of the trickster in interactions she explanation of this draws our attention to Hurston's critic Barbara, Johnson behind our tactics: The white man practice.' 168 Hurston writes, "The theory business. All right, I'll set someis always trying to know into someone else's with and handle. 1 *169 In outside the door of my mind for him to play "the thing "the habit of lying." which she calls Tell My Horse Hurston discusses American." 19 She shows that in Haiti to a visiting most striking phenomenon between the lies of the rich and the it takes many forms and distinguishes as when, "under the the The lies of the rich are transparent, lies of peasants. class Haitian will tell you that sound of the Voodoo drums, the upper written very Voodoo in Haiti, and that all that has been there is no such thing as of 170 The Haitian but the malicious lies foreigners. about it is nothing be TiMalice, the sharp hand, "often fancies himselftol peasant, on theother P171 In Haiti, then, as in the United States, trickster of Haitian folklore. the tricksterand tell tales African.Americans, according to Hurston, play to white audiences, that is. will tell you that sound of the Voodoo drums, the upper written very Voodoo in Haiti, and that all that has been there is no such thing as of 170 The Haitian but the malicious lies foreigners. about it is nothing be TiMalice, the sharp hand, "often fancies himselftol peasant, on theother P171 In Haiti, then, as in the United States, trickster of Haitian folklore. the tricksterand tell tales African.Americans, according to Hurston, play to white audiences, that is. United States return again and similarities between Haiti and the The Hurston's characterization of the again, like subversive eruptions, defying in any respect. 172 At unlike the Haitian people American people as "utterly Hurston's minor anecdotes appear to undermine other points in the text, in mind the figure of the trickBearing stated position on the occupation. devoted to Île de la tidbits, taken from a chapter ster, consider the following her desire "to see the KingGonave. Hurston introduces these by describing Island had Seabrook in his Magic dom of Faustin Wirkus," ' because "William >173 It's hard to with his account of the White King. fired my imagination believe this is not tongue-in-check. that was possessed by Papa Hurston related the story of a stone First, human beings.) As we explains that loa do not only possess Guedé. (She his mounts, talks back Guedéi is a special god, one who, through know, Papa This famous stone "had SO much power," Huraudaciously to the powerful. that it be clothed "that it urinated." " Papa Guedé insisted ston explained, AFTERMATH --- Page 312 --- the stone. Hurston goes on: "One of and SO his devotees put a little dress on Whitney saw it. It was a the American officers of the Occupation named attached to he wanted it for himself. The Haitian guard curious idol and urinate and not to put it on his desk Whitney'sstation told him that it would he found his desk of warning and on several occasions but he did SO in spite the port of La incident took place at Anse-à-Galets, wet.' 174 The second Hurston hears of the Garde d'Haiti was stationed. Gonave, where a sergeant must be "a black Marine. He in English and remarks that he him swearing black Marine. I like one always. responds by announcing, "I am a speak 175 would like me to kill something for you. Perhaps you voices in these anecdotes suggests the possibility The tricksterlike play of of the occupasupport for paternalist justifications that Hurston'sapparent textual evidence should not be taken to tion masked a deeper critique. This of radical in reactionary garb. mean that Hurston was "really" some sort and her was evidenced in many other contexts, Hurston's conservatism discourses had an effect on the surface collusion with exotic and paternalist historians and construction of race in the 1930S, whatever subtlety cultural literary critics now find in her work. textual rumithe complexity of Hurston's At the same time, recognizing insight into the comHaiti, and on the U.S.role there, provides nations on and its cultural aftermath affected plicated ways in which the occupation for example, in the United States. One New York newspaper, racial politics Haiti: "After eleven months in the dark reported on Hurston's return from chants, drinking the blood chanting voodoo jungles back of Portau-Prince, of the African with descendants of the sacrificial goat and worshipping Miss Hurston returns a believer slaveswhose people were bred in the Congo, female intellectual black 176 If the idea of an accomplished in voodooism.' white readers, the reporter allayed might have seemed threatening to some from Barnard, the books such fears, by noting that, "Despite her degree which she has any the Columbia and Guggenheim Fellowships she has written, 177 By helping to generate won, Miss Hurston is a happy-go-lucky pagan. of Portau-Prince, of the African with descendants of the sacrificial goat and worshipping Miss Hurston returns a believer slaveswhose people were bred in the Congo, female intellectual black 176 If the idea of an accomplished in voodooism.' white readers, the reporter allayed might have seemed threatening to some from Barnard, the books such fears, by noting that, "Despite her degree which she has any the Columbia and Guggenheim Fellowships she has written, 177 By helping to generate won, Miss Hurston is a happy-go-lucky pagan. to inexotic, 19 American activity in Haiti led increased interest in "the who, like Zora Neale Hurston, creased white interest in African Americans for Hurexotic. If that interest created opportunities could also be seen as limited severely and were, at the ston or for others, those opportunities were new forms of U.S. as they revised and perpetuated same time, damaging, American racism. could articulate, in however muted Seizing such opportunities, Hurston that no one else put forth. The a form, a challenge to hegemonic discourses form, become evident as we limits of that challenge, even in its muted IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, , creased white interest in African Americans for Hurexotic. If that interest created opportunities could also be seen as limited severely and were, at the ston or for others, those opportunities were new forms of U.S. as they revised and perpetuated same time, damaging, American racism. could articulate, in however muted Seizing such opportunities, Hurston that no one else put forth. The a form, a challenge to hegemonic discourses form, become evident as we limits of that challenge, even in its muted IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 313 --- further examine Hurston's manifested in her reflections on gender and national identity, as and between-the-lines critique of the discourse of paternalism. paternity TellMy Horse opens with a consideration of another Afro-Caribbean paternity and in context. Her first illegitimacy maica, about which she chapter finds Hurston in Jacomments, with maica is the land where a rooster characteristic Hurston flair, "Jashe lays an egg. *178 Hurston is struck perceives as the desire of SO many, by what English. " "Sometimesi it is Jamaicans to be white and to "look SO far-fetched, 99 she of that line from 'Of Thee I writes, "that one is reminded 'She is the Sing,' where the French Ambassador illegitimate daughter of the boasts, nephew of the great illegitimate son of the Napoleon. "In 97 she illegitimate stitute the word Jamaica," continues, "just subEnglishman for Napoleon and you this context, Hurston have the situation. "179 In suggests that the of try effaces the very existence of black glorification white paternal ancescan is born of a black mothers; she writes, "When a Jamaimotheri is woman and some English or literally and figuratively Scotsman, the black one is allowed to kept out of sight as far as possible, but no forget that white father, however stances of birth. You hear about 'My father questionable the circumfather who was English this and my father that, and you know,' until you the my she had no mother. You get impression that he or do not get the impression that these virile require women to reproduce. *180 One Englishmen to the discourse of aspect of Hurston's challenge paternalism, and its more course of paternity, this specific variation, the disthe black passage suggests, is the explicit mother, and of the "maternal" reintroduction of about Caribbean identities. heritage of Africa, into discourses Caribbean island, Although writing at this point about a different tional Hurston thus opens the book with a stance with hint at her respect to the question of cultural opposiwith a much more extended paternity; she closes Toward the consideration of the issue. end of TellMy Horse, Hurston an American living in the town of Pont devotes a chapter to Dr. Reser, Reser, who had been Beudet, not far from a Port-au-Prince. a pharmacist'smate) in the U.S. doctor, was nowan officer of the Navy, but never actually wonder, in a book about stateinsane: asylum there. Why, we readers Jamaica and Haiti, do we come chapter devoted to an American across an entire suggests, that "Aj piece about ex-military man? Could it be, as Hurston flavor?"18I I doubt Haitiwithout Doctor Reser would be lacking in anyone getting to this the "flavor." 77 There is point in Tell My Horse would miss more toit. Dr. Reser, I argue, provided Hurston late her with a device with which to challenge to the discourse of articupaternity and paternalism. Through AFTERMATH Haiti, do we come chapter devoted to an American across an entire suggests, that "Aj piece about ex-military man? Could it be, as Hurston flavor?"18I I doubt Haitiwithout Doctor Reser would be lacking in anyone getting to this the "flavor." 77 There is point in Tell My Horse would miss more toit. Dr. Reser, I argue, provided Hurston late her with a device with which to challenge to the discourse of articupaternity and paternalism. Through AFTERMATH --- Page 314 --- Hurston refused the logic that saw Haiti as her extended discussion of Reser, American stable identity, one that required a paternal a nation without a bare the gender dimensions of At the same time, Hurston lay presence. that logic. Vodou 182 According to HurDr. Reser, it turns out, is a houngan, a priest.' in who want to write a book about Haiti, upon arriving ston, mostAmericans Reser, get a few stories, and return home the country, simply pay a visit to Dr. that she does not visit write their books. Hurston assures her readers to of collecting folklore this because she is perfectly capable Reser for purpose, on her own, directly from Haitians. about others in Haiti, she wrote Instead of using Reser to get information ex-military man the Reser himself, and by making a white American about also turned the tables on the discourse ofthe object of her analysis, Hurston this, " Hurston informed her exotic. "I am breaking a promise by writing of it, but all the cocks in readers, "and the cocks may be crowing because three times if they must. I am going to say something creation can crow about Dr. Reser.' 183 meanings of aside for the moment the potentially gendered here Leaving broken I should mention on account of her promise, cocks crowing learn what promise she has, ostensibly, that Hurston's readers don't ever of text from which I learned broken. The answer liesin some edited scraps back in the States. American family, a wife and daughter that Reser had an version of Tell My Horse published by nowhere mentioned in the They are not to talk about him for fear that his J B. Lippincott. Reser asked Hurston But Hurston asuresherwouldreputation would ruin his danghter'sfuture. fear whatever for little still in the unpublished text, "I have no be readers, does not go around being nasty to pretty, Miss Reser's future. The public fathers native in a way. >184 because their go spunkyand talented young girls Hurston tells about Reser is Thus, in her original text, one of the first things and a father who has gone native "in a way. that he is a father, revelation, Hurston raises the immediately on the heels of this Following Blanc), using the story of Faustin subject of the white father figure (Papa "The White King of La Gowhom William Seabrook had dubbed Wirkus, one day on the business of being nave.' " As she put it, "I tackled him [Reser] a white king of Haiti." 99 adventure tales I have ever read, the natives, finding a "Nowin: all the that he is a god, and at least make white man among them, always assume and still no Here you have been in Haiti for eleven years. him a king. kingly crown. How is that?" IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 315 --- sincere, the Haitians will "Well, I tell you Zora, if you show yourself They, yjust don't friend of a white man, but hardly a king. make a good run to royalty." . Not even a white man?" "Not even a white man : and he was making Isat bolt upright at that. He had his mouth open broad statements. 185 much of Tell that we readers sense throughout Reser articulates something as to Zora Hurston's sincerMy Horse, that there seems to be some question to Wirkus, when we first came across her reference ity. "Well, I tell you Zora, if you show yourself They, yjust don't friend of a white man, but hardly a king. make a good run to royalty." . Not even a white man?" "Not even a white man : and he was making Isat bolt upright at that. He had his mouth open broad statements. 185 much of Tell that we readers sense throughout Reser articulates something as to Zora Hurston's sincerMy Horse, that there seems to be some question to Wirkus, when we first came across her reference ity. What we suspected is here seconded by Reser's that she didn't buy the story for a moment, aside, "Zora, ifyou show yourself sincere Reser to further elaborate used in her chapter on Hurston storytelling have already seen, not all the subtle of a critique, but, as we this suggestion version of the text. One story that was stories made it into the published Reser's domestic life in Pont edited out prior to publication centers on lives on the text that Reser premisesof Beudet. We know from the published that Dr. Reser's mistress, The edited text informs us the insane asylum. Rose. Rose's birth mother, Cecile, lives nearby with her adopted daughter, by, is an inmate at the asylum." 186 we learn byand and Zora Hurston are together on Reser's One day Rose, Cecile, Reser, had learned new dance steps and, Hurston tells us, "Little Rose Cecile porch, show her' daddy." **187 In Hurston'stelling, which she would presently is her father. Here is the conversation teases Rose about insisting that Reser between mother and adopted daughter: Rose? Look at him and "How can you think Dr. Reser is your papa, while are very See, he is very white with blue eyes you look at yourself. father." black with black eyes. He cannot be your "Oh yes he is my papa, too.' 1 have nothing like "But look at the difference in your color, Rose, you cannot be the father to a black little girl Dr. Reser. That white man like you. >188 white American man, tells her adopted A Haitian woman, mistress to a could never be, her father. that no, the white man is not, and daughter literalized. Reser's fatherhood Here is the question of Haitian paternity these edited scraps of text, roles, which figure centrally in and his paternal to the white U.S.American discourse take their place in Hurston'schallenge focus their analytic attention Whereas Seabrook and company of paternity. AFTERMATH --- Page 316 --- of a coherent identity due to child, deprived on the orphan or illegitimate the analytical eye on an American the ambiguity of paternity, Hurston sets Hurston's whose role as a father is at issue. (formerly of the U.S. military) effectively pose the question: stories about Reser's two "daughter figures" offered by Seabrook father is he? Hurston thus reverses the picture Whose and the marines. SO is his nationality, and the Not only is Reser's paternal role questioned, Hurston national identity structures the entire chapter. ambiguity over his "by the calendar,' Reser informs her readers at the outset that although, with the Marine earlier, from the United States, came to Haiti eleven years with the rest of the people." 189 But Corps, "in soul he came from Africa more haitian than amershe continues, "in spite of his having become then, wife and children return to the United States ican, having let his American American feelings come down on and leave him with his peace in Haiti, his but stable-he is an and then. the entire chapter. ambiguity over his "by the calendar,' Reser informs her readers at the outset that although, with the Marine earlier, from the United States, came to Haiti eleven years with the rest of the people." 189 But Corps, "in soul he came from Africa more haitian than amershe continues, "in spite of his having become then, wife and children return to the United States ican, having let his American American feelings come down on and leave him with his peace in Haiti, his but stable-he is an and then. 190 Reser's identity is anything him now than American because he has gone American, but really more Haitian Seabrook, the family members' In addition, whereas for native in a way. Hurston, the father is defined by the identities are defined by the father, for return to the United thus, by letting his American wife and family family; became "more Haitian than American." States, Reser by the inmates Hurston's discussion of Reser is interrupted periodically Hurston, "and about the grounds [of the asylum)," says "who wandered screened porch to beg a cigarette or say someoccasionally came up to the minds. 191 The chatter of the thing that seemed important to their crippled with which Hurston then the material for another story inmates provides elaborates her discourse on national identity. would be deinforms her readers that "The insane patients Hurston every SO often. 19 She mentions pended upon to yell something startling the porch and kept reciting "One tall lanky patient [who] : hung around in Port-aus And "One Syrian, formerly a merchant the tales of Fontaine. the porch wishing Dr. Reser standing with his face against Prince, kept Reser! I like for you to have a very good well. 'Doctor Reser! Doctor "You five dollars and the Syrian went on, I tell the man, pay in eating time you leave pork [i.e., a pig] duty to the American government every the street.' 192 what part of the United the Hurston "fell to wondering Back on porch, s He tells her that he is from "Lapland," to States Dr. Reser came from. an American." ? 1 He assures which she responds, "I thought you said you were Arkansas. And is-he is from the land where Missouri laps over her that he of the hill-billy" and begins to with that, Dr. Reser breaks into "the brogue IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 317 --- account of what ensues, "about folk heroes. *193 Here is Hurston's recite starting with Reser'stale: the wad the goat eat that butted the bull "Yes, I'm the guy that chewed off the bridge!" the and called: "Dr. Reser! Dr. Just then the Syrian hurried up to porch Sea, then they built The soldiers of Monte Carlo killed the Dead Reser! the Casino!" "Thanks for the information," ' Dr. Reser replied. Fontaine's who spent all of his waking hours quoting The patient heartily at Dr. Reser's quotafables came to the porch too. I had laughed merriment atfrom the folk lore of the Ozarks, and perhaps our tions began to babble the Haitian tracted them. Another patient came upand folk tales about Brother Bouki and TiMalice. enough to eat "Raised on six shooters till I got big Dr. Reser went on: and bathe therein. I shotguns. I warmed up the gulf of Mexico River growed wild ass and hop from crag to crag. Iswim the Mississippi mount the hundred pound shot in my teeth! Airy dad from end to end with five hold him by the neck and leave man that don't believe it, I'll gummed his fool self to death. 99 him wiggle attracts attention to himself. "They "Dr. Reser! Dr. Reser!" The Syrian contracts in and Palestine. The horses have Jewish have horse racing in be second. ulf of Mexico River growed wild ass and hop from crag to crag. Iswim the Mississippi mount the hundred pound shot in my teeth! Airy dad from end to end with five hold him by the neck and leave man that don't believe it, I'll gummed his fool self to death. 99 him wiggle attracts attention to himself. "They "Dr. Reser! Dr. Reser!" The Syrian contracts in and Palestine. The horses have Jewish have horse racing in be second. It's political." 7 Arabic and English and the Jewish horse must the Fontaine his stagnant eyes on porch The man who recited pointed about Ti if he raced with the man who was talking and babbled on as weaker voice. So we heard very distinctly: Malice and Bouki, but he had a Malice for what he had done "Of course, Bouki was very angry with Ti he came to a fence. was afraid, SO he ran away very fast until and TiMalice but the hole was not very big, but Malice tried The fence had a hole in it, to get through with tired physinomic!I "Dr. Reser! Dr. Reser! Never speak to a person without license and the United States Government drive car for five years was very content.' 1 Reser asked me. "They never worry me "Are theyannoying you?" Dr. at all." Let them go on. 194 "Oh no, " Ianswered. "It isveryinteresting, of the Ozarks" may serve to illustrate for On one level, "the folk-heroes time this folklore marks Reser'sAmerican identity, but at the same Hurston shows him coming identity more than a national identity-it a regional AFTERMATH --- Page 318 --- with the nation as a of the country, not as identifying from a particular part cohesive unit. chatter and hollering of these Furthermore, the apparently marginal of national elaboration of the instability inmates are central to Hurston's the folklore that defines him, identity. It is impossible for Reser to recite of three inthe tales and fables and ruminations without calling into play culture, recitFrench Enlightenment mates in particular: one, representing Haiti's African roots, reciting ing the fables of Fontaine; one, representing Haiti's most recently the tales of Bouki and Malice; and one, representing merchant who carries on blood heritage, the Syrian immigrant and acquired references- -1 the American government about two colonial-imperial Palestine was a British mandate the mandate of Palestine. In 1936and 1937, of statements in riots and civil strife. The Syrian's.j juxtaposition embroiled and politics in Palestine serves as a about the U.S. government in Haiti at work defining the very reminder of the international relations of power for colonial and neoof nationhood and national identity possibilities moreover, had a complicated relationship colonial subjects. Syrians in Haiti, and looked in that many had claimed U.S. citizenship to national identity when anti-Syrian sentiment to the United States for diplomatic protection constriction.' 195 The insane especially during times of economic textual surged, backdrop, then, for Hurston'sextended asylum provided the perfect and instabilities in subjective narumination on shifts, transformations, tional identity. Reser's Haitian identity that is affirmed as By the end of the chapter, it is "A new personof possession. Hurston explains: he discusses the experience with us. . Before our very ality burned up the one that had eaten supper Whatever the stuff of he walked out of his Nordic body and changed. snake of eyes, Haiti is made; he was that. You could see the god which the soul of in his tones. He throbbed and hovering about him. Africa was Dahomey words but he talked to me from another continent. 's Haitian identity that is affirmed as By the end of the chapter, it is "A new personof possession. Hurston explains: he discusses the experience with us. . Before our very ality burned up the one that had eaten supper Whatever the stuff of he walked out of his Nordic body and changed. snake of eyes, Haiti is made; he was that. You could see the god which the soul of in his tones. He throbbed and hovering about him. Africa was Dahomey words but he talked to me from another continent. glowed. He used English about him." 19 196 before his gods and the fire of Shango played He was dancing transformation. No longer Reser (or Hurston) has effected a complete the soul of Haiti. The father's American at all, Reser is made of the stuff of identity is not stable. vehicle for Hurston's critique of the Dr. Reser, I suggest, served as a Blanc as the savior of an discourse of paternity, which posed Papa white gendered nation in need of a father. If, in marines' accounts, illegitimate child/ welcomed by a childlike country father figures with stable identities are French white fathers left its complex ever since its suffering from an identity IDENTITY & NATIONAL RACE, REVOLUTION, --- Page 319 --- raise the new nation alone, then in Hurston's black and mulatto mothers to it is the supof the story the child's identity is not problematic; refiguring national identity. posed father who suffers from a confused tales in the style of Ti Throughout Tell My Horse, storytelling, or telling U.S. of a subtle critique of hegemonic Malice, serves as a means expressing "scholHurston refused to challenge in a straightforward discourses that Hurston's study of Haiti and arly" manner. Replete with contradictions, them in the same reinforced exotic discourses, while critiquing Jamaica Haitian god named Papa her own words to a powerful breath. Attributing that, however subtle it Guedé, Hurston put forth a critique of paternalism did. dimensions in ways no other writer was, focused on gender and history resonate SO much in Why did the themes of Haitian culture themes resonate difof U.S. Americans, and how did these the experience at different times? How did ferently for different groups (and individuals) make sense of, and to of the occupation help Americans to the legacy What, in short, were the consequences of U.S. reshape, their own nation? of class, race, gender, and sexual policyin Haiti for the construction foreign categories at home? in and ofitself, bring about paternalism, The occupation of Haiti did not, modern sexualities, psyexoticism, gender inequalities, racism, race pride, but it provided a host of cultural chological discourses, or U.S. nationalism, bolster, or chalU.S. Americans would come to express, vehicles with which articulations led to the destabilizlenge each of these. In turn, these diverse known, and to the consolnational identity as it had been ing of American 9 laying the groundwork for future idation of new visions of "America, salience of Haiti for Americans political struggles. Finally, in the shifting and substance of and 1940, in conflicts over the meaning between 1915 of a national political commuU.S. American identity, in the reimagining the of the of foreign policy on experience nity, we can begin to trace impact Americans who may never leave the United States. AFTERMATH --- Page 320 --- CONCLUSION of Haiti grew out of a culture of imperialThe first U.S. military occupation and distinct from the and history were never separate ism whose genesis taken root in the very idea of an "America" nation itself. and substance of and 1940, in conflicts over the meaning between 1915 of a national political commuU.S. American identity, in the reimagining the of the of foreign policy on experience nity, we can begin to trace impact Americans who may never leave the United States. AFTERMATH --- Page 320 --- CONCLUSION of Haiti grew out of a culture of imperialThe first U.S. military occupation and distinct from the and history were never separate ism whose genesis taken root in the very idea of an "America" nation itself. That culture had Overthe course ofseveral settled and ruled by people of European heritage. collection of it had shifted, but persisted, producing a changing centuries discourses. By 1915.ith had given rise overlapping imperial and anti-imperial discourse cultural framework, a twentieth-century to a familiar yet specific discourse constituted a significant part ofinterventionist paternalism. That occupation of Haiti. of the cultural armament of the nineteenyearlong did much to transpresence in Haiti, in turn, The extended U.S. military form the culture from which it arose. marines and other Ameriattempted to conscript U.S. The occupation narrative of paternalism. This cultural cansinto the racialized and gendered success of that process has tried to show the partial history of the occupation including forms of viounintended consequences of that success, and the such as they were, but that exceeded the bounds of military propriety, lence and structures of paternalism. I have that flowed logically from the terms economic project of the in showing how the military and been interested especially as it affected occupation itself relied on this cultural process, aims. them in the business of carrying out U.S. imperial marines, enlisting also been about the failure of cultural At the same time, this book has established to that is, the state apparatus conscription. The occupation, discursive terrain in relation to Haiti, could never control the entire control discourses crowded the field, and marines which it had to function. Other could draw on the variety of and other U.S. Americans as well as Haitians within the imperial projavailable discourses to resist cultural conscription Haiti and Haitians the United States. of carrying out U.S. imperial marines, enlisting also been about the failure of cultural At the same time, this book has established to that is, the state apparatus conscription. The occupation, discursive terrain in relation to Haiti, could never control the entire control discourses crowded the field, and marines which it had to function. Other could draw on the variety of and other U.S. Americans as well as Haitians within the imperial projavailable discourses to resist cultural conscription Haiti and Haitians the United States. In fact, the encounter with ect of reminded U.S. Americans of new and occasioned by the occupation itself associated with Haiti cultural resources- narratives and images articulatforgotten These, in turn, became the basis for and with the Haitian past. sexuality, and Americanness. ing new ways of understanding race, gender, that emerged in and of conscription and resistance The creative processes formations and, as such, the occupation gave rise to new subjective through --- Page 321 --- enabled both the extension of U.S. relations of power. imperialism and challenges to domestic Thus, in both its successes: and its failures, a profound stamp on the United States interventionist paternalism left integral part of Woodrow as well as on Haiti. Indeed, it was an Wilson'swholly: racialized vision of tionalism, and as fully as the rest of that vision, liberal internaone of the dominant it laid the groundwork for twentieth foreign policy traditions of the United States in the century. Interventionist vealed, to be sure, the ugly paternalism in its Haitian iteration reunderbelly of that to dismiss its importance for tradition, which has led others foreign But understanding the central lines of policy. as we saw in the letters of Wilson's a fine line between Major Smedley Butler, there was seeing Haiti as "a little nation" raise up and as a land of wretched one could be proud to Preparing nations for people one had violently to control. tricky business. Wilson's participation in an international legal order was a the seeds of legalism, as George Kennan out, extreme violence. pointed carried Paternalism's imprint on the United States has not only in been visible, moreover, of race and foreign-polio-making tradition, but also in the cultural gender at home -in both senses of the politics the rhetoric of word "home.' 9 Indeed, paternalism had its roots in the of gender and race in the United changing social organization of beliefs about States. Itappealed to deeply ingrained sets righteous masculinity, feminine privilege precisely at a time when the domesticity, and white race gender racial dimension of U.S. ideologies was coming to the surface and when American hierarchies were being racial and gender challenged in multiple For twenty-fivey ways. years prior to the U.S. invasion ofl women had been actively Haiti, African American order organizing and structured by racial and articulating challenges to a social century, organized gender inequalities. After the turn of the and white political activity on the part of African women was also on the rise. In the American men African American and feminist context of increasingly visible and cultural challenges to the social, economic, predominance of white men in the political, to take up the paternalist mantle teens and twenties, the call compelling in Haiti seems to have had a resonance for some white U.S. particularly makers could call on heavily men. In this context, policy tions to enable gendered and racialized ideological construcimperialist (economic and tion of Haiti. military) projects like the occupaBy characterizing U.S. goals in Haiti in terms of white men under attack, the subjective identity of those men in the paternalism became an effective tool for project of imposing U.S. rule. enlisting Policy makers called on CONCLUSION twenties, the call compelling in Haiti seems to have had a resonance for some white U.S. particularly makers could call on heavily men. In this context, policy tions to enable gendered and racialized ideological construcimperialist (economic and tion of Haiti. military) projects like the occupaBy characterizing U.S. goals in Haiti in terms of white men under attack, the subjective identity of those men in the paternalism became an effective tool for project of imposing U.S. rule. enlisting Policy makers called on CONCLUSION --- Page 322 --- father figures in Haiti. They apmarines to serve as benevolent but stern feel proud to lend a racial consciousness of whites who might pealed to the backward people, or who might helping hand to a supposedly less capable, whose revolutionary the need to discipline a childlike people image, appreciate well out of hand. By evoking the paternal misbehavior had gotten marines' sense of manhood, to their policy makers also appealed to the In these senses, the of a man's responsibility to his family. understanding called into play a cultural disposition rhetoric and ideology of paternalism made up of racial and gender consciousness. indoctrination of mathe systematic That disposition was reinforced by In training, mato the fatherly intentions of U.S. policy. rines with respect in political revolts solely out rineslearned that Haitian peasants participatedi financial need. "The due either to elite intimidation or of compulsion, Miller called it in his personal log, American Idea,' 79 as Lieutenant Adolph mulatto elite and to provide the black peasants from the was to protect poor American supervision. Protection, educathe blacks with wage work under themes employed in both tion, and discipline were among the dominant discourses: in personal letters,journals, unofficial and official Marine Corps in field orders, reports of and cartoon drawings, as well as memoirs, songs, memoranda, and testimony before the military campaigns, administrative time in Haiti often described their Senate. Marines who left a record of their in terms of these to each other, and to their nation, work, to themselves, themes. was the central discursive construction Thus, the ideology of paternalism Paternalism was the rhetoric used the U.S. presencei in Haiti. that supported have argued that it was more than "mere the intervention, but I to justify framework within which U.S. rhetoric.' 1 It was the cultural and ideological carried out. It was the cultural imperialism in Haiti would be conceived and the material a fabric that helped to determine fabric of the occupation, and the scores of sailors and nonmilipractices of the thousands of marines who ruled Haiti for nineteen years. to tary personnel hands of white U.S. American men dislocated As we have seen, in the framework and 1934 that cultural and ideological Haiti between 1915 when marines shipped off for Haiti, would prove deadly. In SO many ways, their feet. The subjective chalthe ground was already shifting underneath compound the problem. In lenges they faced once they were in Haitiwould with which other U.S. mirrored the struggles some ways, these challenges the In other ways, the would contend in the wake of occupation. Americans distinct. challenges marines faced were brutally Africa' " sugofHaitia as "thisAmerican woviej-tanudhemenbeet CONCLUSION --- Page 323 --- would be raised by U.S. contact with Haiti, gested some of the questions that and cultural definition., Jorfor marines and others: questions of national would haunt some white dan's choice of words pointed to a likeness that nation and its and contrasted the mainland Americans as they compared particularly by Neither was simply "white" or "black";both, island neighbor. creole nations, composed of a virtue of being located in the Americas, were useful for policy makers racial and cultural elements. This fact was mix of indeed for men in the field. be raised by U.S. contact with Haiti, gested some of the questions that and cultural definition., Jorfor marines and others: questions of national would haunt some white dan's choice of words pointed to a likeness that nation and its and contrasted the mainland Americans as they compared particularly by Neither was simply "white" or "black";both, island neighbor. creole nations, composed of a virtue of being located in the Americas, were useful for policy makers racial and cultural elements. This fact was mix of indeed for men in the field. and politicians, but it was troubling in Haiti in and after 1915 were The white U.S. marines who arrived the inherent stainadequately -with a nationalism that posited armed-ifi American identity. Yet, these marines were bility and racial basis of U.S. identity that the the challenge to American probably the first to experience Thrust into a foreign and its paternalist rhetoric, would pose. according occupation, intervention justified by, and organized context to carry out an marines - particularly those stato, a notion of benevolent paternalism, to take up the role of tioned in the Haitian countryside were encouraged have seen that this paterwhat was considered a child nation. We father to On the one hand, it dehad contradictory implications. nalist injunction committed under the guise of necesgraded Haitians and justified violence the efficacy of learning discipline; on the other hand, it suggested some sary oneself finto "native" society. It also encouraged Creole and inserting toward the Haitians with a degree of sympathy marines to develop high whom they lived. Marines spoke of the of service in Haiti could be frightening. This aspect for the Haitians. We inherent in developing too much sympathy dangers that an American man servFaustin Wirkus' 's assertion may recall Sergeant in his own consciousness an in the occupation had to resist "becoming ing consumed by another culture came albino Haitian." 9 Marines' fears of being a marine who in which the victim was always 1) out in stories of cannibalism, "Americans" s" from "Haitians." had crossed over the cultural line separating for in mainreminded marines of the need vigilance Stories of cannibalism when they themselves were breachtaining cultural boundaries, particularly ing political boundaries. the first Americans to confront If marines (and their naval cohorts) were the last. During and Haiti would pose, they were certainly not the challenges travel writers, journalists, novelists, playafter the occupation of Haiti, U.S. the negotiation and others contributed to ongoing wrights, anthropologists, their reflections on the United States' relaof American identity through Caribbean nation effectively detionship to Haiti. Exotic renderings of the nation, even as Haiti outside the bounds of the American fined Haiti as CONCLUSION --- Page 324 --- substantial white cultural expression came to have a more and more placein Haiti had become a hot the United States. Indeed, by the late 1920S in culture. commodity in American popular the ambiguous place of the Popular U.S. discourses on Haiti established ":i inside the Ameriblack nation both inside and outside "America' inso-called American nation; outside the nation, yet can empire, yet outside the This ambiguity sustained the creasingly central to national self-definition. white, fundaversion of U.S. national identity as fundamentally hegemonic the reach of the U.S. governmentally European American, even as political and islands far in Carl Van Doren's words, to "isthmuses ment extended, away from New York. or Oregon." to redefine America as that the literature on Haiti helped To the extent this subjective perception of and no longer "merely" a republic, an empire affected African Americans as and international power national greatness U.S. attention to Haiti provided cultural well as whites. At the same time, to the dominant associatoAfrican Americans for their challenge resources identity. In the essays of Langston tion between whiteness and American of the Federal Theatre in the novels of Arna Bontemps, in the plays find Hughes, American readers and audiences could Project, and elsewhere, African racist oppression and expointed expressions of anger over increasingly in American society. "merely" a republic, an empire affected African Americans as and international power national greatness U.S. attention to Haiti provided cultural well as whites. At the same time, to the dominant associatoAfrican Americans for their challenge resources identity. In the essays of Langston tion between whiteness and American of the Federal Theatre in the novels of Arna Bontemps, in the plays find Hughes, American readers and audiences could Project, and elsewhere, African racist oppression and expointed expressions of anger over increasingly in American society. pectation with respect to meaningful participation African American writof the Haitian Revolution, Through representations of white domination in the 1930S, ers and artists challenged the ideology of racial politics in the setting the stage for a more thorough reshaping decades to come. hierarchies enabled U.S. Yet, if, as I have argued here, racial and gender of a culin turn, enabled the deployment actions in Haiti, the occupation, and feminist challenges to the domestic black tural line of defense against hierarchies in fiction, film, By explicitly linking race and gender status quo. discourses surrounding the OCtravel narratives, and the like, imperialist struggles. Specifiintervened in domestic cultural and political cupation contributed to a defense of white supremacy concally, discussions of Haiti As white American men in Haiti ceived in terms of gender and sexuality. (unfamiliar parsocial order structured in unfamiliar ways confronted a they produced racist and exoticized ticularly in terms of gender norms), in turn, of Haitian men and women. These representations, and representations in the United States during the 1920S fueled reactionary discourses to "the black republic"by 1930S. The sexual and gender disorderautributed: striking contrasts to writers like Beale Davis and William Seabrook provided household. By normative image of the white American male-headed the CONCLUSION --- Page 325 --- disorder in Haiti and gender between gender establishing a dichotomy discourses on Haiti order in the United States, paternalist and exoticizing basis of nuclear-family household as the gendered posited the male-headed U.S. power in the world. stand out if we consider that, The ironies of this discursive sleight of hand neocolonial) of the twentieth century, colonial (or during the first half the image of the prosperous nurelationships increasingly made possible of life. * They did SO by American way clear family that came to signify"the and wealth to the United States, providing raw materials, consumer goods, the disfor a high standard of living. Through all necessary ingredients of life, with the nuclear family as its of however, that way course paternalism, the result, but as the basis of U.S. centerpiece, came to be seen, not as the end of the in the world. In the decades following American power would have profound effects on race occupation, this ideological reversal in the United States. and gender politics of gender and sexuality had At the same time, the racialized politics Zora From Eugene O'Neill's The Emperorjonesto comtroadicteryimplicatioed Haiti served as a locus of struggle over the Neale Hurston's Tell My Horse, paternaland other implications of interventionist politics of masculinity also used Haitiast the means to ism'sgender politics. White men and women disracialized psychological modern sexualities and to articulate claim contributed to the reshaping of courses of selfhood. Thus the occupation ways, this reshapin the United States. In fundamental gender and sexuality national Examining the linked to racial and questions. ing was inextricably venture has enabled us to see some of cultural dimensions of an imperialist the complexity of this intertwining. the bolstering and the of Haiti contributed to both The U.S. occupation identity for individual maof national reshaping of prevailing conceptions and 1940. racialized psychological modern sexualities and to articulate claim contributed to the reshaping of courses of selfhood. Thus the occupation ways, this reshapin the United States. In fundamental gender and sexuality national Examining the linked to racial and questions. ing was inextricably venture has enabled us to see some of cultural dimensions of an imperialist the complexity of this intertwining. the bolstering and the of Haiti contributed to both The U.S. occupation identity for individual maof national reshaping of prevailing conceptions and 1940. On the one hand, rines and other U.S. Americans between 1915 of U.S. imperiof Haiti was not just an instance the first military occupation the cultural logic of "American alism but also a motor for it. It propelled the cultural implications in a variety of ways. On the other hand, U.S. Amerigreatness" United States provided the means for of the occupation in the of gendered, racial, in and out of the military to shake the structure cans of U.S. national on which a hegemonic conception and sexual meanings of this process were at once faridentity had rested. The consequences reaching and diffuse. the United States to remake the occupation helped If in some respects and versatile, it also led to the deimperialism, to make it more resilient idea of America as a white cultural forms. (The stabilizing of U.S.American CONCLUSION --- Page 326 --- took place, not all at one example.) This destabilizing nation provides only had been unsteadied by an earthonce, as though a monolithic structure It took place in SO many local but repeatedly and in varied ways. that quake, conflicts, in the daily relations of power gave encounters and personal in the myriad doubts, questions, form and substance to military endeavors, culture and another nation. raised by contact with another and possibilities fell did, nonetheless, the effects were not feltin one swoop, they And though cultural and political expression in help to shape the course of domestic Americans began to redefine the profound ways. Between 1915 and 1940, their discuscommunity, in part, through boundaries of their own national sions of Haiti. Hurston, The Emperor Jones and Tell My Eugene O'Neill and Zora Neale and imperialist some of the ways that individual subjectivities Horse, suggest in the context of the occupation and its discourses criss-crossed one another and Hurston provide us with aftermath in the United States. And ifO'Neill with the cultural examples, others, too, were bound up particularly complex whether they thought they were shredfabric of paternalism and exoticism, we we will not find a it with pride. Try as may, ding that fabric or donning discourses that shaped this historical actor untainted by the dominant and single Wirkus, Inman, Seabrook, Niles, Craige history. Butler, Wilson, Overley, Balch, Hughes, Bonwereimplicated, of course - but SO, too, wereJohnson, in the web of disRobeson, Herskovits, and James. , were bound up particularly complex whether they thought they were shredfabric of paternalism and exoticism, we we will not find a it with pride. Try as may, ding that fabric or donning discourses that shaped this historical actor untainted by the dominant and single Wirkus, Inman, Seabrook, Niles, Craige history. Butler, Wilson, Overley, Balch, Hughes, Bonwereimplicated, of course - but SO, too, wereJohnson, in the web of disRobeson, Herskovits, and James. Nonetheless, will find the temps, produced, and were produced by, we courses they engaged, seeds of future troubles for "America." CONCLUSION --- Page 327 --- --- Page 328 --- NOTES ABBREVIATIONS AMPAS Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, Margaret Herrick Library, Beverly Hills, Calif. Crumbie Papers Frank Crumbie Papers, Caribbean Collection, University of Florida Library, Gainesville, Fla. FRUS United States Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1913-34HMD United States Marine Corps, History and Museums Division, Washington, D.C. Miller Log Adolph B. Miller, Personal Log, Haiti, Adolph B. Miller Papers, PC 196, Personal Papers Collection, United States Marine Corps, History and Museums Division, Washington, D.C. NA National Archives, Washington, D.C. Overley Papers Homer L. Overley Papers, PC 1099, Personal Papers Collection, United States Marine Corps, History and Museums Division, Washington, D.C. PPC Personal Papers Collection, United States Marine Corps, History and Museums Division, Washington, D.C. (Note: After I did the research for this book, the Personal Papers Collection was moved from Washington, D.C., to the Marine Corps Research Center Archives, Quantico, Va.) RG 45 Record Group 45, Naval Records Collection, National Archives, Washington, D.C. RG 80 Record Group 80, General Correspondence, National Archives, Washington, D.C. RG127 Record Group 127, Records of the United States Marines Corps, National Archives, Washington, D.C. Senate Hearings United States Senate, Inquiry into Occupation and Administration of Haiti and Santo Domingo, Hearings before a Select Committee on Haiti and Santo Domingo. 67th Cong., 1st and 2nd sess., 1922. 2 vols. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1922. Collection, National Archives, Washington, D.C. RG 80 Record Group 80, General Correspondence, National Archives, Washington, D.C. RG127 Record Group 127, Records of the United States Marines Corps, National Archives, Washington, D.C. Senate Hearings United States Senate, Inquiry into Occupation and Administration of Haiti and Santo Domingo, Hearings before a Select Committee on Haiti and Santo Domingo. 67th Cong., 1st and 2nd sess., 1922. 2 vols. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1922. --- Page 329 --- UCLA The UCLA Film and Television Archive, Los. Angeles, Calif. Venzon MS Anne Cipriano Venzon, "The Letters of Smedley D. Butler,' " Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1982, copy in Anne C. Venzon Papers, PC: 2364, Personal Papers Collection, United States Marine Corps, History and Museums Division, Washington, D.C. Wilson Papers Arthur S. Link, ed. The Papers of Woodrow Wilson. 6g vols. Princeton, NJ:1 Princeton University Press, 1978. Wirkus Papers Faustin E. Wirkus Papers, PC 1518, folder 1: "Haiti Letters,' " Personal Papers Collection, United States Marine Corps, History and Museums Division, Washington, D.C. PROLOGUE 1. Seabrook, The Magic Island. 2. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King ofLa Gonave. 3. Craige, Black Bagdad, and Cannibal Cousins. 4- Butler, Old Gimlet Eye, and Burke Davis, Marine! 5. Overley, "A Marine Patrol,' 13 folder 8: "Manuscript," Overley Papers, and Miller Log, May 14, 1916. 6. See, for example, Chandler Campbell, "Diary 13th Company,' " folder 1: "Diary of Activities, Haiti, 1915, 19 Alex O. Campbell Papers, PC55, PPC. 7. Seabrook, The Magic Island, 1738. C. William Dize to Faustin Wirkus, October 3, 1929, Wirkus Papers. 9. Gordon Haverstock to Faustin Wirkus, October [1g291, Wirkus Papers. 10. Donald Pifer to Faustin Wirkus, October 3, 1929, Wirkus Papers. 11. Paul Redman to Faustin Wirkus, October 8, 1929, Wirkus Papers. 12. Sce, for example, Robert McKnight to Faustin Wirkus, October 3, 1929, Wirkus Papers. 13. C. William Dize to Faustin Wirkus, October 3, 1929, Wirkus Papers. 14. Dwight Fonny to Faustin Wirkus, October 3, 1929, Wirkus Papers. 15- Redfield, review of The Magic Island.315-1716. Van Doren, "Why the Editorial Board Selected The Magic Island, 99 3. 17. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities. 18. For others, it was indeed a matter of debate. See, for example, Freeman and Nearing, Dollar Diplomacy. 19. Sacco explores this connection in "Winner Takes All: The Contexts of Conquest and Collecting in the Museums of Pierre Eugene Du Simitiere and Charles Willson Peale, 1779-1796." " See also Kaplan and Pease, Cullures ofUnited States Imperialism. 20. This is not to suggest that it wasi inconceivable for all. Indeed, Puerto Rican statehood was a matter of active debate. 21. Van Doren, "Why the Editorial Board Selected The Magic Island, 3. 22. Adam Wertz to Faustin Wirkus, October 4, 1929, Wirkus Papers. 23. Said, Culture and Imperialism. NOTES TO PAGES 4-9 Eugene Du Simitiere and Charles Willson Peale, 1779-1796." " See also Kaplan and Pease, Cullures ofUnited States Imperialism. 20. This is not to suggest that it wasi inconceivable for all. Indeed, Puerto Rican statehood was a matter of active debate. 21. Van Doren, "Why the Editorial Board Selected The Magic Island, 3. 22. Adam Wertz to Faustin Wirkus, October 4, 1929, Wirkus Papers. 23. Said, Culture and Imperialism. NOTES TO PAGES 4-9 --- Page 330 --- CHAPTER 1 1. Schmidt, The United States Occupation of Haiti, dahl, Peasants and. Poverty, 371-72. For 64-81. On the debt question, see LunWeldon Johnson, "Government of, by, contrasting and for contemporary accounts, see James Harold Davis, Black Democracy, 198-200. the National City Bank,' 11 295, and 2. Marine Corps commandant George Barnett initially Secretary of the Navy Josephus reported 3,250 Haitian deaths to from a math error, and that he should Daniels, only to claim later that the figure resulted casualty reports in the war have said 2,250. Hans Schmidt's against the Cacos totals accounting of Occupation fHaiti, 103. Trouillot states that 3,071. Schmidt, The United States USMC and the Gendarmerie at least 6,000 peasants were killed by the labor during the war, and that another camps.' Trouillot, Haiti, 5,500 died in "forced syon Ameriken ak Abitan Ayisyen,' SiatengainsNation, * 106. See also Kethly Millet, caine, 18, and Les paysans haitiens el "Okipa1915-1930; Bellegarde, Pour une Haiti l'occupation améri3. See McCrocklin, Garde d'Haiti: heureuse, 25; Moral, Le paysan haitien. States Marine Corps, Tventy Years of Organization and Training by the United 1915-1934. 4- Statement of Admiral William B. Caperton, the United States,' ' 143-77; Coffey, "A Brief 1921, Senate Hearings, 1:392; "Wards of Dunlap, "Carrying the Gospel of Health History of the Intervention in Haiti"; 5. Schmidt, The United States to Haiti." 6. Laguerre, The Military and Occupation ofHaiti, 135-53; Gaillard, Hinche mise en Society in croix. Pragmatism," 1 359. Haiti, 71; Weatherly, "Haiti: An Experiment in 7. Painter, Standing atArmageddon; American Montgomery, The Fall of the House of Women'sActivism in World War I; Tuttle, Race Riot: Labor; Steinson, 1919; Shapiro, White Violence and Black Chicago in the Red. Summer of 8. See, for example, Rafael, "White Love, Response. * Juan Hill," " 219-36. 185-218; Kaplan, "Black and Blue on San 9. Magdaline Shannon, Jean Price-Mars, the Haitian 10. Paul Elite and the Woyshner, "The Missionary," > Marines American Occupation. in Schmidt, The United States Magazine (April 1917),HMD; reproduced 135. Occupation of Haiti, illustrations found between 134 and 11. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King ofLa 12. Senate Gonave, 108-9. Hearings, 1:516. 13. My analysis of marines' See especially Scott, "experience" in Haiti owes much to the work ofJoan W. Scott. "Experience,' 14- Langley, The Banana Wars, 26-28,33. Palmer Davis, 223; see also Heinl and Heinl, Written in evaluating the financial of Blood. Harold of 1936, commented, "itisa absolutelyi policies the occupation from the perspective inexcusable opportunity to learn the truth of the situation thatAmericans who have had every endo suggested that the American should have either openly or by innuresponsible American officials, policy in Haiti, or the conduct of any one of the sincere, if perhaps sometimes was in any manner influenced by any other than a the. , The Banana Wars, 26-28,33. Palmer Davis, 223; see also Heinl and Heinl, Written in evaluating the financial of Blood. Harold of 1936, commented, "itisa absolutelyi policies the occupation from the perspective inexcusable opportunity to learn the truth of the situation thatAmericans who have had every endo suggested that the American should have either openly or by innuresponsible American officials, policy in Haiti, or the conduct of any one of the sincere, if perhaps sometimes was in any manner influenced by any other than a the. Haitian-American misguided, effort to carry out the treaty for the benefit of the expressed objects of Davis, Black Democracy, 200. Haitian people as. a whole. " Harold 15- Schmidt, The United States Occupation 122-23; Fernandez, of Haiti, 42-63; Perkins, Constraint Cruising the Caribbean, of Empire, Wilson Era, pays scant attention to 92-105. Healy, Gunboat Diplomacy in the paternalism. Like Schmidt in The United States NOTES TO PAGES 10-15 --- Page 331 --- Occupation of Haiti and Perkins, Healy tion, but points out that Admiral emphasizes the strategic goals of the occupamarkably low in the first year of the Caperton succeeded in keeping casualty levels re16. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, occupation. 17. In Roll,Jordan, Roll, Eugene 84- Genovese moral justification of a system of exploitation. linked paternalism to discipline as well as to the the "reigning ideal" of an entire "social While Genovese figured paternalism as and slaves, which shaped both system," and thusasar relation betueen masters nalism as a discourse of domination parties fundamentally, my analysis interrogates that paterextent and the ways in which Haitians made shaped those assigned to carryit out. The amined, use of this discourse although some limited and tentative remains to be exvese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 3-25, 70-86, speculations will be offered here. GenoCounterpoint, 257-96. Morgan 482-94, 658-60, 661-65. Cf. Morgan, Slave nant: social ethos and cultural distinguishes between "patriarchalism, " the "domimetaphor of Anglo-America," " and paternalism, which seventeenth-ande carh-eighicentdicenury ism emphasized "control, obedience, emerged later in that context. Patriarchaltionship with his slaves, though it "also discipline, and severity" in the master's relaciprocal obligations. " The gentler ethos involved protection, guardianship, and reMorgan, rested on the and metaphor of paternalism, to emergence of sentimentalism, according itarianism, but also, ironically, on the exclusion evangelicalism, and humancommunity. Thus, for Morgan of slaves from the rights-bearing paternalism." ' My own discussion "[ajustere of U.S. patriarchalism slowly gave way to mellow and the mellow as two sides of the same interventionist paternalism sees the austere paternalism that I found helpful include twentieth-century coin. Other discussions of ton, British Paternalism and Tone, The Business of Benevolence; Africa, HetheringColonial Trusteeship"; McLaurin, 1920-1940, especially chap. 3, "The Meaning of Early Victorian England. See Paternalism and Protest; and Roberts, Paternalism in 18. Brenda Gayle Plummer alsoJackman, The Velvet Glove. acknowledges the politics and diplomacy with a similar significance of culture in international about Haiti in the first metaphor. She refers to U.S. historical decades of the literature that worked in tandem with twentieth century as an "instrument of and Haiti. See Plummer, commerce to shape linkages between the United power" Haiti and the Great Powers, 67. Indeed, culture States Pummer'sanalises of U.S. relations with Haiti is integral to tion. 18. Brenda Gayle Plummer alsoJackman, The Velvet Glove. acknowledges the politics and diplomacy with a similar significance of culture in international about Haiti in the first metaphor. She refers to U.S. historical decades of the literature that worked in tandem with twentieth century as an "instrument of and Haiti. See Plummer, commerce to shape linkages between the United power" Haiti and the Great Powers, 67. Indeed, culture States Pummer'sanalises of U.S. relations with Haiti is integral to tion. See Plummer, Haiti and the United before, during, and after the Hans Schmidt also States. In The United States occupaaddresses culture as a significant Occupation of Haiti, occupation. ButSchmidto castsculturey element in the history of the not only detracted from, but primarily as an undermining factor, a unraveled the intended forcethat character of the U.S. mission in Haiti, rather materialist and progressive biography of Smedley Butler makes than as a shaping force. Schmidt's formation of military culture more central to his analysis of the practice. See Maverick Marine. transsights of both Schmidt and Plummer and My own work builds on the ining studies. indeed is possible because of their pioneer19. Wilentz, Chants Democratic, 20. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll; 4-5. 28,and The Poetics ofImperialism; Morgan, Slave Counterpoint; Cheyfitz, "Savage Law," and. Latin America, Rogin, Fathers and Children; and Pike, The United 109168-71. States 21. Montgomery, The Fallo of the House of Labor, 22. Tone, The Business of Benevolence, 309. 23. The language of wardsa 237-38. sandtrasteshipdates) back to the I 8gos. See Kidd, Controlofthe NOTES TO PAGES 15-16 --- Page 332 --- British Paternalism and Africa, 45-57.A prior example Tropics, 51-60; Hetherington, of the United States." 11 A later example was from U.S. discourse on Haiti was "Wards Blair Niles, Black Haiti. 24-Jordon, Crusading in the West Indies, 79Marvel." 25. See, for example, Osterhout, "Alitle-Known The Shudder Pulps: A History of the Weird Black Medicine. See also Robert Jones, 26. Burks, and Weinberg, The Weird Tales Story. Menace Magazines of the 1930S, Intervention in Haiti and the Dominican Blassingame, "The Press and American 27. Republic, 1904-1920," * 36-37. Du Bois, "Hayti," 291, in Aptheker, Addams, Peace and Bread in Time of War, 54-55; 28. the Crisis, 1:106; Fort-Whiteman, "Nemesis," 23-25. Selections, from Haiti." 29-James WeldonjJohnson, "Self-Determining James Weldonjohnson,. Along This Way,352. Seabrook, The Magic Island; 30., O'Neill, The Emperor Jones; Vandercook, Black Majesty; Cook wrote on Haitian literature 31. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander. In the 1940S Mercer various Haitian authors. See, for in Haiti and collaborated with and on education and Roumain, Masters and example, Cook Bellegarde, Teltuandentandebdo: ofthel Dew. from Haiti." 29-James WeldonjJohnson, "Self-Determining James Weldonjohnson,. Along This Way,352. Seabrook, The Magic Island; 30., O'Neill, The Emperor Jones; Vandercook, Black Majesty; Cook wrote on Haitian literature 31. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander. In the 1940S Mercer various Haitian authors. See, for in Haiti and collaborated with and on education and Roumain, Masters and example, Cook Bellegarde, Teltuandentandebdo: ofthel Dew. Designed by Nicholas de Molas," 82. "A Visit to King Christophe: A Scenic York Wallpaper City, n.d., advertising leaflet, 3 pp- ScrapKatzenbach and Warren, Inc., New Tee-Van, F. Edwin Church, and Vladimir book 3, Crumbie Papers; Helen Damrosch rannouncement for a show by Perfielieff, Haiti: Portraits, Landscapes, Submarines, William gallery: Beebe on his expedition to three painters who accompanied the naturalist Theatre Program for Kenneth Webb's Haiti in 1927.Serapbook: 2, Crumbie Papers; Theatre in New York City, Scrapbook 4, Zombie, performed in 1932 at the Biltmore gallery announcement' for a Crumbie Papers; Lu Duble, The Haitian Negro: Sculpture, Marie Sterner Galleriesin New female, U.S.American: sculptor, at the show by a white, reviewing Duble' 's work, all in ScrapYork City, and unidentified newspaper clippings "Invoking Aid of Voodoo Gods, Schwab book 5, Crumbie Papers; Lucius Beebe, 10, 1934, clipping, Blue Offers a New Thriller,' New York Herald Tribune, September Scrapbook, Crumbie Papers. Cranston, "Wings "; Harold Davis, "SunSee, for example, Augur, "Drums at Night"; "Haiti and 33. Mysteries" ; Foster, "Drums of Black Haiti"; Frankfurter, light on Voodoo Rediscovered"; Knox, "Homemaking around the Intervention"; Gayer, "Hispaniola "A Little-Known Marvel"; Tait, "The Globe"; Nock, "The Bright Isle"; Osterhout, Wirkusandlanier, "The Black Pope Petals Fall Slowly"; Taylor, "The Last Sacrifice"; of Voodoo. s Welles's The: Shadow, Street and Smith Editorial 34- Taft, A Puritan in Voodoo Land; Orson "Listening to Empire: Lamont Cranston Records Collection, Syracuse, N.Y.; Fossett, I Walked with a Zombie (1943). and "The Shadow' Go Abroad" "; White Zombie (1932); 35. Tait, "The Petals Fall Slowly." E. B. Tylor, and the Uses ofInvention," " quoted lin 36. George Stocking, "Matthew Arnold, Raymond Williams, Keywords, 87-93Young, ColonialDesire, 45 (see also 29-54); See, for example, Ferguson et al., Out There. Borderlands. 37Culture and Truth, 207-8. See also. Anzaldia, 38. Rosaldo, 39- Ibid., 217. Egualtysenuebitiaeneer 135- See also Scott, "Gender: A 40. Scott, "Deconstructing Historical Analysis." Useful Category for 41. Poovey, Uneven Developments, 3-4: NOTES TO PAGES 16-24 --- Page 333 --- 42. On missionary paternalism in diverse Missionaries in the Philippines; Hunter, The institutional contexts, see Clymer, Protestant Their Household; Higginbotham, Gospel of Gentility; Patricia Hill, The World Crow, 150-57. On U.S.Navy Righteous Discontent, 92-94; Gilmore, Gender and can Foreign Policy, perspectives, see Challener, Admirals, Generals, Jim The 12-45-See also Scranton, "Varieties andAmeri43. career of of Paternalism, paternalism was in this sense fractured. 235-57. marked by ambivalence, for what I have called As we shall see, it was also termsof"anxietics." " See Young, "aspirations" may also be described in Man," 19. avy Righteous Discontent, 92-94; Gilmore, Gender and can Foreign Policy, perspectives, see Challener, Admirals, Generals, Jim The 12-45-See also Scranton, "Varieties andAmeri43. career of of Paternalism, paternalism was in this sense fractured. 235-57. marked by ambivalence, for what I have called As we shall see, it was also termsof"anxietics." " See Young, "aspirations" may also be described in Man," 19. While.Mythologies, 14 142-43: Bhabha, "Of Mimicry and 44. Foucault, "Two Lectures," - in Pouer/Knovelodge, attempt some kind of deduction of 99. "[T]he important thing is not to discovery. of the extent to which it power starting from its centre and aimed at the reproducesitself down to and permeates into the base, of the degree to which it must rather conduct an including the most molecular elements of society. One finitesimal mechanisms, ascending analysis of power, starting, that is, which each have their from its intheir own techniques and tactics, and then own history, their own trajectory, been-and see how these mechanisms continue to be -invested, colonized, of power have displaced, extended etc., by ever more utilized, involuted, transformed, domination." general mechanisms and by forms of global 45. Poovey, Uneven Deuelopments, 3. 46. Karen Barad's theorization of materiality "discoursea analysis". and offers an important corrective to much between the "cultural" provides a helpful framework for and the "material, " exploring the relationship case, between a man and his gun. See Barad, between human and machine, and, in this 47. Indeed, the tenacity of dominant "Getting Real,' " 87-128. crucial area for historical cultural values and meanings, for good and ill, is a 48. On the spaces between and investigation. beyond, 49., Joan Scott calls attention to "the see, for example, Chauncey, Gay New York, identities complex and 47-63. are ascribed, resisted, or embraced changing discursive processes by which unremarked, indeed achieve their effect and which processes themselves are rience,' 33. See also Spivak, In Other because they aren'tnoticed."S Scott, 50. Raymond Williams called Worlds, 1 42. "Expe- "By attention to "residual and 'residual, I mean that some experiences, emergent cultures." " He wrote, verified or cannot be expressed in terms of meanings and values, which cannot be lived and the dominant practised on the basis of the residueculture, are nevertheless previous social formation.. cultural as well as social-of some new By'emergent," 'Imean.. that new practices, new significances and meaningsandsalics Raymond Williams, "Base: and experiences, are continually being created." 51. Ginzburg, The Cheese and the Worms, Superstructure," 415-16. 52. This relationship is explored in Richard xX-xxi. way?," 38-80. See also Frow and Morris, Johnson, "What Is Cultural Studies Any53. To: say that such discoursesareo "Australian Cultural Studies," 344-67. they are fundamentally stable. overdeterminedint this sensei is not, however, to say that discusses the Building on the work of Homi Bhabha, process by which apparently Robert Young instabilities in colonial contexts. The hegemonic representations reveal their "is always asserted, but is also always "mastery" of colonial discourse, he concludes, Young, WiteMythologis, slipping, ceaselessly displaced, never 145. complete.' 54. Williams also used the phrase "structures of the very edge of semantic availability." feeling" to indicate something that is "at Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature, NOTES TO PAGES 24-27 to say that discusses the Building on the work of Homi Bhabha, process by which apparently Robert Young instabilities in colonial contexts. The hegemonic representations reveal their "is always asserted, but is also always "mastery" of colonial discourse, he concludes, Young, WiteMythologis, slipping, ceaselessly displaced, never 145. complete.' 54. Williams also used the phrase "structures of the very edge of semantic availability." feeling" to indicate something that is "at Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature, NOTES TO PAGES 24-27 --- Page 334 --- 132-33; Rosaldo, Culture and Truth, 106. See also Say, 195-225. Raymond Williams, What I Came to 55. Rosaldo, Culture and Truth, 106-7. 56. Comaroff and Comaroff, Of Revelation and 57. Or what Scott calls for Revolution, 1:29. 58. They also "reading the 'literary." - See help us step out of tidy oppositions between "Experience,' 36. imperialist champions of the oppressed. Close imperialist oppresorsandantitween those who wielded and those who resisted readings belie easy distinctions beference, Discrimination, and the Discourse of paternalist logics. See Bhabha, "Dif59. Plummer, Haiti and the United States, Colonialism, * 198. States with Haiti. 19. See Logan, Diplomatic Relations of the United 60. Logan, Diplomatic Relations ofthe United States with TheA Age ofFederalism, 662. Haiti, 176-79:1 Elkinsand McKitrick, 61. Hunt, Haiti's 62. It should be noted, lefuovronAaudbitund however, America. to Haiti, a point to which we will that African Americans had an ambivalent 63. Plummer, Haiti and the United return. relationship 64. Ibid., 46-48. See also States, 26-31. Staudenraus, The African 247; Floyd Miller, The: Search for a Black Nationality, Colonization Movement, 1816-1865, 65. Plummer, Haiti and the United States, 108-9, 232-49. 66. Logan, Diplomatic Relations oft the United 50-52. States Seward articulated an early version of the with Haiti, 322-32. Logan points out that plated annexation of Roosevelt Corollary Hispaniola in 1 868 (328) and contem67. Ibid., 341, 426. (329). 68. Langley, The United States and the Caribbean in the 6g. Plummer, Haiti and the Great Powers, 87. Twentieth Century, 6g. 70. Ibid., 98, 166, 198. In 1904 U.S. military stepped up with the assignment of anAfrican intelligence operations in Haiti were also Young, as military: attaché for the American American army officer, Captain Charles 71. Manigat, "La substitution de la legation. See ibid., 81. çais en Haîti au debut de XXe siècle,' prépondérance " américaine à la prépondérance fran72. Link, Wilson: The Struggle for Neutrality, 321-55: Plummer, Haiti and the Great Powers. 73- Captain Edward Beach 524; see also Wilson Papers. 140-43,NA, cited by Fernandez, manuscript, RG 45, Subject Files 1911-27, box 1000, 74- Millspaugh, Haiti under American Cruising the Caribbean, 103. PP. 75. Cited in Daniels to Wilson, Control, 1915-1930,38. 76. Caperton to Wilson, August 3, 1915, Wilson Papers, 34:70. 77. Millspaugh, Haiti under August 11, 1915, Wilson Papers, 34:165. 78. Lansing to Wilson, August American Control, 41-42. 13, 1915, Wilson 79. Schmidt, The United States Occupation Papers, 34:183. 80. Ibid., 192. of Haiti, 100. 81. Ibid., 1951. 82. Ibid., 196. 83. Victor G. Hoiser, quoted in the Journals of W. , 1915, Wilson Papers, 34:70. 77. Millspaugh, Haiti under August 11, 1915, Wilson Papers, 34:165. 78. Lansing to Wilson, August American Control, 41-42. 13, 1915, Wilson 79. Schmidt, The United States Occupation Papers, 34:183. 80. Ibid., 192. of Haiti, 100. 81. Ibid., 1951. 82. Ibid., 196. 83. Victor G. Hoiser, quoted in the Journals of W. Cameron Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Forbes, typescript, vol. 3, 39, 84. Ibid. 85. Schmidt, The United States Occupation of Haiti, 86. Laguerre, The Military and Society in Haiti, 219. 102, 152. 72; Trouillot, Haiti, State against Nation, NOTES TO PAGES 27-36 --- Page 335 --- CHAPTER 2 1. Homer L. Overley, "Where Are They Now?, ' Muth, " Overley Papers. folder 3: "Poetry, Death of Sergeant 2. Ibid., and "Death of Sergeant Muth, " Overley Papers. 2, folder 3: "Poetry, Death of Sergeant Muth, 19 3. Overley, "A Marine Patrol, " 10, folder 8: 4- Ibid., 24-25, and "Where. Are They Now?" "Manuscript, Overley Papers. 5. Overley, "Death of Sergeant Muth, 1-2. 6. Ibid., 1, and "Where. Are They Now?" 7. Overley, "Death of Sergeant Muth," 1, and 8. Overley, "Death of Sergeant Muth, 11 "Where Are They Now?" 9. Overley, "A Marine Patrol," 1-2. 10. Ibid., 2,4. 24-25. 11. Ibid., 3, 10-11. 12. Ibid., 11. 13- [Noauthor], "An Enlisted Man's 'sAccount, " 1, folder 1919," "Vincent E. Stack Papers, PC 104, PPC. (unnumbered): "Papers, 191514. Chandler Campbell, "Diary 13th Company, " Activities, Haiti, 1915,' * Alex O. Campbell November 8, 1915, folder 1: "Diary of 15- Overley, "Death of Sergeant Muth, " Papers, PC55. PPC. 16. Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons; 1-2. 17. The story of Bois Caiman has been Mintz, Caribbean Tyansformations, an 152-54lived and written in Haiti, and as it has been important element in Haitian history, both as to deride Haiti. The origins and constructedbyo outsiders who have sought Dayan, Haiti, History, and theGods, significance of the story are much debated. See "La cérémonie du Bois-Caïman, 29-30; Geggus, Slavery, War and. Revolution, 40, and 9-34. See also Bellegarde-Smith, 59-78; Hoffmann, "Histoire, mythe et ' Haiti, Haiti: The Breached Citadel, idéologie," 42. 26, 40; Métraux, Voodoo in 18. The sound of the lanbi (conch) is (compact disc, 1995). recorded on the first track of Rhythms of Raplure 19. Smith, "Traditional Peasant Groups." 20. Conchesusedint battle would have been hidden decoratively. from view, but concheswere also used 21. W.E.H Eaton, "The Service d'Hygiène, " 5-6, copy in RG80, box 240, location Gendarmerie) News 1, no.3 (November 1, 22. Stoddard, Thel French 5526, NA. 1921): Revolution in San Domingo; Prichard, John, Hayti, or the Black Republic. Marines and Where Black Rules White; St. Traditional Peasant Groups." 20. Conchesusedint battle would have been hidden decoratively. from view, but concheswere also used 21. W.E.H Eaton, "The Service d'Hygiène, " 5-6, copy in RG80, box 240, location Gendarmerie) News 1, no.3 (November 1, 22. Stoddard, Thel French 5526, NA. 1921): Revolution in San Domingo; Prichard, John, Hayti, or the Black Republic. Marines and Where Black Rules White; St. tion as to prevailing sailors received European and shipboard indoctrinahistory. In contrast, Haitian European American interpretations of Haitian ery, the heroism of Haitian interpretations emphasized the brutality of French slavof the slaves. revolutionary leaders, and the agency and determination 23. Smith, "Traditional Peasant Groups." 9 24. Ibid. 25. Thanks to Liza McAlister for 26. This Haitian Creole bringing this to my attention. Association annual phrase was discussed by the audience at the Haitian Studies conference, Tufts University, translates as "Dessalines is riding me, 1 which refers Medford, Mass., October 1991. It spirit) who is taking over the body of the to Dessalines as a lwa (loa, god, speaker, as in powesion.Another Creole NOTES TO PAGES 39-45 --- Page 336 --- phrase that corresponds to this, and resonates tèt, boule kay" (cut off the heads and burn as well with the same history, is "koupe or Creole god, see Dayan, Haiti, the houses). On Dessalines as a lwa 27. Brown, Mama Lola, History, and the Gods, 30-31, 39. kreyôl 28. Desmangles, Faces ofthe 273n. Gods, xi; 273n, notes that in Haiti, "the McAlister, Angels in the Mirror, 6. Brown, Mama Lola, drum rhythm." Several alternative term Vodou more commonly refers to a particular been used in thej past.. I have chosen to spellings follow of Vodou (e.g., Vodoun, Vodun) have ole, developed by Yves Dejean and the official orthography for Haitian Crerect "Vodou. ' Seel adopted in 1986, which uses the doo" Desmangles, Faces ofthe Gods, xi-xii. phonetically corto refer to the exotic phantasm that Elsewhere, Iuset the word "Vootheir discourses on Haiti. The sensational writers constructed through stood by those who serve the relationship between what is experienced and underdo not is much spirits and what is observed and more complex than is imagined by those who and Voodoo. The suggested by this distinction between importance of that Vodou ogy to emphasize the specificity. of Voodoo complexity notwithstanding, I use this terminolcans in contrast to the sacred forms and as imagined and observed by U.S. Ameri29. See Desmangles, Faces of the Gods, for practices of Haitians. and Roman an analysis of the Catholicism in Haiti. Desmangles calls relationship between Vodou which "pervades the framework of Haitian Vodou "the folk religion of Haiti," icism as their own (1).Alfred Métraux culture,", even as Haitians embrace Catholand rites of African refers to Vodou as "a conglomeration of has origin, which, having been beliefs come to be the religion of the closely mixed with Catholic practice, letariat of the black republic of Haiti.' greater part of the peasants and the urban production to Métraux' s classic Voodoo in Haiti, 15. Sidney Mintz, in his introbeliefs and study, states "that vaudou, like practices, is a vital, living body ofideasand any other complex of practitioners, and responsive to the behaviors, carried in time by its on Mintz, Joan Dayan changing character of social life" (13). Vodou, emphasizes the "intensely intellectual" Building arguing,i in Haiti, History, and the Gods, "that and creative nature of ritual rensensoditestvrobiau, vodou practices must be viewed as (xvii). introbeliefs and study, states "that vaudou, like practices, is a vital, living body ofideasand any other complex of practitioners, and responsive to the behaviors, carried in time by its on Mintz, Joan Dayan changing character of social life" (13). Vodou, emphasizes the "intensely intellectual" Building arguing,i in Haiti, History, and the Gods, "that and creative nature of ritual rensensoditestvrobiau, vodou practices must be viewed as (xvii). past, even more than as retentions fromAfrica" g0. Brown, Mama Lola, 36. 31. See, for example,Julian C. Smith, Oral 32. Miller Log, October 16 and History Transcript, 45, HMD. script, 161-62, HMD; 17, 1915; Merwin H. Silverthorn, Oral Pedro del Valle, Oral History Tran33. Del Valle, Oral History Transcript, History Transcript, 60, HMD. 34. Gordon Lewis, Main Currents 56; Silverthorn, Oral History in Cariblean Thought, Transcript, 165. 35. Nicholls, Dessalines to Duvalier, 87-102; 252. Thought. Gordon Lewis, Main Currents in Caribbean 36. James, The Black Jacobins, 86-8g. 37. On women who served as soldiers in the Breached Citadel, 26; Nicholls, Revolution, see Bellegarde-Smith, Haiti: The lext, 1 22. "Holding the Purse-Strings, 9 in Haiti in Caribbean Con38. Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution, one-third of the black 23;James, The BlackJacobins, 241-42, asserts that population of Saint 39. Logan, Diplomatic Relations of the United Domingue died during the Revolution. Revolution, States with Haiti, 111; 41; Bellegarde-Smith, Haiti: The Breached Geggus, "The Haitian 40. The phrase is from James, The Black Citadd.42-43. Toussaint as the governor of Saint Jacobins, 241. Note that Napoleon recognized Domingue. NOTES TO PAGES 45-47 --- Page 337 --- 41. Dupuy, Haiti in the World Economy, 42., James, The Black) Jacobins, 54-57. 43. Note that plantation 242. agriculture had been devastated 44-, James, The Black] Jacobins, 240. by the war. 45. Dupuy, Haiti in the World Economy, white) included French 75-76. Those who were considered blan that had defected people of all classes, but did not include a (blancs, from Napoleon's army to Polish regiment soldiers becamei integrated into the Haitian fight for the Revolution. The Polish ing, were not considered blan. population and, skin color notwithstand46. Mintz, "Slavery and the Rise of Nicholls, Dessalines to Duvalier, 35-36. 40-41, Peasantries," 226-28, and Caribbean 147-54:Dupuy, Haiti in the Transformations, 47. Dessalines concentrated between WonldEcnomy, 62-63. government hands. Moya Pons, "The three-quarters and nine-tenths of Haitian land in World Eronomy, 76-77. Dupuy Land Question. See also Dupuy, Haiti in the unclaimed land, points out that slaves "fled to the mountains" " to particularly after Dessalines'sfall find 48. That is, local needs for (96). 274: "Peasants subsistence but also for cash. Mintz, Caribbean cultivate with three goals in mind: cash Transformations, commodities. : cash income from items income from world market and subsistence. While produced for local sale and choices they are heavily involved in consumption; and land-use patterns rest production for sale, their crop grow a substantial part of their own food.' fundamentally " on a subsistence orientation. All and the acquisition of Mintz also states: of access to land through "Haiti'shistory. slavery, symbolic significance to landowning. but also for cash. Mintz, Caribbean cultivate with three goals in mind: cash Transformations, commodities. : cash income from items income from world market and subsistence. While produced for local sale and choices they are heavily involved in consumption; and land-use patterns rest production for sale, their crop grow a substantial part of their own food.' fundamentally " on a subsistence orientation. All and the acquisition of Mintz also states: of access to land through "Haiti'shistory. slavery, symbolic significance to landowning. * Finally: revolution, has perhaps given a special ing the Revolution), the Haitian "In the course of the century [followgrowth and the people laid claim to their own soil, while adoption of the French tradition of population reduced the average size of holdings." equal inheritance progressively 49. Sidney Mintz has described this That is, African-born process as the creation of a "reconstituted survived former slaves, together with the descendants of peasantry." slavery, were able to reconstitute Africans, having life combined elements of the African and themselves as a "peasantry whose ways of able American European. . influence, in new cultural Indian past, as well as considermations, 268, constellations. ' Mintz, Caribbean Transfor50. For various explanations of the assassination and the Gods, 26-27; Dupuy, Haiti of Dessalines, see Dayan, Haiti, Duvalier.38. in the World Economy, 81; History, Following the assassination, Henri Nicholls, Dessalines to term as president, but the Constituent Christophe was elected to a four-year strain his control over government Assembly that elected him attempted to recomplete control of the functions. After failing in his attempt to take more there established a government by force, Christophe headed for the and ation of separate constitutional state. Pétion, who North, the new constitution in had overseen the crethe republic in 1807. Port-au-Prince, was subsequently elected of Dupuy, Haiti in the World president against Nation, 47;1 Nicholls, Dessalines to Economy, 86; Trouillot, Haiti, State had been afranchis, or free people of Duvalier, 40. Ancien libres refers to those who refers to those: freed by the Revolution. color, prior to the Revolution. Nouveau libres 51. Pétion instituted various land distribution ery and the Rise of Peasantries," 1 schemes beginning in 180g. Mintz, "Slavant Land Tenure: Agrarian 227. Murray, "The Evolution of Haitian PeasAdaptation to Population Growth, " Pétion'spolicies: as the recognition ofa a fait 1:79. Murray sees Pons, "The Land Question." Moya Pons accompli on the partof the peasants. Moya argues that Pétion effectively returned the NOTES TO PAGES 47-48 --- Page 338 --- land that had been confiscated by Dessalines been taken. to the mulatto class from whom it had 52. Historians disagree as to exactly how Christophe with regard to economic divergent were the intentions of Pétion and 88, emphasizes the contrast between development. Dupuy, Haiti in the World Economy, to a significantly stronger "the militarization of. . labor relations" that led policies of Pétion. Nicholls economy under Christophe and the more liberal cautions that the labor ing the other in starkly oppositional propaganda put out by each state, drawNorth and South. Dessalines to Duvalier, terms, exaggerated the differences between break up the estates in 1807, Nicholls also 40-60. Christophe signed into law an act to effect for another ten years. Nicholls, points out, though he did not put it into omy, 1804-1915."in. Haiti in Caribbean "Economic Dependence and Political Auton53- Boyer had become Context, 83-120. president in the South Pétion's committed. suicidein the wake upon death in 1818. Christophe in the World Economy, 98. ier, terms, exaggerated the differences between break up the estates in 1807, Nicholls also 40-60. Christophe signed into law an act to effect for another ten years. Nicholls, points out, though he did not put it into omy, 1804-1915."in. Haiti in Caribbean "Economic Dependence and Political Auton53- Boyer had become Context, 83-120. president in the South Pétion's committed. suicidein the wake upon death in 1818. Christophe in the World Economy, 98. On elite ofescalating protests against his iron rule. Dupuy, Haiti see ibid., 85-113. attempts to reestablish control over the peasantry, 54. Dupuy argues that this was a Pyrrhic victory, in that Mintz's view) peasantry was integrated the new (or "reconstituted,"; in ploitative economy. Haiti into, and always subordinate to, a Dupuy, in the World larger, exCaribbean Transformations, 132; Moya Pons, Economy, 62, 96, 103. See also Mintz, 55. Mintz, Caribbean Transformations, "The Land Question. in Caribbean 275; Nicholls, "Holding the Context, 1 122-23, 125-26. Purse-Strings," in Haiti 56. See Nicholls, "The Wisdom of 57. Nicholls, "Rural Protest and Salomon, in Haiti in Caribbean Context, 58. Joseph Lanoue and Peasant Revolt,' - in Haiti in Caribbean Context, 36-47. Constant Vieux, "The Real 167-85. translation of article from Le Courrier Desiderata of the Haitian People," location 5526-321:24.NA. Haitien, November 30, 1920, RG 80, box 240, 59. They did seek to extract profit, and some did evince these points must be seen in their disdain for their countrymen, yet 60. Trouillot, Haiti, State against larger context. 61. Ibid., 50-51. Nation, 50. 62. And despite a pointed plea from Massachusetts ofthe new nation. Pickering wrote senator Timothy Pickering on behalf could find an in Jefferson on February 24, 1806, apologist you for cruel excesses of which "IfFrenchmen. example, - are the hapless, the wretched the world had furnished no coloured like our own' but) emancipated, and Haytians ('guilty,' indeed, 'of a skin not are these men, not merely to be abandoned by a great National Act declared Free. those necessary supplies which to theirown efforts, but to be deprived of UStates, and without which they they have been accustomed to receive from the the law of nations? cannot subsist?. And what will be their enemies, Seeing [that] we, by an act of rightsunder to reduce them to submission by Government, take part with their Sir, while you may, from such ignominy and starving them!. Save then your country, rick, Theage ofFederalism, 662. Formal thraldom." " Quoted in Elkins and McKitwould not be reestablished relations between the United States until 1 861. and Haiti 63. Kemedjio, "Entre le Larousse et le dollar: De T'Afrique post-totalitaire. l'occupation américaine de 1915 à 64. Dupuy, Haiti in the World Economy, 65. Moya Pons, "The Land 9466. Trouillot, Haiti, State Question." sesin/)Naston:Nicholk, Dessalines to Duvalier. Political struggles NOTES TO PAGES 48-51 --- Page 339 --- were couched in terms of color divisions, complex ways. though such divisions overlaid class in 67. Manigat, "La substitution," 68. Magdaline Shannon, Jean 321-55. 6g. Ibid. Price-Mars, the Haitian Elite and the American Occupation, 42. 70. Some commentators have claimed that the U.S. of southern men to Haiti based on the belief Navy sent disproportionate numbers "handle" Haitians. The that southerners would know claim was put forth in print by how to 103n. --- Page 339 --- were couched in terms of color divisions, complex ways. though such divisions overlaid class in 67. Manigat, "La substitution," 68. Magdaline Shannon, Jean 321-55. 6g. Ibid. Price-Mars, the Haitian Elite and the American Occupation, 42. 70. Some commentators have claimed that the U.S. of southern men to Haiti based on the belief Navy sent disproportionate numbers "handle" Haitians. The that southerners would know claim was put forth in print by how to 103n. Leyburn did not document his Leyburn, The Haitian addressed by Schmidt, The assertion. This historical Prople, United States controversy is ably Havron et al., "Constabulary Occupation ofHaiti, 143-45.S See: also M. Dean pared for the Office ofNaval Capabilities for Low-Level Conflict," 44 (Report War Research, April preCollege, Newport, R.I.), quoted in 1g8g.Archivesofthet United States Naval concludes that no one has yet made a Huggins, Political Policing, 26-28. Schmidt based on the available evidence. But compelling argument to substantiate the claim disproportionately large number of he states that, "whether or not there was a observers felt that this was the case Southern marines in Haiti, the fact that many codes were conspicuous." indicates that Southerners and Southern racial 71. NreleneewNme. on the Wilson was born December significance ofidentification with the Augusta, 28, 1856, in Staunton, his president. Georgia, before he was one year old, and from Virginia; family moved to Carolina, when he was fourteen. His father, the Augusta to Columbia, South supported the Confederacy, Freud and Bullitt, Reverend Joseph Ruggles Wilson, 72. Gilmore, Gender and) Jim Crow, Thomas Woodrow Wilson, 573. Rutherford, 63; Silber, The Romanceo of Reunion. Wrongs ofHistory Righted, 361. 74- Vandegrift, Once a Marine, 21, 23. 75. Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow,3. 76. Rutherford, Wrongs of fHistory Righted, 362. 77- Lester A. Dessez, Oral History 78. For this reason, it is quite likely Transcript, that 1b-2, HMD. sit differently with them than with the interracial proximity of the occupation would 79. See Williamson, A Rage for Order. northerners. 80. Gilmore, Gender and) Jim Crow. This and Haitians especially after the arrival mythology shaped relations between U.S. marines Occupation of Haiti, 36-39. of U.S. wives. See Schmidt, The United States 81. Lionel Hogu commented on this in conversation 1996. with the author, Boston, July 11, 82. Testimony of Smedley D. Butler, Senate 8g. Barker was secretary of the Tennessee: Hearings, 1:517. an Army officer. A. D. Society of Washington at the time. Chaffin to Robert Barker, October Chaffin was Papers, PC 42, PPC. 28, 1929, Robert Barker 84.Asof1g10, the Marine Corpe's"Advanced one on the East Coast of the United Base Forces" had two centers of operation, By 1911, the East Coast States, the other in the Philippines at operation was Olongapo. ment and supplies were stored and officers concentrated in Philadelphia, where equipQuantico: Crossroads of the Marine were trained. Fleming, Austin, and Braley, of this East Coast operation. Corps, 21. The marines who served in Haiti were My research did They came from the South, the part not turn up any evidence that marines North, and the Midwest. became part of the East Coast from west of the operation and landed in Haiti, Mississippi although it is possible NOTES TO PAGES 52-56 --- Page 340 --- that some did.According toAllan Millett, recruited along the eastern prior to the war of 1898, "marines were the Marine Corps seaboard, as they had been since the 790s. . The marines who served in Haiti were My research did They came from the South, the part not turn up any evidence that marines North, and the Midwest. became part of the East Coast from west of the operation and landed in Haiti, Mississippi although it is possible NOTES TO PAGES 52-56 --- Page 340 --- that some did.According toAllan Millett, recruited along the eastern prior to the war of 1898, "marines were the Marine Corps seaboard, as they had been since the 790s. " still expanded "its system of After 1898, and (turned] itself into a truly national recruiting stations inland from both coasts 118n, 136. institution.' Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, 85. See Chapter 4. 86. F. W. Schmidt to Mrs. F. W. Schmidt, Envelope," ," F. W. Schmidt Papers, Postcard, undated, folder: "Horse Marines 87. Chauncey, Gay. New York, PC1433, PPC. 88. Before October 77:NelsAnderson, Men on the Move. 1915, recruits from east of the training compound in Norfolk, Virginia. In Mississippi landed at the East Coast at Parris Island, South 1915, a new Marine Corps Recruit Carolina, took over the Depot shipped off for Haiti from Norfolk and training of new recruits. Marines Braley, Quantico: Crossroads oft the Marine from Philadelphia. Fleming, Austin, and 8g. It is important to emphasize the Corps, 21. Racism consolidated northern extent to which racial codes were indeed white identities and evolving. singular ways prior to, as well as after, the stigmatized African.Americans: in relatively fluid term in the years 18gos, but the word "race" was still a had not yet settled surrounding the turn of the century. Racial exclusively onto thel discourse W. E. B. Du Bois identified as the black-whiteaxis, the singular "color line,' " that Du Bois, Thes Souls of Black Folk. problem of America in the twentieth century. See could speak of the Irish Thus,Jacob Riis, in his 1902 portrait of New York "black"and race, the Italian race, and the German City, "yellow" races. See Riis, How the Other race, as well as the gist and expert on adolescence, G. Stanley HalfLives. And the noted psycholorace of supermen, which would in time Hall, could envision a future American saw around him in the evolve from the current "mongrel" whites he for Hall, because mid-18gos. White Americans their bloodlines contained constituted a mongrel people, man, for example, might a diverse racial inheritance, One Thus, carry German, Scottish, young even as Hall participated in English, and Scandinavian blood. and white, his racial theory establishing an absolute opposition between black gory of whiteness. See Bederman, exposed a "seething" disunity within the evolving cateson, Whiteness of a Different Color. Manliness and Civilization, 105-6. See also Jacob90. Calloway, Our Hearts Fell to the Ground, Dakota Eyes, 23-27,5 55-56, 89-96; Gary. Anderson and Woolworth, 1890. 237; Utley, The Indian Frontier of the American Through West, 184691. Bernstein, The New York Draft Riots; on ther race) riot of 1g00. New York Shapiro, White Violence and Black Response, racial mix was also one of the few 93-96, included a significant minority enclave placesin the East wheret the 92. William English Walling, "The Race War of Chinex-Americans. in the North," 1908,529, quoted in Shapiro, White Violence and Independent, September 3, 93. Walling, "The Race War in the North, " Black Response, 103. in Shapiro, White Violence and Black Independent, September 3, 1908, 530, quoted 94- Tuttle, Race Riot: Chicago in the Red Summer Response, 103. 95. See Nelson, National Manhood. of 1919. 96. Silverthorn, Oral History Transcript, Butler as idiosyncratic was no doubt 184-85. -Americans. in the North," 1908,529, quoted in Shapiro, White Violence and Independent, September 3, 93. Walling, "The Race War in the North, " Black Response, 103. in Shapiro, White Violence and Black Independent, September 3, 1908, 530, quoted 94- Tuttle, Race Riot: Chicago in the Red Summer Response, 103. 95. See Nelson, National Manhood. of 1919. 96. Silverthorn, Oral History Transcript, Butler as idiosyncratic was no doubt 184-85. Silverthorn's impression of Smedley distinguished Marine Corps general who exacerbated by Butler's singular position as a imperialist and isolationist. Nonetheless, became, in the 1930S, an outspoken antispecifically to describe Silverthorn's use of the term "idiosynerasy" Butler'sQuaker identity calls for comment. NOTES TO PAGES 56-59 --- Page 341 --- 97. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 6. 98. Overley, "Where Are They Now?," " makes references to or evidence of Italians in the reference to a Jewish marine. I found no Overley Papers. First Brigade. Folder 8: "Manuscript," 99. Painter, Standing al Armageddon, 298; man, "Some Phases of the Compulsory Kennedy, Over Here, 7-18; Mooney and Ly41.Henry L. Stimson and Leonard Wood, Military Training Movement, 1914-1920," 100. Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, among others, shared 103. Millett Roosevelt'sview. the Marine Corps at 25-33 percent, puts nineteenth-century. desertion rates for 101. Ibid., 118. See Manchester Union, annually. Fidelis, 682 n. 8. March 18, 1895, cited by Allan Millett, 102. Semper Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, 129, 134, 136, The sure, from the new martial spirit that 175. Marine Corps benefited, to be Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood, grew out of the U.S. experience of the war. See Corps enlistment rates outstripped those of 17-32. Yet, as Millett points out, Marine 103. Allan Millett, SemperFidelis, 1 36, the army and navy. the new enlisted rank of 75-Millett states that in 1899, "Congress gunnery sergeant,' thus approved handling naval ordnance; at the time creating 72 billets for specialists in monthly) noncommisioned officers in gunnery sergeants were the highest paid quartermaster: the Corps. Additional ($35 sergeants were [also] authorized." sergeants-major and 104. Major General Commandant 175. George F. Elliot, quoted in Allan Millett, SemperFidelis, 105. Coletta, A. Suruey ofU.S. NavalAffairs, 106. The "eagle, globe, and anchor" 1865-1917, 185. grants may have been refers to the insignia of the Marine Corps. Immiof the corps in the years disproportionately leading reenlistees, given the increasing 107. Griswold, Fatherhood up to the occupation. selectivity 108. Stephan in America, 82; Tyack, The One Best System, Fatherhood Brumberg, Going to America, Going to School, 230. in America, 83. 75-78, as quoted in Griswold, 109. For Irish American perspectives on earlier son, Special Sorrows, 177-216, and Doyle, phases of U.S. imperialism, see JacobEmpires. Irish Americans, Native Rights and National 110. Miller Log, August 13, 1915; 111. Charles S. September 10, 18, 1915. Simmington to the Secretary of the with 1921, RG 80, box 240, location Navy, enclosure, February 26, Scandal," " Record fChristian Work, 5526-321:27, March NA. . For Irish American perspectives on earlier son, Special Sorrows, 177-216, and Doyle, phases of U.S. imperialism, see JacobEmpires. Irish Americans, Native Rights and National 110. Miller Log, August 13, 1915; 111. Charles S. September 10, 18, 1915. Simmington to the Secretary of the with 1921, RG 80, box 240, location Navy, enclosure, February 26, Scandal," " Record fChristian Work, 5526-321:27, March NA. Clipping enclosed: "The Haiti 112. "TheAmerican Red Cross, Gendarmerie 1921. vember 1, 1921):9. Copy in RG 80, box News (Port-au-Prince, Haiti) 1, no.3 (No113. Del Valle, Oral History 240, location 5526-327:18,NA. Valle was born August 28, Transcript, 1893. The prefatory comments, page unnumbered. Del war with Spain. The war ended United States acquired Puerto Rico after the Puerto Rico from inAugust 1898; the treaty Spain to the United States was declaring the transfer of January 1899. On Puerto Ricans' embraceofU.S. ratified by the U.S. Senate in especially 112-15, 116-17. rule, see Findlay, Del ImposingDeomncy, 114. Valle, Oral History' Transcript, 62. 115. Ibid., prefatory comments, page 116. Ibid., 54unnumbered. 117. Ibid., 55. 118, Ibid., 62. NOTES TO PAGES 59-62 --- Page 342 --- 119. Van Doren, "Why the Editorial Board Selected perhaps find parallels in the accounts of white The Magic Island," 3. This story could childhood proximity to African American folk southerners reflecting on their own 120. Bederman addresses the culture, ness";see. Manliness specific significance oft the and Civilization, terms"masculinity"a and "manli121. Hoganson writes, about the 17-19. nessi to link martial years following the war with Spain, "The capacity to political postwar eagerwas not an inherent right, but rather, authority. suggested that self character.' " She suggests further that one that rested on a specific kind government of "the manly in which no states granted women full fourteen-year gap between 8g6and 1910 strengthened conviction that full suffrage can be explained in part by the for their country. " Fighting for American citizenship belongs only to those who could fight 122. On "New White Men" and their Manhood, 125, 1 130. politics, see Gilmore, Gender and response to African American men in southern Baron, Jim Crow, 64-73. On unions and "Questions of Gender. > See also masculinity, see can Culture"; Filene, Higham, "The Reorientation of AmeriHim/Her/Salf: Griffen, Evangelical Revivals to the Waning of "Reconstructing Masculinity from the lization; Hoganson, Fighting for American Progressivism"; Bederman, Manliness and CiviMarsh, "Suburban Men and Masculine Manhood; Griswold, Fatherhood in America; Women'sHistory." Domesticity"; ; Cott, "On Men's History and 123., James Green, The World of the Worker, On paigns, see DuBois, "Working Women, 44. working-class women in suffrage camOrleck, CommonSense and a Littlel Fire, Class Relations, and Suffrage Militance"; 124. Chauncey, Gay New York, 1 12; Lears, No. 87-120. 125. Chauncey, Gay New York, 111; PluagfGrma.4. 126. See Griswold, Fatherhood Bederman, Manliness and Civilization, in America, 35-85: Baron, 12-13. Montgomery, TheFallofthe House of1 Labor. "Questions of Gender"; and 127. -class women in suffrage camOrleck, CommonSense and a Littlel Fire, Class Relations, and Suffrage Militance"; 124. Chauncey, Gay New York, 1 12; Lears, No. 87-120. 125. Chauncey, Gay New York, 111; PluagfGrma.4. 126. See Griswold, Fatherhood Bederman, Manliness and Civilization, in America, 35-85: Baron, 12-13. Montgomery, TheFallofthe House of1 Labor. "Questions of Gender"; and 127. Of course, such men did cause problems for sively and became violent with their wives their families when they drank excesmen who became violent caused and children,just as elite and middle-class reformers targeted problems for their families. The point here poor, working-class, and is that ferior" and failing to address the class immigrant men, labeling them as "inpatriarchal power. See Griswold, Fatherhood dynamics surrounding their overbearing Pleck, Domestic Tyranny. in America, 60-62. See also Elizabeth 128. On the "Wild West," > see Slotkin, "Buffalo Bederman, Manliness and Civilization, Bill's "Wild West' ;on the White City, see Manliness and Civilization, 31-35, 36-40; on football, see American Mentality. 15, Harvey Green, Fit for America, and Mrozek, Bederman, Sport and 129. On The Rough Riders, see Kaplan, "Black and who emphasizes the unifying, Blue on San, Juan Hill. ' Cf. American Manhood, fraternal legacy of the Rough Riders, in Hoganson, 142. Fighting for 130. On McFadden, see Chauncey, GayNew 131. Bederman, York, 1 16. Manliness and Civilization, 221. 132. Rotundo, American Manhood, 252; G. Stanley Home: The Undue Influence of Women Hall, "Feminization in Schools and for the Sexes,' World's Work 16 Teachers- - The) Need of Different Training hood, 354 n. 14:Stearns, "Men, (1908): 10-38, quoted in Rotundo, American ManBoys, and Anger," Civilization, 16. On other boy-focused 83, 84; Bederman, Manliness and 133. Kimmel, Manhood in America, 166. groups, see Chauncey, Gay New York, 1 16. NOTES TO PAGES 62-64 --- Page 343 --- 134-. Bederman, Manliness and Civilization, Heart (Abstract)," Kindegarten 98-99: G. Stanley Hall, "The Education of the Manliness and Civilization, Magazine 2 (May 1899): 593, quoted in 264 n. 74. Bederman, 135. On the Boy: Scouts, see Rotundo, American Alive, 351-61; Kimmel, Manhood in Manhood, 228; Beard, Hardly a Man IsNow can Boy. America; Mcleod, Building Character in the Ameri136. On boxing gloves as gifts, see Stearns, "Men, stories, see Martin Green, TheAduenturmus Boys, and Anger," 84. On adventure ards, Male; Ely, The Road to Armageddon; RichJeporiolimnandjnenitl Literature. On Tarzan, first man, Mantiness and Civilization, published in 1914, see Beder137. Vandegrift, Once a Marine, 219-32; Torgovnick, Gone Primitive, 42-72. 138. Craige, Black Bagdad, 88. 24-25. 139. Allan Millett, Sempert Fidelis, 140. See Lynd, Nonziolence 175, 177.See also Lindsay, This in America; Bederman, Manliness HighName. "The Habit of Victory." and Civilization; Mrozek, 141. Tarzan, first man, Mantiness and Civilization, published in 1914, see Beder137. Vandegrift, Once a Marine, 219-32; Torgovnick, Gone Primitive, 42-72. 138. Craige, Black Bagdad, 88. 24-25. 139. Allan Millett, Sempert Fidelis, 140. See Lynd, Nonziolence 175, 177.See also Lindsay, This in America; Bederman, Manliness HighName. "The Habit of Victory." and Civilization; Mrozek, 141. Homer Overley, Smedley Butler, and William served in Haiti who left some record Baheri are a few of the marines who former enlisted man who went to Haiti of their opposition to militarism. Baheri, a of a Haitian woman and her children as a teenager, was deeply. affected by the sight father be caught and shot. Leo crying as they watched their husband and thank him for Dougherty has interviewed William sharing this information with me. In Baheri, and I Schmidt concludes that the famous marine's his biography of Butler, Hans as evolving from experiences within "1930s recantation is best understood than from outside ideological the military and in civilian police work, rather recently, we may think ofs such influences." Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 249. More 142. Craige, Black Bagdad, organizations: as Vietnam Veterans for Peace, Chapter 98-102. For other marines' attitudes toward 4such men, see 143. Beveridge, The Young Man and the World, 156, American Manhood, 155. quoted in Hoganson, Fighting for 144- Conversely, in the mid-18gos, G. hood becausei itintroduced Stanley Hall saw adolescence as the onset of to the future of the the possibility of paternity, and thus linked manrace.. See Bederman, Manliness and a young man 145. On breadwinning and Civilization, Her/Self: fatherhood, see Griswold, Fatherhood in 103-4Rotundo, American Manhood. America; Filene, Him/ 146. The coterie ofresponsibilitiesa region. On fatherhood assigned to fathers in the nineteenth in the century varied by On fatherhood in the nincteenth.century North, see Frank, Life with Father. Stowe, nineteenth-century: South, see Intimacy and Power in the Old South; Burton, Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor; Mansions; Censer, North Carolina Planters In My Father's House Are On the transformation and Their Children; Cashin, Many of fatherhood in the first half AFamily Venture. Griswold, Fatherhood in America; of the twentieth century, see Griswold suggests that LaRossa, The Modernization of Fatherhood. which among those challenges was the challenge Robert increasingly intervened in family matters, posed by the state, rendering "paternal autonomy. reducing paternal authority and 147. See Marsh, "Suburban Men and illusory." See Griswold, Fatherhood in America, 7. 148. Indeed, the state enforced such Masculine Domesticity," especially 122, 126. ing the U.S. respectability. During the occupation of Haiti, progressive yearsimmediately precedthe importance of paternal reformers focused public attention on to bring wayward fathers responsibility and the necessity of into line. Robert Griswold disciplinary coercion points out that "in the first NOTES TO PAGES 65-67 --- Page 344 --- decade of the new century, eleven states made families a felony; eighteen increased desertion or non-support of destitute these crimes; others allowed third the fineand, / or the length ofi fimprisonment for against husbands, and parties to bring suits, permitted wives to granted probation testify serter and oversee his conduct. attention on to bring wayward fathers responsibility and the necessity of into line. Robert Griswold disciplinary coercion points out that "in the first NOTES TO PAGES 65-67 --- Page 344 --- decade of the new century, eleven states made families a felony; eighteen increased desertion or non-support of destitute these crimes; others allowed third the fineand, / or the length ofi fimprisonment for against husbands, and parties to bring suits, permitted wives to granted probation testify serter and oversee his conduct. By agents the power to apprehend the dehad taken steps to ensure that 1920 a third of the nation's states and men fulfilled their half territories suggests that the dominant discursive of the family bargain. ' This Haiti was worked out carlier in the framework for the United States' to context of domestic approach Fatherhood in America, 63-64. paternalism. See Griswold, 149. Ivan Miller remembered that his led to his admission to the U.S. father'sfriendships Naval with one ofOhioscongresmen script, 2-3, HMD. Academy. Ivan W. Miller, Oral History Tran150. Griswold, Fatherhood in America, 151. Ibid., 26, 38. 19. 152. On thei insults of childhood, see, for 151-52. See also Kett, Rites example, Stoler, Race and the Education fathers of Passage. On ofDesire, expanding their authority over their cach-wenjethcentury children U.S. American wold, Fatherhood in America, 38. into their twenties, see Gris153. Clopper, Rural Child Welfare: An quoted in Griswold, Fatherhood Inquiry by the National Child Labor in America, 28. Committee, 85, 154. "Old Jersey Marine Guard Gains folder 1: "1982 Dissertation Purple Heart," unidentified for newspaper clipping, Venzon, " Anne C. Venzon Princeton History Department by Anne 155. Covello, The Teacher Papers, PC2364, PPC. Cipriano in the Urban Community, America, 84. See also Bernard Weiss, 41,43, quoted in Griswold, Fatherhood in 1840-1940, 61-77. American Education and European Immigrants: 156. Montgomery, TheFall of the House of olence, on industrial paternalism. Labor, on Taylorism; Tone, The Business of Beneu157. Maxwell Droke, "Shall We Say Farewell to (October 1923): 206, quoted in Tone, The "Welfare?," Industrial Management 66 158. CharkesA.Lappincon, Business of lenciodenen.as7-35. "Promoting nalism,' " Employee Team Work and Welfare without PaterIadwualManagoamn; 71 (March ofl Benevolence, 239. 1926): 147, quoted in Tone, The Business 159. Chauncey, Gay. New York, 76. 160. Ibid., 76-80, especially 79161. Chauncey focuses on New York City but offers ing of the rough culture of important clues for our understandexample, that single men in other urban areas. He working-class male communities points out, for when the sex ratios of immigrant "began to disappear in the 1920S, legislation "made it difficult for communities started to stabilize. 1 Immigration brief periods of work.' s At the immigrant workers to enter the United States for to decline as New York's same time, "the number of seamen in the city hoboes) dropped port declined, and the number of transient workers began throughout the country in the (or nological production, and the 1920S, as economic and techthem." " See Chauncey, Gay New York, expansion of auto transport, reduced the need for 5,12. to disappear in the 1920S, legislation "made it difficult for communities started to stabilize. 1 Immigration brief periods of work.' s At the immigrant workers to enter the United States for to decline as New York's same time, "the number of seamen in the city hoboes) dropped port declined, and the number of transient workers began throughout the country in the (or nological production, and the 1920S, as economic and techthem." " See Chauncey, Gay New York, expansion of auto transport, reduced the need for 5,12. 78. See also Nels Anderson, Men on theMove, 2162. Chauncey, Gay New York, 79-80. 163. Wise,AMarine Tells It to You, frontispiece. 164. Coletta, "Josephus Daniels,' - in American Secretaries ofthe Navy, 2:527-28. NOTES TO PAGES 67-70 --- Page 345 --- 165. Miller Log, May 3. 1916. 166. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King of fLa Gonave, 9-10. 167. Scottman, "A Marine Remembers Haiti, " 22-23. 168. Butler, Old Gimlet Eye, 184. This is not to suggest that enlisted men's boasts would have taken the same form. 169. "Thou Shalt Not: Hints to Newly Commissioned Officers, pamphlet, folder 2: Untitled, William Rossiter Papers, PC113, PPC. 170. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 1. 171. Smedley D. Butler to Maud Darlington Butler, February 21, 1916, Venzon MS, 203. Also see Chapter 3. 172. Franklyn, Knights in the Cockpit, 6. 173. Chauncey, Gay New York, 84-85. 174- Ibid. While, on rare occasions, a lineup may have been a financially profitable scheme orchestrated by a prostitute, most often the event was nothing short of outand-out gang rape. 175. Ibid., 81. 176. Ibid., 118-19. Further support for this argument may be found in Linn's discussion of homosexuality in the U.S. Army in the early-twentieth-century Pacific. Linn's evidence is from the records of GeneralCourts-Martial. Guardians ofEmpire, 11 130-33. 177. Chauncey, Gay New York, 115-18. 178. Ibid., 115-16. 179. Ibid., 79. 180. See Chauncey, "Christian Brotherhood or Sexual Perversion?, 99 and Murphy, Perverts by Official Order. 181. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 174. The article on Butler was from 1927. 182. Together, the work of George Chauncey and Donald Mrozek may illuminate the breakdown of values among marines in Haiti, which constitutes the focus of Chapter 4-Mrozek claims that "[t]he hardihood of militarylife.. protected male friendship from insinuations of homosexuality" ("The Habit of Victory," 222). He claims, further, that the military provided an institutional context in which the display and even the flamboyant spectacle of the manly body could be indulged in without the anxieties that attended civilian middle-class men's pleasure in looking at manly bodies.. As Mrozek points out, "military display had its own history and justification" (222). Yet military display- the proper display of the uniform, for example - was precisely what fell apart in the field in Haiti. As the usual structures of proper military form fell away, could it be that anxieties held at bay by such forms could emerge and trouble the marines'; sense of self? 183. Fleming, Austin, and Braley, Quantico: Crossroads of the Marine Corps, 20-21; Sweetman, American. NavalHistory, 132. See also Champie, A BriefHistory of the Marine Corps Recruit Depot, Parris Island, S.C. 184. Thomason, Fix Bayonets!, xix. 185. Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, xvii. 186. Ibid., 162. 187. Thomason, Fix Bayonets!, X. 188. Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, 176. 189. Fleming, Austin, and Braley, Quantico: Crossroads of the Marine Corps, 20-21; Sweetman, American. NavalHistory, 132. See also Champie, A BriefHistory of the Marine Corps Recruit Depot, Parris Island, S.C. 184. Thomason, Fix Bayonets!, xix. 185. Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, xvii. 186. Ibid., 162. 187. Thomason, Fix Bayonets!, X. 188. Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, 176. 189. Ibid., xvii, 145-50. 190. Gene Holiday, quoted linAppy, Working-Class War, 86. See also Butler, War Is a Racket, 28. 191. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King ofLa Gonave, 9-10. NOTES TO PAGES 70-76 --- Page 346 --- Marine Corps as a Military Elite,' " 44-58. Showalter, "Evolution of the U.S. 192. 193- Thomason, Fix Bayonets!, xix. s term used to describe Overley's use of the word "gyrene," a derogatory their 194. Homer of the extent to which marines maintained marines, at least raises the question of worth. We shall return to this idea in Chapter 4sense 195. Thomason, Fix Bayonets!, xiv. La Gonave, Wirkus and Dudley, The White King of 9-10. 196. 197. Miller, Oral History Transcript, 4163-64- Hazing was one particular Hall, quoted by Kimmel, Manhood in America, 198. "tradition of things endured," 1 in Thomason'sphrase. 199. See Chapter 4222. Mrozek comments on the process of "soften200. Mrozek, "The Habit of Victory," "It is crucial to note that U.S. military ing" that was part of military indoctrination:' cultivation of the gentler skills than of aggresofficers were at least as likely to need similarly diligent to see that their and prowess and they were brute sive attitudes physical Since Victorian manliness was not mere men followed the same pattern. to develop the sense of strength and unrestricted will, it was equally important cultivate the habit of grace under restraint to instill an instinct for balance and to a rhetoric of 'softening' as pressure. Military courage and manliness thus inspired forces tended to draw SO much of especially since the armed much as 'toughening, outside the middle and upper classes" (224). their manpower from Daniels, 331, 553- A representative of the 201. Cronon, The Cabinet Diaries of Josephus an training prodid visit Haiti to assess morale and help plan appropriate YMCA See Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores, 117-18. gram. 202. Allan Millett, Semper. Fidelis, 142. States Marine," 11 Recruiter's Bulletin (April Private C. Hundertmark, "The United 203. 1915), cited in Allan Millett, SemperFidelis, 145. about the background (and histories provide important information to Haiti. The First Regi204- Regimental marines brought with them lore) that some experienced of several battalions that had been in ment, for example, was initially composed first The First Marines also prior to 1900, when it was organized. the Philippines Mexico, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic served in China, Panama, Cuba, Eli K. Cole, Smedley D. Butler, Deacon as well as in Haiti. Littleton W. T. Waller, Osterhout, and Merwin Silverthorn Upshur, Frederick Wise, Adolph Miller, George A BriefHistory ofthe IstMarines. all served with the First Regimenti in Haiti.Johnstone, Santelli, A Brief History of the 8th See also Kane, A Brief History of the 2d Marines; Marines; Buckner, A Brief History oft the Ioth Marines. Wirkus and Dudley, The White. King ofLa Gonave, 12-13. 205. 24, 1916. 206. Miller Log,July 30, 1915-June box folder: "Naval Academy, 1915. For nickname, see Postcard, 13, 207. Ibid.,, July 31, PPC. Cynthia Enloe has commented 1905-1909. ' Adolph B. Miller Papers, PC196, for the military by labor performed on the important but largely unacknowledged Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases, and officers' wives acting in this manner. See TheUnited: States Occupawives in Haiti, see Schmidt, Maneuvers. On military occupied Transcript; Silverthorn, Oral History tion of Haiti, 136-39; Dessez, Oral History November 26, December 2, 1916. Transcript; Miller Log.June 3 and 8, 208. MillerLog, August 1, 1915-June 24.1916. 209. Ibid. 210. Ibid., August 3, 1915. NOTES TO PAGES 76-79 officers' wives acting in this manner. See TheUnited: States Occupawives in Haiti, see Schmidt, Maneuvers. On military occupied Transcript; Silverthorn, Oral History tion of Haiti, 136-39; Dessez, Oral History November 26, December 2, 1916. Transcript; Miller Log.June 3 and 8, 208. MillerLog, August 1, 1915-June 24.1916. 209. Ibid. 210. Ibid., August 3, 1915. NOTES TO PAGES 76-79 --- Page 347 --- 211. Ibid., August 1, 1915212. Deacon P. Upshur, quoted in Harold H. Utley, "The Tacticsand Techniquesofs Small Wars,' s 14, unpublished typescript, Harold H. Utley Papers, PPC. Books dealing with Haiti and Haitian history available at the time included St. John, Hayti, Or the Black Republic; Prichard, Where Black Rules White; Johnston, The Negro in the New World; Bonsal, The American Mediterranean; and Stoddard, The French Revolution in Santo Domingo. Prichard'svolume was among those read by Adolph Miller while he was in Haiti. Sce Miller Log,January9, 1916. 213- Deacon P. Upshur, quoted in Utley, "The Tactics and Techniques of Small Wars,' 14214- Miller Log, August 5, 1915. 215. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King of La Gonave, 19. 216. Ibid. 217. Healy, Gunboat Diplomacy in the Wilson Era, 53. 218. Utley, "The Tactics and Techniques of Small Wars." 219. Ibid., 94,95.97220. Ibid., 95, 98. 221. Ibid., 95222. Ibid., 100. 228. Utley describes Van Orden's handling of the refusal by the revolutionary committee to allow U.S. forces to use the Caserne barracks. Ibid., 99. 224. Healy, Gunboat Diplomacy in the Wilson Era, 66-67, 77, 88-8g. 225. Utley, "The Tactics and' Techniques of Small Wars, 100. 226. Miller Log, August 5, 1915. 227. Craige, Black Bagdad, 176. 228. Miller Log, August 4, 1915229. Miller Log, August 5 and 8, 1915. 230. Miller Log, August 6, 1915. 231. Ibid. 232. Miller Log, August 10 and 9, 1915.respectively. 233. McMillen, "Some Haitian Recollections," 522. 234- Ibid., 522-23. 235. This use of "marronage" derives from the same word that refers to the maroon tradition discussed earlier. See Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons. 236. On rara, see McAlister, 4 Men Moun Yo: Here Are the People, > and "New York Lavalas and the Emergence of Rara." 237. Wise, A Marine Tells It to You, 132-33. 238. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King ofLa Gonave, 15. 239. Ibid., 17. 240. Ibid., 20. 241. Ibid., 17. 242. Laleau, Le choc. Laleau's title translates as The Shock. 243. Dorsinville, Marche arrière, 16. "UJle me souviens clairment de mes premiers 'marines' par un matin de soleil, et il me semble que c'était le jour de leur débarquement; je perçevais leur nouveauté à la stupéfaction des visages, au silence soudain autour de moi.' " Translation by the author. 244- Ibid., 27. "[L]'enfant n'a enregistré que la stupeur des visages, puis la résignation évidement. Des soldats blancs étaient venus salir l'indépendance: où étaient les aïeux? Finalement les aïeux n'étaient plus. 245. On the sit-down strike, see. Julian C. Smith, Oral History' Transcript, 52, HMD. NOTES TO PAGES 79-86 ages, au silence soudain autour de moi.' " Translation by the author. 244- Ibid., 27. "[L]'enfant n'a enregistré que la stupeur des visages, puis la résignation évidement. Des soldats blancs étaient venus salir l'indépendance: où étaient les aïeux? Finalement les aïeux n'étaient plus. 245. On the sit-down strike, see. Julian C. Smith, Oral History' Transcript, 52, HMD. NOTES TO PAGES 79-86 --- Page 348 --- 246. Alfred H.Noble, Oral History Transcript, 247. Ibid., 57. 56-57, HMD. CHAPTER 3 1. Schmidt, MauerickMarine, 91. 2. Seligmann, "The of Haiti.' 97 Conquest Haiti"; James Weldon Johnson, "Self-Determining 3. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 110-28, "Reportof Affairs in Haiti,June especially 117. Brig. General George Barnett, 4.NA.See: also various documentsi 1915-June in the 1920, RG. 45, ZWA-7, box 1000, folder 4. "The Real Desiderata of the Haitian George Barnett Papers, PPC, Haitien, RG 80, box 240, location People," translation of article from Le Courrier Press and the American 5526-321:24. NA. See also Blassingame, "The and the correspondence Intervention"; files of Plummer, "The Afro-American the Response"; 5. "U.S. Rules Haiti by Fear, Says Secretaryofthe) Navy in RG 80,NA. Copy located in RG 80, location Brooklyn Attorney," New York Globe, July 15, 1920. 6.J. Deerlson (illeg.) to Secretary 5526-279.NA. of the 5526-282: 6,NA. Navy, August 2, 1920, RG 80, location 7. WaldoA.Amost to Newton D. Baker, 8. Testimony of Admiral William B. Secretaryof War, RG80, location 5526-279.NA. Perkins, Constraint Caperton, 1921, Senate Hearings, See ofEmpire, 122. 1:392. also 9. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Butler, 10. Healy, Gunboat Diplomacy in the Wilson Era. December 23, 1915, Venzon MS, 198. 11. Link, Wilson: The. Struggle for Neutrality, 12. Wilson to Bryan, April 5, 1915, Wilson 524. 13- Wilson, "Remarks to the Papers, 32:479. Associated Press in New York," Papers, 33:39. The metaphor of April 20, 1915, in Wilson 1898 work Control of the trusteeship dated back, at least, to Kidd's British Paternalism Tropics. See also Porter, Critics of and Benjamin and Africa. Empire, Hetherington, 14- Wilson, "An Address on Latin American 1913), Wilson Papers, 28:448-53. Policy in Mobile, Alabama" [October 27, 15. Ibid.,4 448-53. 16. Ibid., 451. 17. Ibid., 452. 18. Wilson to Eliot, September 19. Bryan to Blanchard, 17, 1913, Wilson Papers, 28:280. Wilson qualified December 18, 1914, Wilson Papers, Bryan's original draft 31:486-87. Note that 20. Wilson to Edward Mandel House, by adding the word "s "special." 21. A separate Corps of Marines August. 4, 1915, Wilson Papers, 34:80. ofthe. Army. A more central institutional was established in 1798, initially drawn from the ranks wereintended: as ships guards for the Navy, ambiguity but arose from the fact that marines the nineteenth century marines also put at the in certain other were used as police forces in presidenf'sdisposal. In domestic contexts, notably in Washington, D.C., and and 1871 and during labor Brooklyn's "Irishtown" between 1867 1877. 4, 1915, Wilson Papers, 34:80. ofthe. Army. A more central institutional was established in 1798, initially drawn from the ranks wereintended: as ships guards for the Navy, ambiguity but arose from the fact that marines the nineteenth century marines also put at the in certain other were used as police forces in presidenf'sdisposal. In domestic contexts, notably in Washington, D.C., and and 1871 and during labor Brooklyn's "Irishtown" between 1867 1877. Meanwhile the uprisings, had most conspicuously in the Great of dant corps its own separate Uprising reported to the secretary of the navy. Around commandant, but that commanreformers sought to remove. ships guards from the turn of the century, naval navy vessels and various plans were NOTES TO PAGES 88-95 --- Page 349 --- floated for reorganizing the Marine Regular Army. The corps emerged from Corps; those some called for integrating it into the tionsintact, only toi be redefined and indeed institutional battles with all its funccolonial wars in the Pacific and the strengthened. -in the context ofU.S. 22. Challener, Admirals, Generals and. Caribbean.. Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis. 23. Ibid., 20. American Foreign Policy, 65. 24. Commander John Shipley, USS Des Moines, to Sec. Navy. Area Files, 1900-1911, NA, Navy, December 19, 1908, 25. Challener, Admirals, Generals quoted in Langley, The Banana Wars, RG45. and American 124. 26. Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power Foreign Policy, 18. 27. Challener, Admirals, Generals and upon World History. 28. Ibid.,44American Foreign Policy, 42-44. 29. Ibid., 45-399. 30. Ibid., 365. 31. Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, 29-30. 32. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 126, 33. This tradition included the use of the Marine especially in Washington, D.C. High, "The Corps troops in the domestic arena, 35-1 Note that in the decades Marine Corps and Crowd Control," ' taken over that function leading up to this time, the National Guard 113in the domestic context. had largely 34- Link, Wilson: The: Struggle for Neutrality, 35. Ibid., 499. 497. 36. Ibid., 499 n., 5. 37. Livingston to Assistant Secretary of State, May Plummer, Haiti and the Great Powers, 15, 1912, DF 711-38/14, cited in 38. Schmidt, The United States 1902- -1915, 159. 159. Occupation ofHaiti, 37; Plummer, Haiti and the Great Powers, 39. McDonald to Lansing, August 2, 1915, Wilson 40. Stabler to Bryan, May 13, 1914.SD 838.00/1 Papers, 34:68. Occupation of Haiti, 53. 1667, cited in Schmidt, The United States 41. Plummer, Haiti and the Great Powers, 146. 42. Ibid., 148; cf. Schmidt, The United States the initiative was concurrently taken Occupation of Haiti, 39. Schmidt argues that Germans. by the State Department, the bankers, and 43. It is possible that Wilson's legislative intended toj provide the federal baby, the Federal Reserve Act of 1913, though also contributed to the close government with a measureof control over thel banks, policy makersandt connection between banking leaders and On Wilson's Itotheiniltuenceoft the bankers. See Washington attitudes toward large Dawley, Struggles for Justice, the Liberal State, 162-65. corporations, see Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal 147. in 44- Link, Wilson: The. Struggle for Neutrality, 518. 45. Long to 46. Schmidt, Bryan.January: The United 23, 1914, cited in Link, Wilson: The States Occupation of Haiti, 60-61. Struggle for Neutrality, 519. 47. Link, Wilson: The Struggle for Neutrality, Haiti, 53. itudes toward large Dawley, Struggles for Justice, the Liberal State, 162-65. corporations, see Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal 147. in 44- Link, Wilson: The. Struggle for Neutrality, 518. 45. Long to 46. Schmidt, Bryan.January: The United 23, 1914, cited in Link, Wilson: The States Occupation of Haiti, 60-61. Struggle for Neutrality, 519. 47. Link, Wilson: The Struggle for Neutrality, Haiti, 53. 530; Schmidt, The United States Occupation of 48. Wilson to Bryan, April 5, 1915, Wilson Papers, 49. Bryan to Wilson, January 7, 1915, Wilson 32:479. 50. Wilson to Bryan, January Papers, 32:27-28. 51. See, for example, 13, 1915, Wilson Papers, 32:62. Lansing to Wilson, August 13, 1915, Wilson Papers, 34:184. NOTES TO PAGES 95-99 --- Page 350 --- 52. Wilson to Edith Bolling Galt, August 8, fiancée. -they were secretly 1915, Wilson Papers, 34:139. Or soon-to-be engaged in the late summer but did engagement until October. Heckscher, Woodrow not announce the 53. Thomas B. Hohler, quoted in Wells, "New Wilbon:347-57. 396. Perspectives on Wilsonian Diplomacy," 54. Quoted in Millspaugh, Haiti under American 55. Wilson to Control, 26. 56. Literary Lansing,August. 4, 1915, Wilson Digest 51 (August 14, Papes.34:78. 57. Allan Millett, SemperFidelis, 1915):456, as cited by Healy, Gunboat Diplomacy, Jacob H.Smith, had ordered 153-54- Waller's commanding officer, 155. a battalion of Brigadier General a 'howling wilderness." "Waller Marines, ledi by Waller, to "turn. Samar led a into which he ordered the summary vigorousand. exhausting campaign, at the endof martialed for murder, but not execution of eleven Filipinos. Waller was court58. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, convicted, despite "persuasive" evidence. 84. 59. Healy, Gunboat Diplomacy, 6, 15, 62-81. 60. Smedley and Ethel were married in June 61. Smedley D. Butler to Ethel C. P. Butler, 1905. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 32. 62. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, March 2, 1916, Venzon MS, 205. 63. For example, ibid., 33, 39,. 59. 71,7464. Ibid., 32. 65. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Butler, 66. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 84. December 23, 1915, Venzon MS, 198. 67. Schmidt, The United States Occupation administration of the ofHaiti, 77.A separate agreement the Gendarmerie was yet to come. See Evans, Treaties regarding and 68. TauosadionalAgmwnis of the United States, 663, Other Ibid., 663 (emphasis added). 671-72. 6g. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Butler, passed Congress on June 12. May 16, 1916, Venzon MS, 211. The law 70. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas Millspaugh, S. Haiti underAmerican Control, 64. the first time the younger Butler Butler, May 16, 1916, Venzon MS, 211. This was not country. He had written his wife from had commanded the military force of another tically took command of the Government. Nicaragua, for example, "this morning I pracissuing instructions. all day- this Army of about 4,000 men and have been have no authority for such a move of mine must not become for I Schmidt, course but it is the only way for this public really Maverick Marine, 45. Control, 64. the first time the younger Butler Butler, May 16, 1916, Venzon MS, 211. This was not country. He had written his wife from had commanded the military force of another tically took command of the Government. Nicaragua, for example, "this morning I pracissuing instructions. all day- this Army of about 4,000 men and have been have no authority for such a move of mine must not become for I Schmidt, course but it is the only way for this public really Maverick Marine, 45. Government to win.' 71. H.R. 12835, "Al bill toallow officersand serve under the enlisted men of the Navy: and Marine 72. Smedley government of the Republic of Haiti.' " Corps to D. Butler to James R. Mann, April Venzon MS, 209-10. 73- Ibid. (emphasis added). 4, 1916, Venzon MS, 207, 209. 74- Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 84. 75. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Butler, October 76. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 60. 1, 1916, Venzon MS, 226. 77- Ibid., 39, 60. 78. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Butler, October 79. In his biography of Smedley Butler, Hans 1, 1916, Venzon MS, 226-27. terizing the outright racial Schmidt handles this by slur as an disjunction characfrom the overall pattern of exception. For Schmidt, it was an aberration despair resulting from the loss paternalism of: in Butler'sl letters, an expression of a particular "political skirmish' temporary achievements with the Gendarmerie "; his was Butler'sprideint paramount.. Schmidt, Maverick. Marine, 92. NOTES TO PAGES 1 100-104 --- Page 351 --- 80. Smedley D. Butler to John A. Lejeune,July 13, 1916, Venzon MS, 218. 81. Ibid. 82. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Butler, October 1, 1916, Venzon MS, 226-27. 83. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 60. 84. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Butler, May 16, 1917, Venzon MS, 230. 85. Ibid. 86. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 45-46. Schmidt calls this "a rare and vaguely hysterical streak of bombast." 87. Ibid.,. 47. 88. Smedley D. Butler to Maud Darlington Butler, February 21, 1916, Venzon MS, 203 (emphasis in original). 8g. Ibid. 90. Ibid. 91. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Butler, May 16, 1917, Venzon MS, 231. 92. See Bederman, Manliness and Civilization, 97-98, on G. Stanley Hall's prescription that boys should play at war and savagery: as: a way to ensure their civilized manliness. 93. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Butler, May 16, 1917, Venzon MS, 231. 94- Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Butler and Maud Darlington Butler, January 27, 1918, Venzon MS, 239. 95. Smedley D. Butler to Maud Darlington Butler, March 2, 1918, Venzon MS, 240. 96. Wilson, "A Welcome to the Pan-American Financial Conference, 11 Wilson Papers, 33:245-46. 97. "Insure fair wages"i is from Link, Woodrow Wilson and the Progressivel Era, 20; "makethe people nothing more" is from New York Times, September 3, 1912, 3, cols. 2-3. 98. New York Times, September 3, 1912, 3, cols. 2-8. 99. Ibid. 100. Ibid. 101. Steinson, American Women'sActivism in World Warl. Welcome to the Pan-American Financial Conference, 11 Wilson Papers, 33:245-46. 97. "Insure fair wages"i is from Link, Woodrow Wilson and the Progressivel Era, 20; "makethe people nothing more" is from New York Times, September 3, 1912, 3, cols. 2-3. 98. New York Times, September 3, 1912, 3, cols. 2-8. 99. Ibid. 100. Ibid. 101. Steinson, American Women'sActivism in World Warl. 102. According to Oswald Garrison Villard, candidate Wilson pledged in 1912 to be "Presidentof: all the people. " But when he was invited by Villard and W. E. B. Du Bois to clarify the implications of this statement with respect to African American voters, he demurred. Lewis, W E. B. Du Bois: Biography ofa Race, 133.AfricanAmericane who supported Wilson in 1912 included Du Bois, William Monroe Trotter, Bishop Walters, Max Barber, Byron Gunner, and Milton Waldron. 108. "An Address to the President by William Monroe Trotter,' ' November 12, 1914, Wilson Papers, 31:298; for a record of the November 1913 meeting, see William Monroe Trotter's Address to the President and Wilson's Reply and a Dialogue, November 6, 1913, Wilson Papers, 28:491-500, especially 498, re: number of signatures on the petition. 104- "An Address to the President by William Monroe Trotter,' November 12, 1914, Wilson Papers, 31:299. 105. Ibid., 300 (emphasis added). 106. Ibid., 301. 107. Ibid. 108. Ibid., 302. 109. Ibid., 303. 110. Ibid. 111. Ibid., ,302. NOTES TO PAGES 105-11 --- Page 352 --- 112. Ibid., 303. 113. Ibid. 114. Ibid., 306. For public reaction to Wilson's Bois: Biography ofa Race, 511-12. meeting with Trotter, see Lewis, WE. B. Du 115. Wilson, "A Talk at Swarthmore College," ' 41. October 25, 1913, Wilson Papers, 28:440116. Ibid., 441. 117. See also Horsman, Race and Manifest 118. Wilson, "A Talkat Destiny. 119. Ibid. Swarthmore College, " October 25, 1913, Wilson Papers, 28:441. 120, Wilson to Edith Bolling Galt, August the original). 19, 1915, Wilson Papers, 34:254 (emphasis in 121. Wilson to Edith Bolling Galt, August 122. Wilson, "A Draft of an Address to 15, 1915, Wilson Papers, 34:209. 28:480. Congress," [ca. October 31, 19131, Wilson Papers, 123. Link, Wilson: The Struggle for Neutrality, paternalist 479. Link seems to have perspective on Latin shared Wilson's distance on it. Yet, he summed it America, or at least he manifested little critical childhood and maturity that up very well, directly employing the of tain Wilson carefully avoided. metaphors strong convictions about the; general Wilson, he wrote, had "cerresponsibilities that great powers had for political less development of mankind and the that democracy was the highest form of advanced neighbors.. He believed mature level only through political life and that peoples could rise to its that peoples of northern Latin generations of experience or tutelage. He did not believe infancy; and he assumed that it America were much beyond the of was his stage political his unenlightened neighbors how responsibility as well as his privilege to teach ers." Link, Wilson: The to write good constitutions and elect wise leadcritically Struggle for Neutrality, 479. that great powers had for political less development of mankind and the that democracy was the highest form of advanced neighbors.. He believed mature level only through political life and that peoples could rise to its that peoples of northern Latin generations of experience or tutelage. He did not believe infancy; and he assumed that it America were much beyond the of was his stage political his unenlightened neighbors how responsibility as well as his privilege to teach ers." Link, Wilson: The to write good constitutions and elect wise leadcritically Struggle for Neutrality, 479. Other replaying the paternalism of the United historians join Link in unin particular, toward Haiti, States toward Latin America and, 124. Wilson, "A Draft of 28:480 (emphasis anAddress to Congress," '* [ca. October 31, 19131, Wilson added). Papers, 125. Mintz, "Slavery and the Rise of Peasantries." ** 126, Kennan, American Diplomacy, 127. Captain Edward Beach 1900-1950, 98-99. 43, NA, cited by Fernandez, manuscript, RG 45, Subject Files 1911-27, box 1,000, Cruising the Caribbean, 103; 140Covering Haiti, 41-42, Hoover Library, cited by Department of State, Report 116-17; Schmidt, United States Fernandez, Cruising the Caribbean, 128. Smedley D. Butler to Thomas S. Occupation of Haiti, 174-88. 1 129. Wilson to Edith Bolling Butler, May 16, 1917, Venzon MS, Bolling Galt, Galt, August 30, 1915, Wilson 230. [ca. August 24, 19151, Wilson Papers, 34:367; Wilson to Edith 130. Telegram, Secretary of State to Chargé Papers, 34:311. "You may use the Davis, August 18, 1915, FRUS, following as your views of the 1915, 434. ment of the United States,' 19 he wrote motives and purposes of the Governgovernment and lasting domestic on August 22, 1915, "to establish a stable enjoy their full rights of life, liberty peace SO that the Haitian people may and property and all safely encouraged to participate in the patriotic citizens may be taryo ofState to Chargé Davis, development of their country. Telegram, Secre131. Secretary of the Navy August 22, 1915.FRUS, 1915.435-36. Josephus Daniels urged Navy and Marine Corps officers "to NOTES TO PAGES 111-16 --- Page 353 --- brothers of Haitians sent there to help these neighbor regard themselves as friendly 2, cited in Schmidt, The United States people. n New York Times, October 6, 1920, Occupation ofHaiti, 78. 132. Miller Log, October 10, 1915. 133- Miller Log, December 11, 1915. 134- Miller Log, September 5, 1915. Bryan's orientation toward a kind of 135. Note that, as secretaryofs state, William, Jennings the use of U.S. governdollar diplomacy" would have emphasized primarily the abuse of "public SO as to protect against ment funding for Haitian development projects, on "chosen instruments," policy.1 Langley, The Banana Wars, 122;2 also see Rosenberg and Wilson agreed that private Spreading theAmerican Dream, 59-62, 72-73-1 Lansing as we have seen, Wilson tried to investment must also be part of the plan, although, be careful not to seem partial to U.S. investors. D.C." via John H. Russell, [ca. 136. G. F. Geffrard to "the Government at Washington NA. Russell forwarded this August 15, 1920), RG 80, box 239, location 5526-298, given that Geffrard argued with his endorsement. No wonder, that letter to Daniels and in particular recommended forcefully for empowering the occupation, Military Governor of "proclaim the Chief of the American Occupation Washington with the rank of President of the Cabinet." the Republic to Secretary of the Navy, December 4, 1920, USS New Hampshire (Knapp) 137. . G. F. Geffrard to "the Government at Washington NA. Russell forwarded this August 15, 1920), RG 80, box 239, location 5526-298, given that Geffrard argued with his endorsement. No wonder, that letter to Daniels and in particular recommended forcefully for empowering the occupation, Military Governor of "proclaim the Chief of the American Occupation Washington with the rank of President of the Cabinet." the Republic to Secretary of the Navy, December 4, 1920, USS New Hampshire (Knapp) 137. Telegram, RG 80, box 240, location 5526-321:16. NA. to Secretary of the Senior U.S. Naval Representative in Haiti (Knapp) The Courrier 138. Telegram, December 4, 1920, RG 80, box 240, location 5500-321024.NA. how the Navy, another round of Koehutgoum-beleraoil Haitien'sd dispatch prompted speech. Gail Bederman examines occupation should suppress such oppositional in "Civilization,' the B. Wells's similar use of the discourse of "civilization" Ida Manliness, and Ida B. Welk'sAntilynching Campaign." Decline of Middle-Class March 14, 1921, RG 80, box 240, Telegram, Brigade Port-au-Prince to Marcorps, to "the 139NA. The French phrase translates approximately to location 5526-321:28, When occupation officials failed, SO obviously, scum of his own chamber pot. framework, they resorted straightaway to conscript Haitians into the paternalist censorship. 140. Ibid. Brief. Analysis of the Haitian People in Connection with 141. Harold Palmer Davis, "A 3 Portau-Prince, January 21, 1921, unpubPlans for Educational Development," location 1/2,NA. lished typescript essay, 10 pp-, RG 80, box 241, 5526-363 folder: "UnT.Chamberlain, U.S.N., Por-au-Princ, Haiti (np.l1g18)),1.8 142. Tamerlyn Papers," " Fred S. Robillard Papers, PPC. identified 143- Ibid. 144- Ibid., 18-19. 145- Ibid., 32. November 8, 1920, RG 80, box 240, location 146. H.S. Knapp to Secretary of the Navy, 5526-331.MA 147. Ibid. 148. Ibid. 62. 149. Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow, and 1912-13 as periods of prosperity with high 150. David Montgomery highlights 1909 Montgomery, The Fall of the House of Labor, 239. rates of turnover and absenteeism. See also Tone, The Business of Benevolence. NOTES TO PAGES 116-22 --- Page 354 --- 151. McMillen, "Some Haitian Recollections' "; on anticolonial troubles, see, for " example, Rafael, "White Love.' 152. Archer A. Vandegrift, for example, later described his work in the Gendarmerie as "a civil counterpart to the work of Christian missionaries who were devoting their lives to these people. 19 Vandegrift, Once a Marine, 58. Arthur B. Jacques also referred to "the marines as missionaries.". A. B. Jacques, untitled manuscript, box 2, folder 10, Arthur B.Jacques Papers, PC8 873, PPC. 153. Miller Log, August 14, 1915. 154- Miller Log, August 14 and September 10, 1915. 155. Only two years before the occupation began, the word "feminism' " emerged, for the first time, to name the growing challenge to masculine power. See Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism, 13. 156. Josephus Daniels to Mr. sic] M.J. Exner, August 26, 1920, RG 80, box 240, location 5526-282:7.NA. Note that M.J. Exner did not identify herself or himself by gender. 157. Draft of letter to Walter Carrier, n.d., RG 80, box 240, location 5526-325:16,NA 158. ' " emerged, for the first time, to name the growing challenge to masculine power. See Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism, 13. 156. Josephus Daniels to Mr. sic] M.J. Exner, August 26, 1920, RG 80, box 240, location 5526-282:7.NA. Note that M.J. Exner did not identify herself or himself by gender. 157. Draft of letter to Walter Carrier, n.d., RG 80, box 240, location 5526-325:16,NA 158. Jordan, Crusading in the West Indies, 79159. Ibid.,98. 160. Evans, Treaties and Other lumutionalAgrmnth ofthe United States ofAmerica, 663. 161. Smedley D. Butler to Ethel C. P. Butler, July 16, 1916, Venzon MS, 221. See also Renda, "ThisAmerican Africa, 82-83. 162. Louis McCarty Little to Edwin Denby, April 8, 1921, RG 80, box 241, location 5526-363 1 /2, NA. 163. Although it may also be argued that he made up his own rules. 164- Louis McCarty Little, Daily Diary Report,July 28, 1919, RG 45, entry WA-7, box 742, folder 8, NA. 165. Senate Hearings, 1:514. 166. Ibid. (emphasis added). 167. Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 84168. Telegram, Chargé Davis to the Secretary of State, July 27, 1915, FRUS, 1915.47475 Plummer, Haiti and the Great Powers, 220. 169. Evans, Treaties and Other IaimationalAgreme ofthe United States ofAmerica, 663. 170. Beale Davis, The Goat without Horns. We will return to Davis's novel in a later chapter in order to address more closely the racial and gender dynamics of his text and its relation to race and gender politics in the United States. 171., John H. Russell, Memorandum on the, Judicial System of Haiti, March 16, 1920, RG 80, Secretary of the Navy, General Correspondence, 1916-26, box 239, location 5526-254:1, NA. Note that Russell was brigade commander at the time, not yet high commissioner; Daniels was secretary of the navy. 172. Ibid., 4. 173- Ibid.,5. 174- Ibid., 6. 175. Ibid. 176. Memorandum for the, Judge Advocate General, June 30, 1920, initialed "E, ' RG 80, box 240, location 5526-280, NA. 177- Memorandum Re: Military Commissions in Haiti,J July 3, 1920, signed "Melling, ' RG 80, box 240, location 5526-280, NA. 178. Ibid., 4- Melling's memo is especially interesting because it focused SO much detailed attention on the act of Congress by which officers and enlisted men of the Navy and Marine Corps were authorized to serve as officers in the Haitian military. The very NOTES TO PAGES 122-30 --- Page 355 --- fact that the Congress of the United States had had to authorize these men to serve under another government proved, for Melling, that another government not only existed but was acknowledged and recognized by the government of the United States. If these officers and enlisted men were simply to govern Haiti under the authority of the U.S. military government in Haiti, then no special authorization would have been needed. Thus, for Melling, the American-officered Gendarmerie confirmed the illegality of maintaining martial law in Haiti. 179. Norman Poritz, First Lieutenant, Gendarmerie d'Haiti, Intelligence Report for Le Trou, October 31, 1921, RG 127, entry 165, box 1, folder 10-3: "Summary of Gendarmerie 1921, NA. 180. District Commander, Aux Cayes, to Department Commander, Department of the South, December 22, 1921, RG 127, entry 165, box 1, folder 10-3: "Summary of Gendarmerie-igai," NA. Haiti. 179. Norman Poritz, First Lieutenant, Gendarmerie d'Haiti, Intelligence Report for Le Trou, October 31, 1921, RG 127, entry 165, box 1, folder 10-3: "Summary of Gendarmerie 1921, NA. 180. District Commander, Aux Cayes, to Department Commander, Department of the South, December 22, 1921, RG 127, entry 165, box 1, folder 10-3: "Summary of Gendarmerie-igai," NA. CHAPTER 4 1. Craige, Black Bagdad, 195-96. For another account of a marine out of control with a gun at the waterfront, see Miller Log, September 7, 1915. 2. Craige, Black Bagdad, 90. 3. Admiral Henry T. Mayo, "Conclusions," " reprinted in Senate Hearings, 1:435. The Mayo Court's conclusions cited only "two unjustifiable homicides" and "16 other serious acts of violence," all of which had been properly prosecuted prior to the navalinquiry. 4- Schmidt, The United States Occupation ofHaiti, 122. 5. Craige, Cannibal Cousins, 87. 6. Craige, Black Bagdad, 193. 7- Ibid., 82-8g. 8. Ibid., 193-949. Ibid., 19410. Ibid., 197. 11. Commanding officers expressed concern about marines who spent long periods of time isolated from other Americans. Brigade Commander, John Russell noted, for example, that "too long a period in Haiti, especially at isolated posts is apt to cause one to loose ones [sic] perspective. * Brigade Commander to Major General Commandant, Memorandum re: "Length of tour of duty of officersand enlisted men attached tothe Gendarmeried'Hant? " December 13, 1920, RG127, box 1,1 location 1375.NA. 12. Craige, Black Bagdad, 88. 13. Harold H. Utley, "The Tactics and Techniques of Small Wars, unpublished script, Harold H. Utley Papers, PPC. type14- Ibid., 5 (capitalization as in the original). 15- Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 74 1-95. 16. Utley, "The Tactics and Techniques of Small Wars, " 8. 17- Testimony of General Smedley D. Butler, Senate Hearings, 1:518. 18. The punitive approach to military action in Central America was especially urged by Assistant Secretary of State F. M. Huntington Wilson. In 1912, for example,Wilson urged that swift and decisive military action should be brought to bear on Nicaraguan rebels SO that "the moral effect upon the whole revolution-ridden region of Central America and the Caribbean should be greatest. " Quotedi in Challener, Admi336 NOTES TO PAGES 130-35 --- Page 356 --- rals, Generals and American Foreign Policy, Wilson'smoral 306. Hans Schmidt refers to purgation of Nicaragua." " See "Huntington 19. Gendarmerie News Schmidt, Maverick. Marine, 62. of the Navy, General (Port-au-Prince) 1, no. 3 (November 1, 1921):7, 51-52, in RG copy Secretary 20. Correspondence, 80, box Vandegrift, Once a Marine, 49; Schmidt, 240, location 5580327:8.NA. 21. Maj. Gen. Commandant Maverick Marine, 84-85. to the Secretary of the Navy, memorandum, RG 80, box 240, location November 2, 1920, typescript evidence that Maj. Clark H. Wells 5526-321, NA. This memo states: "There is over the telephone from on or about November 2, 1918,. orders the Marine Cape Haitian to Frederick C. Baker, at that gave Corps and a captain in the time a private in to kill, prisoners; that on or about March Gendarmerie d'Haiti, to 'bump off,' meaning orders to kill any man Capt. 80, box 240, location November 2, 1920, typescript evidence that Maj. Clark H. Wells 5526-321, NA. This memo states: "There is over the telephone from on or about November 2, 1918,. orders the Marine Cape Haitian to Frederick C. Baker, at that gave Corps and a captain in the time a private in to kill, prisoners; that on or about March Gendarmerie d'Haiti, to 'bump off,' meaning orders to kill any man Capt. Hamilton 19, 1919, he gave Capt. George D. Hamilton prison; that, at diverse times, thought to be a Caco and not to bring him to 1919, he gave orders to his during the period November 1, 1918, to March in juniors to suppress 31, regards to the state of peace in the reports of any unfavorable conditions 22. Simple cross-cultural department of the North.' misunderstanding also ple, see Chapter 2 re: neg, the Creole word contributed to this dynamic. For exam23. Testimony of Frederick: for "guy." Spear, Senate 24. Some Haitians identified Hearings, 1:58g. of aj personal nature. " See marines' RG racism in just these terms, as actuated by "motives 25. Conversation with 80, various documents, location 5526,NA. Haiti, October Edwidge Balutansky and Kathleen 31, 1998. Note that to Balutansky, Port-au-Prince, tian family, one acquires Haitian according Haitian law, by marrying into a Hai- "Ex-Pvt. King" to a "very wealthy Haitian citizenship. Adolph Miller noted the marriage of 26. Laguerre, girl." " See Miller Military and Sociely, 71-72. Log.November 29, 1916. 27. Nicholls, "Rural Protest and Peasant Revolt,' " valier, 284n; Gaillard, Les cents jours, 58n. 180, 261n; Nicholls, Dessalines to Du28. Charlemagne Péralte to British Consul, Diary Reports,July 5, 1919, RG4 copy included in Albertus W. Catlin, Daily 29. Nicholls, "Rural Protest and 45, entry WA-7, box 742,NA. 30. Ibid., 185. By* "the Peasant Revolt,' 1 180. the masses," Nicholls means "the middle very poor" (180). The rural base of the Cacos class of peasants rather than Nicholls tells us, in 1867 Salnave counted must also be emphasized for, as letariat and sub-proletariat, among his supporters "the urban pro31. On the significance of particularly women" (179). Trouillot, Haiti, State regionalism prior to the U.S. occupation of and against Nation, 96-97. See also 1915-34, see Nicholls, "Rural Protest and Laguerre, Military and Peasant Revolt,' ' Society, 70, 32. Plummer, Haiti and the Great Powers, 183-84. 33. Laguerre, Military and Society, 163-64:Nicholls, Dessalines to Duvalier, 142. 34- To this end, Caperton urgently 70. Haitii in addition to the regiment requested that that another regiment of marines be sent to cul. Admiral Caperton to was already en route on board the USS Connecti35- Wirkus and Secretary of the Navy, August 2, Dudley, The White King ofla Gonave, 28. 1915, FRUS, 1915, 477. 36. Admiral Caperton to the Secretary of 37. Regimental histories theNavy, August 16, 1915, FRUS, described the Cacos as 1915.489. Kane, A BriefHlistory ofthe 2d Marines, "soldiers of fortune." " See, for 38. to was already en route on board the USS Connecti35- Wirkus and Secretary of the Navy, August 2, Dudley, The White King ofla Gonave, 28. 1915, FRUS, 1915, 477. 36. Admiral Caperton to the Secretary of 37. Regimental histories theNavy, August 16, 1915, FRUS, described the Cacos as 1915.489. Kane, A BriefHlistory ofthe 2d Marines, "soldiers of fortune." " See, for 38. Admiral 7. example, Caperton to the Secretary of the Navy, Caperton included this in a August 16, 1915, FRUS, 1915, ofthe navy, W.S S. report, which was then forwarded by the 48g. Benson, to the secretary of state, acting secretary September 11, 1915. NOTES TO PAGES 136-42 --- Page 357 --- of the Navy, November 29, 1915, FRUS, 1915, 496. 39- Admiral Caperton to the Secretary Officer (Colonel Cole), NovemChandler Campbell, Memorandum to Commanding Alex O. 40. of 13th Co., Artillery BN, Haiti, S-N15." ber 28, 1915, folder 2: "Operations Campbell Papers, PC 55, PPC. 41. Ibid. of Caco activity in the later stages of the war. Gaillard, 42. Indeed, Hinche was a center residents and former residents of Hinche stated Hinche mise en croix. In 1996, several to the presenceoft.s. their had been adamantly opposed that either they or parents relations improved in the years following the marines when they first arrived, though described a fistfight between her father end of the war against the Cacos. One woman Hector LaPaix, interview by the author, and a marine who threatened the household. and Hector LaPaix, interrecording, Hinche, August 20, 1996; Escan, Jean-Marie Garcia, interview tape recording, Hinche, August 21, 1996; Remy view by the author, tape August 21, 1996; Anonymous (female), interby the author, tape recording, Hinche, view by the author, Hinche, August 22, 1996. 43. Miller Log, October 11, 1915. * folder 1: "Diary of Activities, Haiti, Chandler Campbell, "Diary 13th Company," 44PC 55, PPC. 1915." " Alex O. Campbell Papers, 45. Ibid., November 3, 4, 12, 1915. du Cap-Haitien (n.d.), quoted in Gaillard, Monseigneur Jan, Monographie des paroisses 46. Premier écrasement du cacoisme, 162. folder 1: "Diary of Activities in Eli K. Cole, Field Order, No. 9, October 29, 1915, PC PPC. 47. enclosures)," ' Alex O. Campbell Papers, 55, Haiti, 1915 [with worked for LeMatin. 2:1685-86. The correspondent 48. Senate Hearings, Gaillard, Premier écrasement du cacoisme, 167. The of bitter conflict 49. The White King of La Gonave, 91. legacy 50. Wirkus and Dudley, the revolutionary: activity of the Cacos sand continues between families that supported with the marines. This was those that experienced their wrath after collaborating Histories at the following the panel on Reconstructing addressed by the audience conference, Tufts University, October 18, Haitian Studies Association third annual 1991. . The correspondent 48. Senate Hearings, Gaillard, Premier écrasement du cacoisme, 167. The of bitter conflict 49. The White King of La Gonave, 91. legacy 50. Wirkus and Dudley, the revolutionary: activity of the Cacos sand continues between families that supported with the marines. This was those that experienced their wrath after collaborating Histories at the following the panel on Reconstructing addressed by the audience conference, Tufts University, October 18, Haitian Studies Association third annual 1991. and Dudley, The White King of La Gonave, 87-88. 51. Wirkus Harold Utley included such coercive measures 52. In contrast, in his small-wars manual, civilized nations in like situations, " which in his list of methods "used in the past by His list included, for example, "the could reasonably serve as a guide for U.S. action. and the destruction of their or capture of those opposed to us to us; killing or wounding of those who aid or abet those hostile property; the destruction of the property generally supporting those waste of entire sections inhabited by people the laying Tactics and Techniques of Small Wars," 5. hostile to us. " Utley, "The FRUS, 1915.495to Daniels, November 19, 1915, HMD. At the same time, Sil53- Caperton Oral History Transcript, 170, 54- Merwin H. Silverthorn, outlaws. " He stated that he based verthorn asserted that the Cacos were "outand-out who served and chased them." " Silthis opinion on his "contact with many marines Cacos were vanquished. verthorn arrived in Haiti in 1923, well after the Wirkus and Dudley, The White King ofLa Gonave, 21. 5556. Ibid., 22. General George Barnett, Senate Hearings, 1:423. 57. Testimony of Major 1915.49558. Caperton to Daniels, November 19, 1915.FRUS, NOTES TO PAGES 142-45 --- Page 358 --- 59. Chandler Campbell to his mother, Haiti, 1915, * Alex O. Campbell Papers, November 14, 1915, folder 1: "Diary of Activities, 60. Daniels to Caperton, November PC55. PPC. 61. Silverthorn, Oral History 20, 1915, FRUS, 1915, 493. 62. MillerLog, October Transcript, 142. 63. Laguerre, Military and 3, 1915-Married; Imarinesalso took: Society, 71. "Gendarmerie henercdleanongmeat tricts, Gendarmerie lieutenants normally captains normally commanded dissioned officers were placed at commanded sub-districts, and noncommisGarded'Haiti, 82. outposts 'at strategic points."" See also McCrocklin, 64- Other marines in the Gendarmerie their units. continued to serve primarily military roles with 65. Silverthorn, Oral History Transcript, 66. John Houston Craige and Faustin 147. 67. Memorandum by Wirkus, to name only two Jordan H. Stabler, October 26, RG examples. 5526-33:2, NA. The brigade commander asked 1917, 80, box 233, location proved this communication, and the Dartiguenave whether he had apthority whatsoever to make any such president stated "that the minister had no aureau of Operations, Navy Department, complaint. " Brigade Commander to the Bu5526-33:2,NA. November 3, 1917, RG 80, box 233, location 68. Silverthorn, Oral History 6g. Miller Log, October Transcript, 142. 3, 1915. 70. Silverthorn, Oral History Transcript, 71. Ibid., 152. 145. 72. Gaillard, La république autoritaire, 73. Schmidt, The United States 27474- Testimony of L. Ton Evans, Occupation Senate of Haiti, 100-101. 75. Testimony of Capsine Altidor, Senate Hearings, 1:164. , 1917, RG 80, box 233, location 68. Silverthorn, Oral History 6g. Miller Log, October Transcript, 142. 3, 1915. 70. Silverthorn, Oral History Transcript, 71. Ibid., 152. 145. 72. Gaillard, La république autoritaire, 73. Schmidt, The United States 27474- Testimony of L. Ton Evans, Occupation Senate of Haiti, 100-101. 75. Testimony of Capsine Altidor, Senate Hearings, 1:164. 76. Testimony of L. Ton Evans, Senate Hearings, 2:911 1. 77. Ibid., 166. Hearings, 1:166, 164.respectively. 78. Ibid., 164-65. 79. Ibid., 163-64. Roger Gaillard corroborates historyoft the occupation, Les blancs Evans's observation in his multivolume 80. Testimony of Brigadier General débarquent. Schmidt has Albertus W. Catlin, Senate pointed out that this was precisely the Hearings, 1:651. Hans required roads most urgently, because area in which the Schmidt, The United States this was the area of greatest Caco activity. occupation See 81. Testimony of Major General Occupation ofHaiti, 101. mony of Brigadier GeneralAlbertus' George Barnett, Senate Hearings, 1:481; see also testi82. "Tabulation W. Catlin, Senate Hearings, Statement of All Convictions in the 1:667-6g. from September 1915 [to March Provost Court, Port de Paix, Haiti, This is one of several 14, 1916]," RG 80, box 233, location 83. Bennett documents with the same location number. 5526-39, NA. 84- Burke Davis, Puryear Jr, Oral History Transcript, 73, HMD. Marinel, 45. Labor violence was not limited to administration of marines. L. Ton Evans testified that work settings under the theHaitian. American Sugar Company boasted an American contractor with those who worked under him, to him about his own Senate and killed one or two.' 1 "brutality of toward Hearings, 1:241. Testimony L. Ton Evans, 85. "Memoir on the Political, Economic, and Financial Conditions Existing in the ReNOTES TO PAGES 145-50 --- Page 359 --- public of Haiti underthe. American of the Union Occupation, by the Delegates to the United Patriotique d'Haiti,' Senate States this memoir to the State Hearings, 1:14- The delegates 86. Gerald C. Department and to the Senate presented Thomas, Oral History Transcript, Foreign Relations Committee. ofthe 8th Marines, 9. 376-77, cited in Santelli, A BriefHistory 87. Santelli, A Brief History of the 8th Marines, 9. In March Secretary of the Navy Daniels, "conditions 1920, L. Ton Evans informed worse. [so that the Caco forces are] have been allowed to grow rapidly moderate, intelligent, and educated and having the sympathy more and more of the spect for and confidence in better class of Haitians, who have our American lost reJosephus Daniels, reprinted in Senate occupation. See L. Ton Evans to 88. Testimony of Brigadier General Hearings, 1:137. Marine Tells It to You, 305. Péralte claimed Albertus Catlin, Senate Hearings, 1:666; Wise, A that he had closer to to have 30,000 followers; Catlin 8g. 5,000, not all armed. See Senate estimated Laguerre, Voodoo and Politics in Haiti, Hearings, 1:428, 652. 90. Lewis B. Puller, Oral History 97-98. uncovered evidence that Transcript, 44, HMD, Internal naval Lieutenant Colonel Alexander S. . Marine Tells It to You, 305. Péralte claimed Albertus Catlin, Senate Hearings, 1:666; Wise, A that he had closer to to have 30,000 followers; Catlin 8g. 5,000, not all armed. See Senate estimated Laguerre, Voodoo and Politics in Haiti, Hearings, 1:428, 652. 90. Lewis B. Puller, Oral History 97-98. uncovered evidence that Transcript, 44, HMD, Internal naval Lieutenant Colonel Alexander S. investigations commandant from May 2, 1918, Williams, Gendarmerie least one Gendarmerie through] July 18, 1919, was he officer "that no Provost eitiohaneiutrocteodat "found that any of the prisoners were wanted" and that if prisoners were "Cacos' and possession to do away with them.' s Major General actually had arms in their to the Secretary of the Navy (Josephus Commandant (John. A. Lejeune) location 5526-321, NA. This Daniels), November 2, 1920, RG 80, dence for bringing memorandum stated that there was box240, Lieutenant Colonel Williams to "insufficient evirine Corps-Gendarmeric officers trial.' " It also named other MaCacos, including, notably, Clark Wells. implicated in passing on orders to "bump off" 91. Link, Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era, 92. Sce, for example, Hoganson, 102. on the number of Haitians Fighting for American Manhood, 134-Sources for 93. Ivan W. Miller, Oral killed. are given in Chapter 1, n. 2. figures 94- Lemuel C. History Transcript, 31, HMD. Shepherd, Oral History 95. For an excellent account of this Transcript, 197-201, 366, HMD. War: King Phillip's War and the process in another context, see Lepore, Origins ofAmerican TheNameof 96. Bederman, Manliness and Civilization; Identity. Hoganson, Fighting for American Kaplan, "Black and Blue on San Juan Hill"; 97. Wirkus and Dudley, The White Manhood;] Jeffords, The Remascudinization of America. 98. Ibid., 102. King ofLa Gonave, 6499.. James Weldon, Johnson, Along This Way, 100. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King 349. 101. Ibid., 40. of La Gonave, 64. 102. Ibid., 66-67, 68. 103. Burke Davis, Marine.43. 104. "Sweaty, backbreaking work" is from Gerald C. Gerald C. Thomas Papers, Thomas, "Memoir, PC1447. PPC; 1919-41," 5, 105. Burke Davis, Marinel.43. "jitters"is from Craige, Black Bagdad, 229. 106. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King of La Gonave, 107. Ibid., 50. 20. 108. John H. Russell, Confidential Order, ings, 1:429. October 15, 1919, reprinted in Senate Hear340 NOTES TO PAGES 151-58 --- Page 360 --- 109. John H. Russell, "NewA Address to the 110. John H. Russell, Brigade Population, ' Senate Hearings, 1:429. Commander, to the Regiment and the 8th Regiment, Commanding Officers of the and 5526-39:338, NA. Even these orders September 15, 1920, RG 80, box 237, location benign light by mentioning the placed the marines' activities in a relatively of property without burning of unoccupied houses and the mentioning the killings that destruction activities. In contrast, Haitians testified sometimes went along with these members had been shot and before the Senate Committee that example, left to die inside the houses as family Testimony of Mme. Celicourt Rosier, they burned. See, for 111. John H. Russell, Brigade Senate Hearings, 2:909-11. , RG 80, box 237, location benign light by mentioning the placed the marines' activities in a relatively of property without burning of unoccupied houses and the mentioning the killings that destruction activities. In contrast, Haitians testified sometimes went along with these members had been shot and before the Senate Committee that example, left to die inside the houses as family Testimony of Mme. Celicourt Rosier, they burned. See, for 111. John H. Russell, Brigade Senate Hearings, 2:909-11. Commander, to the Regiment and the 8th Regiment, Commanding Officers of the 2nd 5526-39:338,NA September 15, 1920, RG 80, box 237, location 112. Major Edwin N. McClellan, Senate pated in the hearings * 'as custodian Hearings, 1:433. USMC major McClellan from Navy and Marine of certain reports and particiCorps files." ' Senate correspondence taken 113. Testimony of Major General Hearings, 1:8. 114- Major General Commandant George Barnett, Senate Hearings, 1:425. George Barnett Papers, PPC. (Barnett) to Coloneljohn H. Russell, October 2, 1919, 115. See also Testimony of Frederick Wise, Senate to You, 304. Hearings, 1:304; Wise, A Marine Tells It 116. Testimony of Heraux Belloni, Senate 117. "Confidential Memorandum, Hearings, 2:916-20. (Russell), Re: Major Thomas C. Turner to Report of Investigation of certain Brigade Commander committed by officers and enlisted irregularities alleged to have been Senate Hearings, men in the Republic of Haiti,' 1:472. reprinted in 118. Ibid. 119. McCrocklin, Garde d'Haiti, 100-101. 120. Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, 199; Gerald C. Wise, A Marine Tells It to You, Thomas, Oral History Transcript, 68-79; 121. Burke Davis, Marinel, 301-3544-45. 122. Emphasis added. The paragraph from which this the morning ofthe 15th Marius comes reads as follows: "At 5 a.m. a Gras rifle 5 r of ammunition captured a chiefand delegate of and a letter Charlemagne, with written to General Adema. I from Charlemagne and also a letter noitered and ran judged that there was a band close by and upon 25-30 Cacos under General reconfight up: a mountain five Cacos were killed and Adema and after a running killed him. There were also several wounded as Marius was proving a hindrance I the stones on the as noted by the blood that mountainsides." - Capt. H. Hanneken was seen on mander, Dept. of the Cape, February G.d'H. to Department Comfolder: "Papers taken from locked 15, 1919, ms. memorandum, RG drawer - 127, box 1, explains: "Papers taken from locked location 1 73.NA.Anote in the file Haitian and a report from drawerin the Dept. Commander'sdesk: at Capt. Hanneken taken Cape Cape." from Personal files, Wells, at 128. Testimony of L. Ton Evans, Senate Hearings, 124. Ibid., 245, 247. 1:181. 125. Ibid., 248-49, 247, respectively. USMC sioned as a captain in the Gendarmerie, sergeant Charles E. Kenny was commisHaitien Gendarmerie, ' December "Enlisted Men on Duty as Officers of the 126. Testimony of L. Ton Evans, 2, 1918, RG 127, box 81, location Senate Hearings, 1:247. 53094,NA. NOTES TO PAGES 158-62 --- Page 361 --- 127. Ibid., 246. 128. Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, 199; Millett notes: "The basic source on the atrocity question is the collection of documents and testimony of investigating officer Major T.C. ien Gendarmerie, ' December "Enlisted Men on Duty as Officers of the 126. Testimony of L. Ton Evans, 2, 1918, RG 127, box 81, location Senate Hearings, 1:247. 53094,NA. NOTES TO PAGES 158-62 --- Page 361 --- 127. Ibid., 246. 128. Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, 199; Millett notes: "The basic source on the atrocity question is the collection of documents and testimony of investigating officer Major T.C. Turner and Colonel A. S. Williams, " Senate Hearings, 1:457-509, 595-606. 129., Josephus Daniels, Diary, August 28, 1920, in Cronon, The Cabinet Diaries ofJosephus Daniels, 553. See also Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores, 17-18. 130. Individual officers also prided themselves on their own standards of decency, and deplored the misbehavior of enlisted men as SO many blemishes on the fine reputation of their corps. See, for example, Miller Log, May 3, 1916. 131. Craige, Cannibal Cousins, 124. 132. "U.S. Troops Attack Haitian Girls, " Chicago Defender, May 15, 1920. The Records of the U.S. Marine Corps contain complaints of Haitian citizens against the occupation and some material regarding investigations of these complaints. One such case involved two young girls, Rose and Nanine Guadagnoli, who complained of being harassed at gunpoint by several marines. See Brigade Intelligence Officer to Brigade Commander.August 19, 1919, "Investigation of the Guadagnoli Case, " RG127, box 3, folder 60-0: "Investigations 1915-1922, " NA. 133- Burks went on to write thirty-five books and over 1, ,200 stories. As we shall see, he earned an impressive income from his writing during each year of the Great Depression. See Chapter 5. 134. Burks, "Black Medicine,' 152-53, 1 46. 135. Ibid., 146. 136. John H. Russell to Maj. General George Barnett, October 17, 1919, reprinted in Senate Hearings, 1:428. 137. Burke Davis, Marinel, 44. 138. Lester A. Dessez, Oral History Transcript, 25, HMD. 139. Burke Davis, Marine!, 44. 140. Ibid. 141. Santelli, A Brief History of the 8th Marines, 7. Julian C. Smith recalled that an interpreter in Miragoane told him, in 1915-16, "that when Christmas time came he could take me out and get me a nicel mealofhuman flesh ifI wanted it for Christmas. He said, "There'll be plenty of them cookedout in the hills. 'I 1 said, 'How do you tell?' He said, You can tell human flesh. It bubbles all over when you boil it.' Julian C. Smith, Oral History Transcript, 35, HMD. 142. USMC private Samuel I. Williston was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Gendarmerie. USMC private PhilipNeuhaus was commissioned as a first lieutenant in the Gendarmerie, Itisnot clear which Kelly Wirkus was referring to. First Patrick F. Kelly was commissioned as a Gendarmerie captain; Private Julian Sergeant A. Kelly was commissioned as a second lieutenant. "Enlisted Men on Duty as Officers of the Haitien Gendarmerie, " December 2, 1918, RG 127, box 81, location 53094.NA. 143. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King ofLa Gonave, 48. 144. Craige, Black Bagdad, 231. 145. Ibid. 146. Ibid., 230. 147. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King of La Gonave, 108, 111. 148. Ibid., 108-9. 149. Ibid., 108. 150. Ibid., 109. 151. Ibid., 108. NOTES TO PAGES 162-70 --- Page 362 --- 152. Scottman, "A Marine Remembers Haiti, " 22-23. and Dudley, The White King ofLa Gonave, 48. 144. Craige, Black Bagdad, 231. 145. Ibid. 146. Ibid., 230. 147. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King of La Gonave, 108, 111. 148. Ibid., 108-9. 149. Ibid., 108. 150. Ibid., 109. 151. Ibid., 108. NOTES TO PAGES 162-70 --- Page 362 --- 152. Scottman, "A Marine Remembers Haiti, " 22-23. 153. Craige, Black Bagdad, 201-3. 154- Wirkus and Dudley, The White King of La Gonave, 116, 123-24. Carzal is a town in Central Haiti near Arcahie. 155. Campbell, "Diary 13th Company, 11 November 8, 1915, Campbell Papers, PPC. 156. Testimony of L. Ton Evans, Senate Hearings, 1:197. 157. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King of La Gonave, 74158. For another example, see Santelli, A Brief History of the 8thMarines, 9-10. 159. McCrocklin, Garded'Haiti, 1 17.Although this lore has passed into official histories of the occupation, the effectiveness of Hanneken's and Button's disguises may have had a great deal more to do with the cover of night and the seventeen Haitians who surrounded them on this expedition than is generalk-achnosledged, 160. Craige, Cannibal Cousins, 67. 161. Wise, A Marine Tells It to You, 321. 162. Schmidt, The United States Occupation ofHaiti, 102. 163. Craige, Cannibal Cousins, 67. 164. Ibid., 72-73. 165. Craige, Black Bagdad, 99-102. 166. ArthurJ. Burks's "Voodoo" and "Black Medicine" originally appeared in Weird Tales magazine, December 1924 and August 1925, respectively; both are reprinted in Burks, Black Medicine, 1: 20-25 and 144-84. 167. Burks, "Voodoo, " 125. 168. Burks, Black Medicine, 122, 135, 137, 166, 170. These references are from Burks's stories entitled "Black Medicine, "Voodoo, "Thus Spake the Prophetess," and "Luisma's) Return." 16g. Burks, "Black Medicine,' 152-53, 145. 1 70. Ibid., 153. 171. Burks, "Voodoo,"121. 172. Ibid. 173. In light of the significance of clothing and the troubling implications of crossnational and cross-racial playacting that I have described, it is especially interesting that marines staged blackface minstrel shows in Haiti. Marines of the Second Regiment, present in Haiti from 1915 to 1934, left a record of such entertainment in the form of a program announcing "The Marine Masqueraders present Coontown Nights" by the "Burnt Cork Company. * Folder 2, William Rossiter Papers, PC113, PPC. On blackface minstrelsy as a manifestation of fascination with blacks and black culture and as a means to produce whiteness, in different U.S. contexts, see Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness, 115-27; Lott, Love and Theft, especially 97; Erenberg, Steppin Out, 73; Lipsitz, Time Passages, 64. 174- Burks, "Voodoo, s 120. 175- Ibid., 121. 176. Ibid. 177. Burks, "Black Medicine, ' 179. 178. Ibid., 151. 179. Ibid., 145. 180. Burks, "Voodoo," 121. Burks's language resonates, in different ways, with that of StephenAlexis and Smedley Butler.Alexis, in hisi novel of protest against the occupation, Le négre masqué, wrote, "One morning, mechanical man, you're going to wake up," quoted in Dash, Haiti and the United States, 39- In War Is a Racket, Butler wrote, NOTES TO PAGES 170-77 --- Page 363 --- "Boys with a normal viewpoint were taken out of the fields and offices and factories and classrooms and put into the ranks. ," 121. Burks's language resonates, in different ways, with that of StephenAlexis and Smedley Butler.Alexis, in hisi novel of protest against the occupation, Le négre masqué, wrote, "One morning, mechanical man, you're going to wake up," quoted in Dash, Haiti and the United States, 39- In War Is a Racket, Butler wrote, NOTES TO PAGES 170-77 --- Page 363 --- "Boys with a normal viewpoint were taken out of the fields and offices and factories and classrooms and put into the ranks. We used them for a couple of years and trained them to think nothing at all of killing or of being killed" (28). 181. Burks, "Voodoo, " 121-22. 182. Ibid., 128. 183. Burks, "Black Medicine, " 170. 184. Burks, "Voodoo, 124. 185. Ibid., 125. CHAPTER 5 1. Seligmann, "The Conquest of Haiti," 352. Hixson, Moorfield Storey and theAbolitionist Tradition, 72. 3- Crisis 10 (September 1915): 232; 11 (November 1915): 30-32. Newspapers included the New York Evening Postand the Springfield Republican. Blassingame, "The Press and American Intervention,' s 39- See also Literary Digest 51 (September 4, 1915): 456-57.and Current Opinion 59 (October 1915):223-254- Nation 104 (February 8, 1917): 152-53; cf. Nation 101 (September 13, 1915):371, and (September 30, 1915): 397. 5. Blassingame, "The Press and American Intervention," 27-436. Plummer, "The Afro-American Response," 2 130-31; "U.S. Troops Attack Haitian Girls,' * Chicago Defender, May 15, 1920. 7- Plummer, "The. Afro-American Response," 131. 8. Ibid. 9. Seligmann, "The Conquest of Haiti,' 35. For citizens' responses, see, for example, the correspondence files of the secretary of the navy, RG80,NA. 10. Levy,James Weldon Johnson, 208, 205;1 Plummer, "The Afro-American Response, " 11. The O'Neill, Emperor Jones, 1030-61. 132. 12. Levy, James Weldon Johnson, 71, 152, 154, 179. Johnson was also a former school principal and a lawyer. 13. Ibid., 109, 113. 14- Ibid., 117-18, 155:James Weldon Johnson, Along This Way, 276-89. The Navy also participated in the Nicaragua intervention, which took place from August to October 1912; see Allan Millett, Semper Fidelis, 170. 15. Levy, James Weldon Johnson, 202. 16. New York. Age, August 5, 1915; Plummer, "The. Afro-American Response, 19 127. 17. W. E. B. Du Bois, Crisis 10 (September 1915): 282; 11 (November 1915): 30-32; Plummer, "The Afro-American Response,' 131. 18. W.E. B. Du Bois to Woodrow Wilson, August 3, 1915,1 reprinted in The Correspondence of W E. B. Du Bois, 1:212. On NAACP efforts to persuade the Wilson administration to change its course in Haiti immediately after the occupation, see also Kellogg, NAACP, 1:284-88. 19. Hixson, Moorfield Storey and the Abolitionist Tradition, 72. 20. Levy,, James Weldon Johnson, 103. Washington subsidized the paper but did not publicize that fact. 21. Washington, "Haitiand the United States, " 681;1 Blassingame, "The Pressa andAmerican Intervention," 73 36; Washington, "Speech to the National Business NAACP efforts to persuade the Wilson administration to change its course in Haiti immediately after the occupation, see also Kellogg, NAACP, 1:284-88. 19. Hixson, Moorfield Storey and the Abolitionist Tradition, 72. 20. Levy,, James Weldon Johnson, 103. Washington subsidized the paper but did not publicize that fact. 21. Washington, "Haitiand the United States, " 681;1 Blassingame, "The Pressa andAmerican Intervention," 73 36; Washington, "Speech to the National Business Negro League, August 18, 1915,1 reprinted in Wintz, African American Political Thought, 77344 NOTES TO PAGES 177-89 --- Page 364 --- 22. W.E. B. Du Bois, "Pan-Africa and New Racial Philosophy,' 247, 262. 23.. Jervis Anderson, A. Philip Randolph, 77,8 83. 24. Fort-Whiteman, Nemesis, 99 23-25. This was the first issue with this title; Randolph and Owen took over the Hotel Messenger from its previous publisher. 25-Jervis. Anderson, This Was Harlem, 106, and A. Philip Randolph, 101. 26. Marcus Garvey, "Address to UNIA Supporters in Philadelphia, October 21, 1919, reprinted in Wintz, African American Political Thought, 200. 27. Levy,, James Weldon Johnson, 202-4. 28. Ibid. 29. Johnson, "What the United States Has-Accomplished; ' 266. 30. Quoted in Plummer, "The Afro-American Response, 19 132. 31., James Weldon, Johnson, "What the United States Has. Accomplished, 266. 32., James Weldon Johnson, "The American Occupation, 237. 33- Ibid., 236. and 34- Dantes Bellegarde, quoted in Logan, "James Weldon Johnson Haiti,' 396. 35-. James Weldon, Johnson, Along This Way, 348., Johnson says he urged Sylvain to form an organization along the lines of the NAACP. 36. Plummer, "The. Afro-American Response, 133; Hixson, Moorfield Storey and the Abolitionist Tradition, 273, 272. 37. Neverdon-Morton, Afvo-American Women of the South, 200; Plummer, "The AfroAmerican Response, * 133n. 38. Levy,, James Weldon Johnson, 208-9. 39. Ibid., 209; James Weldon, Johnson, Along This Way, 35940. Levy,, James Weldon Johnson, 210. 41., James Weldon, Johnson, "The American Occupation, 236-37. 42. Ibid., 237. " 266. 43.. James Weldon Johnson, "What the United States Has-Accomplished: 265, 44- Ibid., 265. 45. James Weldon Johnson, "Government of, by, and for the National City Bank," 297. 46. Inman, Through Santo Domingo and Haiti, 59; James Weldon Johnson, "Government of, by, and for the National City Bank," 295. 47. Ibid. 48. James Weldon Johnson, "What the United States Has Accomplished, 265. 49. Ibid., 267. 50., James Weldon Johnson, Along This Way, 351. 51., James Weldon Johnson, "The Truth about Haiti,' - 218, and Along This Way, 352. 52. Levy,James Weldon Johnson, 111. 53- Carby, Race Men, 9-41. Hazel Carby examines the articulation of black masculinity and leadership qualities, embodied in that term, in the work of W. E. B. Du Bois and Cornel West. 54. James Weldon Johnson, "The Haitian People, 345. 55- Ibid., 347. 56. Ibid. 57. Ibid.,346. 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid., 345-46. 60. Ibid., 346 (emphasis in the original). Levy,James Weldon Johnson, 111. 53- Carby, Race Men, 9-41. Hazel Carby examines the articulation of black masculinity and leadership qualities, embodied in that term, in the work of W. E. B. Du Bois and Cornel West. 54. James Weldon Johnson, "The Haitian People, 345. 55- Ibid., 347. 56. Ibid. 57. Ibid.,346. 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid., 345-46. 60. Ibid., 346 (emphasis in the original). 61. Ibid. 62. Ibid.,345NOTES TO PAGES 189-95 --- Page 365 --- 63. Ibid. 64- Ibid. 65. Ibid., 346. 66. James Weldon Johnson, Along This Way, 352. 67. O'Neill saw his experience as an important resource for his drama. In 1914 he wrote to a professor of drama with whom he hoped to work, "if varied experience be a help to a prospective dramatist I may justly claim that asset for I have worked my way around the world as a seaman on merchant vessels and held various positions in different foreign countries. " Eugene G. O'Neill to George Pierce BakerJuly 16, 1914, in Cargill, Fagin, and Fisher, O'Neill and His Plays, 19-20. 68. Frenz, Eugene O'Neill, 10. 6g. Gelb and Gelb, O'Neill, 134. 70. O'Neill toJames and Ella O'Neill, December 25, 1909, in O'Neill, Selected Letters, 1920. 71. O'Neill to Barrett H. Clark, 1919, in Clark, Eugene O'Neill, 10. See also O'Neill to Waldo Frank, April 1917, in O'Neill, Selected Letters, 78-79. 72. Pfister, Staging Depth, 106. 73- Ibid.; Sheaffer, O'Neill, 239. 74-A play about Christophe by William Edgar Easton, Christophe: A Tragedy in Prose of ImperialHaiti, had been staged in Harlem in 1912, but it is not clear whether O'Neill knew about that performance. Easton had also written a play about Dessalines. Errol Hill, Black Heroes, 4. 75- Barrett Clark, Eugene O'Neill, 29. 76. Gelb and Gelb, O'Neill, 29477- Ibid., 439. 78. Ibid., 438-39. 79. Itisnot clear whether Croak was speaking of Simon Sam, president ofl Haiti from 1896 to 1902, or about Vilbrun Guillaume Sam, whose assassination in July 1915 precipitated the U.S. invasion. 80. Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores, 108. 81. Sheaffer, O'Neill, 29. 82. O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1080. 83. Gelb and Gelb, O'Neill, 446; Sheaffer, O'Neill, 33. Charles Gilpin was awarded a William E. Harmon Award "for Distinguished Achievement among Negroes" for his performancein the play. Reynolds and Wright, Against the Odds, 13. 84. Pfister, Staging Depth, 121-37Jervis. Anderson, This Was Harlem, 1 14. 85. Heywood Broun of the Tribune, quoted in Sheaffer, O'Neill, 33; New Republic, quoted in Jervis Anderson, This Was Harlem, 1486. O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1033. 87. Ibid., 1033, 103488. Ibid., 1034. 8g. On Douglas' s illustrations of The Emperor Jones for Theatre Arts Monthly, see Kirschke, Aaron Douglas, 84-85. 90. O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1031 1. 91. Ibid., 1032. 92. The phrase is from James Weldon Johnson, commenting on another play in Black Manhattan, 183.S See also Pfister, Staging Depth, 132. 93. Pullman porters enjoyed a good deal of status as "folk heroes" and "pillarsofsociety" inAfricanAmerican communities. 1034. 8g. On Douglas' s illustrations of The Emperor Jones for Theatre Arts Monthly, see Kirschke, Aaron Douglas, 84-85. 90. O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1031 1. 91. Ibid., 1032. 92. The phrase is from James Weldon Johnson, commenting on another play in Black Manhattan, 183.S See also Pfister, Staging Depth, 132. 93. Pullman porters enjoyed a good deal of status as "folk heroes" and "pillarsofsociety" inAfricanAmerican communities. See Harris, Keeping the Faith, 15. NOTES TO PAGES 195-203 --- Page 366 --- 94- O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1035. 95. Prichard, Where Black Rules White, 248, 263. 96. O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1033. 97- Ibid. 98. Ibid., 1036. 99. See Chapter 2. 100. Quoted in Barrett Clark, Eugene O'Neill, 83. 101. O' "Neill, The Hairy Ape, 121. 102. O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1035. 103. Ibid. 104. Cooper, A Voice from the South, 103-4- For a discussion of Cooper'sanalysis of internal and external colonization, asi reflected in thisquote, see Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood, 105. 105. O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1035. DuBose Heyward, who wrote the scenario for the film based on O'Neill's play, attempted to make this association more explicit in the screen version, which was produced in 1933- He explained, "I added the character of the earlier Jones, as I had imagined it, and by throwing his character into contact with the disintegrating power of our white civilization, broke Jones down from the rather simple Southern Negro to the shrewd, grafting Negro of the play. I rather enjoyed making him a black counterpart of our own big business pirate. 71 In the context of the early 1930S, this critique of U.S. American civilization was more commonplace, but Heyward developed it by drawing on elements of the story that were: fully present in O'Neill'splayscript. DuBose Heyward, quoted in William Lewis and Max J Herzberg, "Study Guide for the Screen Production of the Emperor Jones, " Production File: The Emperor Jones, AMPAS. 106. O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1034. 107. O'Neill to James and Ella O'Neill, December 25, 1909, in O'Neill, Selected Letters, 20. 108. Gelb: and Gelb, O'Neill, 135. 109. O'Neill to James and Ella O'Neill, November 9, 1909, in O'Neill, SelectedLetters, 19. 110. Quoted in Gelb and Gelb, O'Neill, 198. 111. Clifford, Negrophilia, 901. 112. Eugene O'Neill to Arthur Hobson Quinn, April 3, 1925, in O'Neill, Selected Letters, 195. 113. Carby, Race Men, 45-83. 114- On the "triangulation" of domestic racial struggles in an imperial context, see lan, "Imperial Triangles. 99 Kap115- Prichard, Where Black Rules White, 357, 368. 116. Carby, Race Men, 77-79. VeVè Clark has also argued that The Emperor Jones "reframed the action [of the Haitian Revolution] in psychological rather than political terms." "Haiti's Tragic Overture,' " 8. 117. O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1047 (hat), 1049 (coat), 1052 (shoes), 1055 (pants). context, see lan, "Imperial Triangles. 99 Kap115- Prichard, Where Black Rules White, 357, 368. 116. Carby, Race Men, 77-79. VeVè Clark has also argued that The Emperor Jones "reframed the action [of the Haitian Revolution] in psychological rather than political terms." "Haiti's Tragic Overture,' " 8. 117. O'Neill, The Emperor Jones, 1047 (hat), 1049 (coat), 1052 (shoes), 1055 (pants). 118. Pfister, Staging Depth, 130. 119. Thanks to Gail Bederman for suggesting this phrase. 120. Gelb and Gelb, O'Neill, 448. 121. Ibid., 652. 122. See, for example, Rampersad, The Life of Langston Hughes, 186. 123. For radio, see Gelb and Gelb, O'Neill, 720; for film (United Artists 1933), see Orlandello, O'Neill on Film,51-65: for opera, see Lawrence Gilman, "The Emperor Jones as Opera,' New York Herald Tribune,January 8, 1933; for puppetry, see Helen LiebNOTES TO PAGES 203-9 --- Page 367 --- man, photographs, box 145.folder 2581, American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book Eugene O'Neill Papers, Yale Collection of New Haven, Conn. and Manuscript Library, Yale University, 124. O'Neill, Emperor Jones, 1034. In the film version, certain scene, depicting activity only alluded the production code barred a screen because it to in the play, from depicted a black man (Jones) being shown on guard). killing a white man (the prison 125-J Jervis. Anderson, This Was Harlem, 126. Quoted in W. E. B. Du Bois, "Criteria 114. of 127. Ibid. Negro Art," 290. 128. George Schuyler, quoted in Lewis, When Harlem Was 129. Carby, Racel Men, 48; Clifford, * in Vogue, 92. 130. Alexander Woollcott, review of "Negrophilia, The 901-2. 131. Kenneth McGowan, review of The Emperor, Jones, New York Times, November 7, 1920. had been a founder of the Provincetown Emperor Jones, Globe, November 4, 1920. McGowan Vogue, 104. Playhouse; see Lewis, When Harlem Was in 132. Lawrence Remner, review of Thel Hairy. After decades of criticism Ape, New York Herald Tribune, March 10, Jones for its treatment emphasizing thel brilliance. and innovation of The 1922. put it, for its of"racial psychology, or as O'Neill biographer Barrett Emperor Clark Negro," the early "magnificent presentment of fear in the breast of a 1970s saw a decided turn in critical half-civilized Eugene O'Neill, 72. In 1971 Nathan judgment. Barrett Clark, with the Harlem Renaissance, Huggins, writing about the play in connection Emperor argued that "O'Neill used Jones to make general statements Negro characters in The Harlem Renaissance, 297-98. In about humanity: 1 Nathan Huggins, Huggins's assessment: "O'Neill 1973 O'Neill biographer Louis Sheaffer black is was not trying to echoed only a short step from his African demonstrate that the American more universal t thatanapprehensive, ancestors; he was suggesting something us all." Sheaffer, O'Neill, primitivebeingh lurksjust below the when 30. Perhaps, this new surfaceof Kenneth McGowan praised Brutus.] interpretation seemed to suggest, flesh, such a cry of the primitive Jones's prayer as "such a dark lyric of the recognized, intuitively, with his being,' what touched him was the likeness "a dark own "primitive " he lyric of the flesh, 91 and the being. that the American more universal t thatanapprehensive, ancestors; he was suggesting something us all." Sheaffer, O'Neill, primitivebeingh lurksjust below the when 30. Perhaps, this new surfaceof Kenneth McGowan praised Brutus.] interpretation seemed to suggest, flesh, such a cry of the primitive Jones's prayer as "such a dark lyric of the recognized, intuitively, with his being,' what touched him was the likeness "a dark own "primitive " he lyric of the flesh, 91 and the being. Yet, McGowan aptly called it language was quite pointed, proximity of darkness and flesh in the reviewer's be universal, he still conscious or not. If"the primitive had to be represented in the being" was meant to evoke the desired response from a white figure of a black man in order to 133. Hughes, The Big Sea, 258-59. audiencei in New York in 1920. 134. Schmidt, The United States after Years in al Night ofRevolution, Ocupation of Haiti, 171; Kuser, Haiti: Its Daun of 135. As Brenda Plummer 93; Harold Davis, Black Democracy, 283. Progress Plummer, Haiti and the puts it, "corporate interest in the black United States, 1 10; see also republic flickered." failures of U.S. economic enterprises in 109-17. On the fortunes and States and the Caribbean Republics, occupied Haiti, see also Munro, The United 136. Plummer, Haiti and the United States, 98-107. 137. Ibid., 282. 1 10. 138. Dunham, Island Possessed, 3139. Craige, Black Bagdad, 275. See also Miller Log, Silverthorn, Oral History Transcript, October 16 and 17, 1915: Merwin H. 140. Métraux, Voodoo in Haiti, 161-62, HMD, 59; Mervin, "A Voodoo Drum from Haiti,' 123-25. NOTES TO PAGES 210-13 --- Page 368 --- 141. Frank Resler Crumbie, business cards, box 142. See Frank Crumbie'se extensive C-1, folder 5, Crumbie Papers. 143. La Presse, March 8, 1930, collection, Crumbie Papers. 144. Craige, Black Bagdad, Scrapbook 6, Crumbie Papers. 4. 145. Ibid., 194. 146. Miller Log, September 14, 1915147. Miller Log, September 29, 1915. 148. Koltes and Albrecht, "Prevalence of Perceval Thoby, quoted in Balch, Syphilis in Haiti"; see also the comments of 149. Balch, Occupied Haiti, Occupied Haiti, 1 19. 135. 150. Quoted in ibid., 116. 151. Ibid., 19. Some marinesappears to have used their dresses. See, for example, Arthur B., dollars to pay women to droptheir many shots of women and girls, Jacques's collection of photographs, ground around their some with their dresses literally including feet. Folder 15: dropped to the 873, PPC. "Photographs," Arthur B.J Jacques Papers, PC 152. Helen Delpar's account of the "enormous between 1927 and 1935, provides vogue of things Mexican," an especially argues that while the Mexican important counterpoint to this story. have flowered without vogue "was rooted in cultural issues, it Delpar the markedi improvement in would not two countries that occurred in the late " diplomatic relations between the Mexicmm.55.1 In the late 1920S, U.S. 1920s. Delpar, The Enormous Vogue of Things independent government but a client "diplomatic relations" with Haiti engaged not an sioner. In this context, the "enormous state operating under a U.S. high commistion to U.S. rule by Haitians and vogue ofthings Haitian" was fueled by their U.S. Delpar the markedi improvement in would not two countries that occurred in the late " diplomatic relations between the Mexicmm.55.1 In the late 1920S, U.S. 1920s. Delpar, The Enormous Vogue of Things independent government but a client "diplomatic relations" with Haiti engaged not an sioner. In this context, the "enormous state operating under a U.S. high commistion to U.S. rule by Haitians and vogue ofthings Haitian" was fueled by their U.S. opposicordial diplomatic relations. American allies as well as by close and 153- For a detailed analysis of the ways in which this erasure of power relations, see Lutz and National Geographic magazine effected the contributions of National Collins, Reading! National Geographic. For tion there, see "Wards of the Geographic to discourses on Haiti and the U.S. Marvel" United States" (1916); Osterhout, "A occupa- (1920); Gayer, "Hispaniola Rediscovered" Little-Known gnettes" (1934). (1931); Craige, "Haitian Vi154. RobertJones, TheShudder Pulps, 83-84; 58:590. TheNationalCydapadin ofAmerican Biography, 155. Burks, "Luisma' s Return," " 126; "Thus the story discussed in Chapter Spake the Prophetess,' 2 136. In marie Sam, after Haiti's 3, Burks seems to have named the evil "Voodoo, last president, Vilbrun papaloi, Ceriappear in Black Medicine. Guillaume Sam (125). All stories 156. Fossett, "Listening to Empire: Lamont also "Isle of Fear," Cranston and "The Shadow' Go Abroad. ' See and Smith Editorial Radioscript, Records October 30, 1938, The Shadow Radio Series, Street sity, Syracuse, N.Y. Collection, Street and Smith. Archives, Syracuse Univer157. Vandercook, Black Majesty, 203. Christophe's ingness and ability to do manual labor. In manhood resided, in part, in his willthe main points of contention between this sense, Vandercook addressed one of for example, P. 10 and the illustration Haitian elites and the U.S. occupation. See, 158. Although Vandercook' s facing p. 172. dicted the emphasis of emphasis on Christophesmanhovl; in Black Majesty contraHis 1938 travel guide, Bainesveeribstratin Caribbee Cruise, Vandercook' 'sl later writing did not. explained the demise of Saint Domingue this NOTES TO PAGES 213-17 --- Page 369 --- way: "The French planters wanted only healthy for the work of the cane fields blacks and men of was hard and were good physique, they got the pick ofAfrica.. Itwas the labor they willing to pay accordingly. So bly, they built their ruin. The of Frankenstein. Heedlessly, incalculaseeds of greatness" (88). high-priced breed they bought had strength in it and 159. Colombian Line advertisement, Crumbie Papers. unidentified newspaper clipping, Scrapbook 160. "A Visit to King 3, Christophe: A Scenic Katzenbach: and Warren, Inc., New York Wallpaper designed by Nicholas de Molas," book 3, Crumbie Papers. City, n.d., advertising leaflet, 3 pages, Scrap161. Ibid., 2. 162. U.S. Marine Corps, Citadel of File: "Haiti Travel and Christophe: Famous Ruler of Haiti, Schomburg Description, Clipping Culture, New York. Schomburg Center for Research on Black 163. Ibid., 1. 164. Ibid., final page, unnumbered. 165. Ibid. 166. Seel Lindsay, This HighName. 167. Hoover appointed a commission headed status of the occupation. He did by Cameron W. Forbes to look into not, as Metrotone the inquiry. Spector, W Cameron Forbes and the Hoover reported, call for a congressional the Front in Haiti," Newsreels, vol. Ruler of Haiti, Schomburg Description, Clipping Culture, New York. Schomburg Center for Research on Black 163. Ibid., 1. 164. Ibid., final page, unnumbered. 165. Ibid. 166. Seel Lindsay, This HighName. 167. Hoover appointed a commission headed status of the occupation. He did by Cameron W. Forbes to look into not, as Metrotone the inquiry. Spector, W Cameron Forbes and the Hoover reported, call for a congressional the Front in Haiti," Newsreels, vol. Commission to Haiti. "Metrotone at tone News Collection, UCLA.See 1, no. 222, December 14, 1929, Hearst Metrocerpt), December also "*New Revolt in Haiti," vol. 10, 1929, MGM 3, issue 35 (ex168. International Newsreel, "Metrotone at the Front in Haiti,' UCLA, Hearst Metrotone News Newsreels, vol. 1, no. 222, December Collection, UCLA. 14, 1929, 16g. "U.S. Marines Test Wings over Haiti, " Newsreels, Hearst Metrotone News Collection, UCLA. vol. 5, no. 248, March 3, 1934, 170. "Haiti, Coolidge, Batista, Trujillo, Newsreels, 1942, Hearst Metrotone News Collection, CS: 205, December 1929 to December 171. Beale Davis, The Goat without Horns, UCLA. 172. Ibid., 76-77. 123, 176-77. 173. Davis was right to link Haitian self-assertion scale effort to overturn white in the face of white power with a worldEurope in the aftermath of World supremacy. War The Pan-African Congress that met in heritage precisely to that end. As a U.S. I attempted to organize people of African probably aware of these diplomat and a white Virginian, Davis was racial developments and their potential privilege. consequences for his own 174. Beale Davis, The Goat without Horns, 175. Davis was not the first to link the 230. maternal role. In the 1917 power of Voodoo with the politics of women's Voodoo prompts the near murder Lasky-Paramount of film Unconquered, with Fannie Ward, he has been taken by a court order, a small boy, providing his mother, from whom sacrifice herself with the opportunity to prove her (literally). She is saved, and the willingness to Weitzel, "Lasky-Paramount Releases," boy is restored to her. Edward Production File: Moving Picture World, June 2, 1917, Unconquered, AMPAS, clipping, 176, William Seabrook, preface to The White King 177. Scrapbook. 4, item 5, unidentified ofLa Gonave, by Wirkus and Dudley, xii. 178. Torgovnick has emphasized the newspaper clipping, Crumbie Papers. versatility of "the primitive" as a signifier in Euro350 NOTES TO PAGES 217-25 --- Page 370 --- American discourses. See Gone Primitive, 9-10. With respect to American discourses on Haiti, Plummer reaches similar conclusions in Haiti and the United States. 179. Scrapbook 6, p. 4, unidentified newspaper clipping, May 1940, Crumbie Papers. Hollywood's use of the zombie similarly merged diverse "primitive" locales and signifiers. Islands filled with "lost souls". could evoke Haiti and the South Pacific all at once. And while some screenwriters were "plunged into research on Haitian voodoo," as Ardel Wray recalled in relation to the 1943 RKO Picture I Walked with a Zombie, other writers mixed stereotypes and stock images with abandon. Commenting on Paramount's 1940 comedy The Ghost Breakers, with Bob Hope and Paulette Goddard, Idwel Jones commented, "Casting about for a new source of shudders, the dramatists found it in this zombie business we have been hearing about in Cuba." The setting for this comic take on zombies was "an island off the coast of Cuba," 13 known as "Black Island.' " Ardel Wray, quoted in Los Angeles County Museum of Art, "The RKO Years,' " n.d., Production File: I Walked with a Zombie, AMPAS. Commenting on Paramount's 1940 comedy The Ghost Breakers, with Bob Hope and Paulette Goddard, Idwel Jones commented, "Casting about for a new source of shudders, the dramatists found it in this zombie business we have been hearing about in Cuba." The setting for this comic take on zombies was "an island off the coast of Cuba," 13 known as "Black Island.' " Ardel Wray, quoted in Los Angeles County Museum of Art, "The RKO Years,' " n.d., Production File: I Walked with a Zombie, AMPAS. Idweljones, "Production Information, August 1, 1940, Production File: The Ghost Breakers, AMPAS. See also "The Ghost Breakers,' Movie. Story, ca. 1940, clipping, Production File: The Ghost Breakers, AMPAS. 18 180. Review of White Zombie, Time, August 8, 1932. 181. Ibid. Note that the term "jitter" has its origins in a Mandingo word related to dance. The term seems to have been fairly new to commonAmerican English in the 1920S. Stuart Berg Flexner dates it to 1925. Clarence Major dates it to the seventeenth centuryin. African American usage. See Flexner, Listening toAmerica, 91; Major, Juba tofive, 259. 182. Price and Turner, "White Zombie,' 35; Frank, Horror Movies, 88. Madge Bellamy played Madeline Short; Robert Frazer played Charles Beaumont. 183. Price and Turner, "White Zombie, 91 38. 184. Ibid., 39. 185. Review of White Zombie, Time, August 8, 1932. 186. John S. Cohen, "The New Talkie,' 19 unidentified clipping,, July 29, 1932, Scrapbook 2, Crumbie Papers. 187. Price and Turner, "White Zombie, 39. 188. Review of White Zombie, Time, August 8, 1932. 189. For another interpretation, see' Tony Williams, "White Zombie, Haitian Horror," 20. 190. See] Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color, 91-125. 191. Review of White Zombie, Time, August 8, 1932. 192. See Price and Turner, "White Zombie, 13 36. 193. While I was writing this book, I met a literary agent at a party. When she learned that Iwas writing about Haiti, her eyes lit up, and she handed me her card. "Haiti!, she said with great excitement, "Haiti sells! Romania? You can't give it away. But Haiti sells!" CHAPTER 6 1. Tait, "The Petals Fall Slowly";s see Chapter 1. 2. Taftspentabout six months in Haiti, beginning in December 1937. Taft, A Puritan in Voodoo-Land, 29. 8. Ibid., 11-12. 4- Ibid., 11. NOTES TO PAGES 225-29 --- Page 371 --- 5. Ibid., 12. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid. Taft did not state directly that her men, but she at least left her readers own ancestor had "succumbed" as had other a hand in freeing "an unbelievably wondering. For Zacharias Raymond had taken Chery" who had escaped from a brutal beautiful young octoroon girl named Adoree the hold" of his ship and taken her French master. Raymond "had secreted herin descendants doubtless live to "Santiago de Cuba, 7) where, Taft 8. Ibid., to this very day" (ibid., 13). added, "her 12-13. 9. Ibid., 11. 10. Amy Kaplan has shown that Perry Miller used Puritans in Errand into the Wilderness; Africa to frame his discourse on the 11. Another see Kaplan, "Left Alone with book-length travel accounti is Loederer, Voodoo America," 3-11. travel journalism, see Arthur Ruhl, Fire in Haiti. endants doubtless live to "Santiago de Cuba, 7) where, Taft 8. Ibid., to this very day" (ibid., 13). added, "her 12-13. 9. Ibid., 11. 10. Amy Kaplan has shown that Perry Miller used Puritans in Errand into the Wilderness; Africa to frame his discourse on the 11. Another see Kaplan, "Left Alone with book-length travel accounti is Loederer, Voodoo America," 3-11. travel journalism, see Arthur Ruhl, Fire in Haiti. For: a sampling of bune, May 8, 1932, and Harold "Haytian Odds and Ends,' s New York Herald TriNew York Times Magazine, October Denny, "Proud Haiti Demands Her Old Freedom, 1 Nock, "The Bright Isle, 99 9, 1932, both in Scrapbook 2, Crumbie Papers, and 12. See Schmidt, Maverick Marine, 552-59.See: also Laguerre, The Complete Haitiana. 13. Buhle emphasizes the 2-4, and Chapters 2-4 above. Discontents, 100-101. crossfertilization between these two fields in Feminism and Its 14- Ibid., 90-95. See, for example, Tridon, chine Age; and the essays collected by Psychoanalysis and Love; Dell, Love in the Mation, The New Generation, and Women s Calverton and Schmalhausen in Sex in Civiliza15. Thisg groupincluded Elsie Clews Coming ofAge. and Zora Neale Hurston. On Boasa Parsons, George Eaton Simpson, Melville Racism, and his students, see The Herskovits, 76-95. and Herskovits, Franz Boas. Barkan, Retreat 16. ofScientific Buhle, Feminism and Its Discontents, 98. 17. Iam particularly interested in the ways that U.S. tured desire" in terms of racea and American writing on Haiti "manufac167-77. sexuality. See Stoler, Race and the Education 0fDesire, 18. Samuel Guy Inman was traveled to Haiti with a perhaps most closely related to that apparatus in that he whose representative of the YMCA's goal was to advise the Marine Committee on Training Inman, Trailing the Corps on matters related to morale and Camps, Conquistadores, 1 17-18. training. 19. Inman dissented from dominant North practices by championing mission work in American Latin Protestant missionary views and the Committee on Cooperation with Latin America. With others, he founded secretary for many years. See Koll, "Samuel America in 1910; he also served as its Friendship, ' 45-66. The Guy Inman: Venturer in Inter-American lowship, founded Disciples of Christ was a in the context of U.S. westward nondenominational Christian felmembers tended toward populist and "expansion." In the 1920S, its tion andlay ministry. It was constituteda as progressive perspectives, emphasizing educaknown as "The Christian Church a denomination: in the late 1950S and is now 20. Inman, Through Santo Domingo (Disciplesof Christ). " See Colby Hall, Texas tion on Inman, and Haiti, 85. For miscellaneous Disciples. see Who Was Who in America, vol.. biographical informaWho's Who, 1968), 482. 4, 1961-1968 (Chicago: Marquis21. For Inman'srevised below. perspective, see his Trailing the Conquistadores. See also Chapter 22. GeraldAnderson, BiographialDidtionarye ofChristian Missions, 319. NOTES TO PAGES 230-32 --- Page 372 --- Inman, Through Santo Domingo and Haiti, 58; see also his "The Present Situation in the 23. Caribbean,' " 289-317. 24. Inman, Through. Santo Domingo and Haiti, 5925. Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores, 122. 26. Inman, Through Santo Domingo and Haiti, 7927. Inman, "The Present Situation in the Caribbean, 19 294. GeraldAnderson, BiographialDidtionarye ofChristian Missions, 319. NOTES TO PAGES 230-32 --- Page 372 --- Inman, Through Santo Domingo and Haiti, 58; see also his "The Present Situation in the 23. Caribbean,' " 289-317. 24. Inman, Through. Santo Domingo and Haiti, 5925. Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores, 122. 26. Inman, Through Santo Domingo and Haiti, 7927. Inman, "The Present Situation in the Caribbean, 19 294. 28. Inman, Through Santo Domingo and Haiti, 79. 29. Ibid., 6430. Like the American evangelical women about whom historian Joan Jacobs Brumberg has written, American men in Haiti contrasted the "domestic oppression" of women in this foreign setting with what they believed to be the relatively emancipated lives and domestic happiness of women in the United States. See Brumberg, "Zenanasand Girlless Villages," 347-71. 31. Miller Log,Song on first page (unnumbered). 32. Ibid. 33. Inman, Through Santo Domingo and Haiti, 70, and Trailing the Conquistadores, 122. 34- Inman, Through Santo Domingo and Haiti, 71. 35. Ibid. 36. Ibid.,59-60. 37- Ibid., 6g. 38. Ibid., 7939. Ibid. 40. Ibid., 64 and 63, respectively. 41. Ibid., 58, 85. 42. "Housekeeping in Haiti," New York Herald Tribune, October 24, 1926. 43. Balch, Occupied Haiti, 114One biographical sketch suggests that "exposure to the black tenants on her father's 44- plantation" " gave her "sensitivity to alien cultures. " Buchanan, Blair Rice Niles," " 267. 45- Ibid. William Beebe led a scientific expedition to Haiti in 1927. Beebe, Beneath Tropic Seas, 199. Robert Niles also wrote about Haiti after the 1925 trip with Blair Niles. See Robert Niles, "An Architect's View of the Fortress of the Black King Christophe. 46. Buchanan, "Blair Rice Niles," 267. See also the list of "Authorities Consulted," included in Blair Niles, Black Haiti, 319-25. 47. Blair Niles, Black Haiti, 348. Ibid., 4. See, for example, Prichard, Where Black Rules White (1g0o); Ober, A Guide to the West 49. Indies and Bermuda (1908); Fisk, The West Indies (1911); Bonsal, TheAmerican Mediterranean (1912); Franck, Roaming through the West Indies (1920); and the book that influenced all of them, St. John, Hayti, Or the Black Republic (1884). Brenda Plummer identifies these, along with Seabrook' 's book, Taft's, and others, as "a literature of condemnation, which constituted one of the "instruments of power" deployed in U.S. relations with Haiti. 50. Blair Niles, Black Haiti, 5. 51. Ibid., 9. 52. Ibid., 10, 11. 53- Ibid., 14, 21. 54. Ibid., 136. Ibid., and 62, respectively. Niles's characterization of Haitians' "dramatic exis55. tence" resonates with the broad impact of Eugene O'Neill' s Emperor Jones. NOTES TO PAGES 233-40 --- Page 373 --- 56. Blair Niles, Black Haiti, 155. 57. See the photograph by Phillip Hiss, Photographs File, Crumbie Papers. 58. Blair Niles, Black Haiti, 13. 59. Ibid., 126. 60. Ibid., 126-27. 61. Ibid., 135. 62. Ibid., 2463. Ibid., 25. 64- Ibid., 22. 65. Ibid., 24 and 28, respectively. 66. Ibid., 100. 67. Ibid.,64-65. 68. Ibid., 100-101. 69. Ibid., 102. 70. Ibid., title page. 71. Ibid., 133-3472. Ibid., 102. iles, Black Haiti, 13. 59. Ibid., 126. 60. Ibid., 126-27. 61. Ibid., 135. 62. Ibid., 2463. Ibid., 25. 64- Ibid., 22. 65. Ibid., 24 and 28, respectively. 66. Ibid., 100. 67. Ibid.,64-65. 68. Ibid., 100-101. 69. Ibid., 102. 70. Ibid., title page. 71. Ibid., 133-3472. Ibid., 102. 73. Ibid., 23. 74- Ibid., 190, 191, 199. 75. Ibid., 15476. Ibid., 21,309. 77. Ibid., 159, 160. 78. Ibid., 161. 79. Ibid., 167, 168. 80. Ibid., 16g. 81. Ibid., 139-40. 82. Ibid.,71. 83. On the early history of the Book-ofthe-Month Club, with references to the Literary Guild, see Rubin, The Making of Middlebrow Culture93-14784. Selection by one of the two popular book clubs, Literary Guild and Book-of-theMonth Club, boosted sales in bookstores as well as ensuring distribution to guild or club members. Seeibid., 96-97. 85. Review of The Magic Island, New York Herald Tribene.January 8, 1929. 86. Seabrook, No Hiding Place, 27387. Seabrook, The Magic Island, 42. 88. Ibid., 127. 8g. Ibid., 62. 90. Ibid., 60, 63. 91. Ibid., 12,34. 92. See Haraway, "Teddy Bear Patriarchy, " in Primate Visions, 26-58. 93. Seabrook, The Magic Island, 28, and No Hiding Place, 280. 94-Seabrook, The Magic Island, 31. 95. Ibid.,11-12, 13. 96. Ibid.,42. 97. Ibid.,11. 98. Ibid.,799. Ibid., 17. 100. Jean Price-Mars, Une tape de l'évolution Haitienne, excerpted in Joseph Williams, Voodoos and Obeahs, XV. NOTES TO PAGES 240-50 --- Page 374 --- 101. Ibid., xvi. 102. Ibid., xiv. 103. Redfield, review of The Magic Island, 317. 104. Seabrook, The Magic Island, 28. 105. Ibid., 42. 106. Ibid., 43 and 42, respectively. 107. Ibid., 60. 108. Ibid., 37. 109. Ibid. 110. Ibid., 223. 111. Ibid.,37. 112. Ibid., 277. 113. Ibid. 114- Ibid., 99. 115. Ibid., 172. 116. Seabrook made it clear to the reader that king and queen did not have to be married in Haiti, and indeed that this royal pair was not SO joined. Ibid., 193. 117. Ibid., 171. 118. Wirkus and Dudley, The White King of La Gonave, xii-xiii. 119. Taft, A Puritan in Voodoo-Land, 16. 120. Other women writers, notably fiction writers, also used Haiti to claim or to project modern sexuality. See Adelaide Wilson, First Woman, and Forbes, Women Called Wild. For another account of the mutually constitutive links between race and sexuality, see Somerville, Queering the Color Line. 121. Taft, A Puritan 2n Voodoo-Land, 29. 122. Ibid., 42. 123. Ibid., 42-43. 124. Ibid., 44-45. 125. Ibid., 108. 126. Ibid., 110-11. 127. Ibid., 22-28. 128. Ibid.,374129. Ibid.,375130. Ibid., 362. First Woman, and Forbes, Women Called Wild. For another account of the mutually constitutive links between race and sexuality, see Somerville, Queering the Color Line. 121. Taft, A Puritan 2n Voodoo-Land, 29. 122. Ibid., 42. 123. Ibid., 42-43. 124. Ibid., 44-45. 125. Ibid., 108. 126. Ibid., 110-11. 127. Ibid., 22-28. 128. Ibid.,374129. Ibid.,375130. Ibid., 362. See Chazotte, The Black Rebellion in Haiti. C.L.J R.J Jamesacknowledged the rape of white women by black soldiers after the defeat of the French. His account linked such violence to a sense of revenge wrought by years of rape and violence by white mastersagainst slave women and men. * "Vengeance!" was their war-cry. Yet, in all the records of that time, there is no single instance of such fiendish tortures as blowing [white men] up with gunpowder" (The Black Jacobins, 8g). Arna Bontemps would pick up on this image; see Chapter 7 for more on images of rape and revolution. 131. Taft, A Puritan in Voodoo-Land.370. 132. Haag, Consent, 143, 160; Freedman, "The Response to the Sexual Psychopath, 106. 83133- See Bederman, "Civilization, : the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Welk'sAnti-lynching Campaign. 134. Taft, APuritan in Voodoo-Land, 83. 135. Shapiro, White Violence and Black Response, 282-83. 136. Ibid., 283.-According to Shapiro, support for the legislation extended to the South. NOTES TO PAGES 250-58 --- Page 375 --- The Costigan-Wagner bill was introduced in 1934, the Wagner-Van Nuys-Gavagan billi in 1937. 137. Taft, A Puritan in Voodoo-Land.372. 138. Ibid., 105. 139. Ibid. 140. Ibid., 68. 141. Ibid., 368. 142. Ibid., 368-69. 143- Ibid., 397-98. 144. Tebbel, The Golden Age, 430. Tebbel estimates that successful travel books in the 1930s sold between 3,000 and 5,000 copies (in the first printing), and A Puritan in Voodoo-Land received mixed reviews. The Springheld Republican, December 20, 1938, 8, called it "agreeably readable, " but the New York Times Book Review, January ' 15, 1939, 3.judged it "naive, and the Boston Transcript, December 17, 1938, 2, held its nose, finding it "sickening, "rank and uncultivated, " and "shockingly superficial. 145. Van Doren, "Why the Editorial Board Selected The Magic Island,' 3. CHAPTER 7 1. Rampersad, The Life of Langston Hughes, 204. 2. Hughes, I Wonder as IWander, 5. The novel was Not Without Laughter. On the Harmon Foundation's support for African American achievement, especially in the field of visualarts, see Reynolds and Wright, Against the Odds. Charlotte Osgood Mason, who preferred to be called "Godmother, also patronized Zora Neale Hurston. 3. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander, 44. Ibid., 15. 5. See Chapter 6. 6. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander, 15. He did use a letter from Walter White introducing him to the Haitian novelist Jacques Roumain, whose novel, Gouverneurs de la rosée, he later translated. See Roumain, Masters of the Dew. 7. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander, 22. 8. Ibid. Hughes explicitly praised Blair Niles's Black Haiti: as well as Vandercook s Black Majesty. See I Wonder as I Wander, 16. 9. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander, 23. 10. Ibid., 27. 11. Ibid. 12. Rampersad, The Life of Langston Hughes, 204. 13. Hughes, "White Shadows in a Black Land, 157. 14. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander, 27. the Dew. 7. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander, 22. 8. Ibid. Hughes explicitly praised Blair Niles's Black Haiti: as well as Vandercook s Black Majesty. See I Wonder as I Wander, 16. 9. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander, 23. 10. Ibid., 27. 11. Ibid. 12. Rampersad, The Life of Langston Hughes, 204. 13. Hughes, "White Shadows in a Black Land, 157. 14. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander, 27. Hughes acknowledged the significance, for people of any means at all, not only of shoes, but also of coats, in light of Haitian history. "Strange, bourgeois and a little pathetic, I found this accent on clothes and shoesin an undeveloped land, where the average wage was then thirty cents a day, and where the sun blazed like fury. Articles of clothing in Haiti were not cheap. Taxes were high, jobs scarce, wages low, SO the doubtful step upward to the dignity of leather between one's feet and the earth, or a coat between one's body and the sun, was a step not easily to be achieved. But perhaps a coat and a pair of shoes had more meaning than that inherent in their merep possession.And perhaps that meaning was NOTES TO PAGES 258-62 --- Page 376 --- something carried over from the long-ago days of the white masters, who wore coats and shoes- - and had force and power. Perhaps they were symbols" (28). 15. Hughes, "A People without Shoes,' 46g; Rampersad, introduction to I Wonder as I Wander, by Hughes, xviii. 16. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander, 26-27. 17. Ibid., 2718. Errol Hill writes that Hughes "first produced Drums ofHaitiin 1935, revised it in 1936 as Troubled Island, turned this version into an opera with music by William Grant Still in 1949, and his final revision : was completed in 1963. " Hill, Black Heroes, 419. Hughes, I Wonder as I Wander,5. 20. Protest also emerged out of the Pan-African movement, the peace movement, the African American press, white liberal organizations like the Popular Government League, the Foreign Policy Association, religious communities, and, as we saw in Chapter 3, the institutions of the stateitself. This list is not intended to be exhaustive, nor will the present work attempt a thorough investigation of all of these contexts. More work remains to be done to fill out our understanding of each one and of the relations among these, along with others not mentioned here. 21. Grossman, Land of Hope, 8. 22. Marks, Farewell - We're Good and Gone, 146; Hine, "Rape and the Inner Lives of Black Women,' ' 343. 23. Haiti provided one of the only issuesaround which these twoorganizations would join forces. Plummer, "Afro-American Response, *9 133. 24. Ibid., 138-39. 25. Shipman, IHad to Be Revolution, 168. 26. Plummer, "Afro-American Response, > 135. The American-Haitian Benevolent Club "represented the descendants sof Americans who had emigrated to Haiti in the 1850s and 1 86os." 27. Ibid., 135:Neverdon-Morton, Afro-American Women oft the South, 198. 28. Plummer, "Afro-American Response, 13 135. 29. Ibid., 135, 138. 30. See Rupp, Worlds of Women, 13-50. 31. On Willard's work with southern African American women and on her conflict with Ida B. Wells, see Gilmore, Genderand) Jim Crow, 46, 49-50.56-57.and Ware, Beyond the Pale, 198-215. 32. Neverdon-Morton, Afro-American Women of the South, 198. 33. Ibid. 34. Ibid. 35. The one representative from Asia was from Ceylon, now SriLanka. Ibid., 200. 36. Ibid. Rupp, Worlds of Women, 13-50. 31. On Willard's work with southern African American women and on her conflict with Ida B. Wells, see Gilmore, Genderand) Jim Crow, 46, 49-50.56-57.and Ware, Beyond the Pale, 198-215. 32. Neverdon-Morton, Afro-American Women of the South, 198. 33. Ibid. 34. Ibid. 35. The one representative from Asia was from Ceylon, now SriLanka. Ibid., 200. 36. Ibid. See also "Booker T.'s Wife Heads World Order,' 19 Chicago Defender, August 26, 1922. 37- Neverdon-Morton, Afyo-American Women ofthe South, 200. 38. Balch, Occupied Haiti, V. 39. Ibid., viii. 40. Two of the fifteen chapters were coauthored by Balch and Hunton. 41. Balch, Occupied Haiti, vii. 42. Ibid., 149, 15343. Ibid., 152. 44- Ibid., iii. NOTES TO PAGES 262-67 --- Page 377 --- 45. Occupied Haiti refused all "charming." 99 exoticism, though Balch considered Niles's book 46. On conservatism in the 1920S, see Higham, Klan; Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Strangers in the Land; Blee, Women of the 47. Balch, Occupied Haiti, 11. Culture. 48. On the ISS, see David Shannon, The Socialist 49. Ibid., 56. Party of America, 54-56. 50. Shipman, Il Had to Be Revolution, 51. Ibid., 154. 153-5452. Phillips was also later known as Charles 53. Carl Haessler, Leland Olds, and Art Shields. Shipman. Ibid., 155. 54. Ibid. The patron was William H. Holly, Ibid., 157. 55. The Anti-Imperialist League letterhead Baldwin, Robert Morss Lovett, Paxton included the names William Pickens, Roger thur Garfield Hays, Scott Hibben, Lewis Gannett, Freda Kirchwey, ArGomez. Ibid. Nearing, William C. Foster, William F. Dunne, and Manuel 56. Ibid., 168. 57. Nearing and Freeman, Dollar Diplomacy. of thej party'sagitprop establishment. 19 Philips described Freeman as "an old reliable 58. Shipman, It Had to Be Revolution, See Shipman, Itl Had to Be Revolution, Richard B. Moore, and 162. Others who attended were Roger 151, Baldwin, 181. 59. Plummer, "The, ChiCh'ao-ting. Moore and Chi were party Afro-American: Response,' ' members. Fort-Whiteman wasactivei in the Communist 137:Shipman, Il Had to Be Revolution, 165. then moved to the Soviet Union, married Partyin New York through the 1920S. He Stalin's prisons, having been there, and nine years later died in one of Anderson, The Soviet World convicted of "Anti-Soviet: agitation. 1 Klehr, of American Haynes, and 60. Shipman, It Had to Be Revolution, 166. Communism, 21 18-27. 61. Plummer, "Afro-American " 62. Samuel Guy Inman, to whom Response," we 140. alistic America," and shall now turn, isal key example. See Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores. In "ImperiDisciples of Christ also created a study conjunction with the latter, the racism and imperialism raised by Inman's guide to facilitate education on questions of See also Stowell, Between the book. See Hinman, Our 63. Inman, Americas, and Rycroft, On This Canibean.Nighbors. Trailing the Conquistadores, 216. See also Foundation. published by the Catholic Association for Montavon, Haiti, Past and Present, 64. Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores, International Peace. quistadores. In "ImperiDisciples of Christ also created a study conjunction with the latter, the racism and imperialism raised by Inman's guide to facilitate education on questions of See also Stowell, Between the book. See Hinman, Our 63. Inman, Americas, and Rycroft, On This Canibean.Nighbors. Trailing the Conquistadores, 216. See also Foundation. published by the Catholic Association for Montavon, Haiti, Past and Present, 64. Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores, International Peace. Association, included Raymond 44-45. The lawyers, members of the B. Fosdick, Lewis Foreign Policy Judge Frederick A. Henry, and Moorfield Marshall, Charles B. Howland, of Survey ofAmerican Foreign Storey. Charles B. Howland was the author ist Tradition, 73; Relations. See also Hixson, Moorfield Storey and the Bausman and Bettman, The Seizure AbolitionBuell, The American Occupation ofHaiti. of Haiti by the United States; and 65. Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores, 66. Ibid., 131, 182. 107-8,122. 67. Ibid., 133. 68. Ibid., 122. 6g. Ibid., 118. 70. Cf. Inman, Through Santo Domingo and Haiti, 71. Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores, 58, 79. 104. NOTES TO PAGES 267-71 --- Page 378 --- 72. Ibid., 103-4. 73. Ibid., 104. 74- Ibid., 103. 75. Ibid., 106. 76. Ibid., 114, 115. 77- All quotations in this paragraph are from ibid., 1 130. 78. Ibid., 131-32. 79. Ibid., 132. 80. Ibid., 133-3481. Inman, Trailing the Conquistadores, 131, quoting Senor de Madariaga. 82. Inman, "Imperialistic America." The essay was also excerpted in a collection of antiimperialist writings published in 1928; see Hopkins and Alexander, Machine Gun Diplomacy, 43-50. 8g. Gaspar and Trouillot, "History, Fiction, and the Slave Experience," 184. 84. Endore, Babouk, 295-96. 85. Herskovits, "Voodoo Nonsense, " 308; Loederer, Voodoo Fire in Haiti. 86. Herskovits, Life in a Haitian Valley. Herskovits was neither first nor last among anthropologists who sought to defend Haiti by debunking racist views. Elsie Clews Parsons weighed in against the occupation in the relatively early days of 1917, conducted fieldwork there in 1926, and provided financial support to others interested in the folklore of Haiti, including Harold Courlander. Zumwalt, Wealth and Rebellion, 191, 204-5. For Parsons's Haitian folklore, and for her criticisms of the occupation, see Parsons, "Injustice to Haitians,' " New York Times,January 7, 1917; "Spirituals from the 'American' Colony of Samana Bay, Santo Domingo' ";and "The People in Hayti,' 19 New York Herald Tribune, December 15, 1929,Scrapbook 1, Crumbie Papers. George Eaton Simpson was another anthropologist who actively sought to debunk racist views of Haiti. See Simpson, "The Vodoun Service in Northern Haiti," and "Haitian Peasant Economy.' ' See also "Scientist Defends Haiti's Voodoo; Holds 'Magic' Benefits the Natives," New York Times, December 29, 1938, Scrapbook 5, Crumbie Papers. 87. Herskovits, Lifein a Haitian Valley, xviii-xix. 88. Ibid., 46. 8g. Ibid., 266. 90. Ibid., 293. 91. Ibid., 295. 92. Ibid. 93. Simpson, "The Vodoun Service in Northern Haiti," and "Haitian Peasant Economy.' ' See also "Scientist Defends Haiti's Voodoo; Holds 'Magic' Benefits the Natives," New York Times, December 29, 1938, Scrapbook 5, Crumbie Papers. 87. Herskovits, Lifein a Haitian Valley, xviii-xix. 88. Ibid., 46. 8g. Ibid., 266. 90. Ibid., 293. 91. Ibid., 295. 92. Ibid. 93. Further complexities of Herskovits 's ethnographic relationship to Haiti are revealed in Kate Ramsey's astute reading of the extensive correspondence between Herskovits and Katherine Dunham, while she was in Haitiin 1936 doing fieldwork as a graduate student. Ramsey, "Melville J. Herskovits, Katherine Dunham, and the Politics of African Diasporic Dance Anthropology. See also Dunham, Island Possessed. 94- Courlander, Haiti Singing, vii. See also Courlander, "Haiti's Political Folksongs, and TheDrum and the Hoe. Laura Bowman and Antoine Leroy also collected Haitian music and folklore in the late 1930S. See Bowman and Leroy, The Voice of Haiti. 95. Courlander, Haiti Singing, 6. 96. Ibid., 1-2. 97. Courlander, Uncle Bouqui of Haiti. 98. Price-Mars, Ainsi parla l'oncle. 99. Welles, Orson Welles on Shakespeare. NOTES TO PAGES 271-76 --- Page 379 --- 100. Bontemps, "Introduction to the 1968 Edition,' 1 in Bontemps was asked to burn most of the books in Bontemps, his Black Thunder, xxviii. indicated by name, including small library, but a few were 101. James Weldon Vandercook's 's Black Majesty. Johnson, "Haitian Notes," ' 163,J Collection of American James Weldon, Johnson Papers, Yale Yale University, New Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Haven, Conn. Manuscript Library, 102. See, for example, Leslie Pickney Hill's exception was Arthur 1928 play, Toussaint LOuverture, One notable by the Haitians in theNorth AlfonwoSchomburgs and South See Schomburg, Military Services Rendered 103. In 1937, for example, Reverend American Wars for Independence. nist National Negro Adam Clayton Powell remarked that the Congress was the "only mass Commuproblem here in America.' " Quoted in Naison, organization dedicated to our 104. Weiss, Farewell to the Party ofLincoln; Communists in Harlem, 199. 105. Marshall, The Story ofHaiti, see, for example, 206, 228-29, 268, 106. 7. 293. Bontemps and Hughes, Popo and Fifimna; Dusk; Hughes, "Troubled Island," and Bontemps, Black Thunder, and Drums at Billy Rose' Theatre Collection, New York Public "Emperor of Haiti"; see playscripts in the York,N.Y. Library for the Performing. Arts, New 107. Logan, "Education in Haiti,' and 108. Wheat, Jacob Laurence, Diplomatic Relations ofthe United States with Haiti. 184-85. 39-41, 52-53; Driskell, Two Centuries of Black American Art, 109. Dunham, Island Possessed; Yarborough, 110. The full title of the is Haiti-Dance. the Odds, piecei "La Citadelle - Freedom. Reynolds and 251-52. Wright, Against 111. Padmore, "The Revolt in Haiti,' and Stop, Port-au-Prince," Haiti, an American Slave Colony; Farred, 229. "First 112. The organization that James founded Padmore men developed important later led, and, in that context, both Nkrumah ofGhana. relationships with African leaders, Boggs, LivingforChange.. 46;1 Farred, including Kwame 238. "First Stop, Port-au-Prince," 113-James, Black Majesty; Duberman, Paul Robeson, playi is variously referred to by the titles 194; Boggs, Living) for Change, 46. The and, in its revised and published "Toussaint L'Ouverture," s "Black C. organization that James founded Padmore men developed important later led, and, in that context, both Nkrumah ofGhana. relationships with African leaders, Boggs, LivingforChange.. 46;1 Farred, including Kwame 238. "First Stop, Port-au-Prince," 113-James, Black Majesty; Duberman, Paul Robeson, playi is variously referred to by the titles 194; Boggs, Living) for Change, 46. The and, in its revised and published "Toussaint L'Ouverture," s "Black C. L. R.James Reader. version, "The Black Jacobins." " See Grimshaw, Majesty," The 114. Said, Culture and Imperialism, 251. 115. Farred, "First Stop, Port-au-Prince," 1 loryofNegro Revolt, by C. L. R.J James; Farred, 236-37. See also Kelley, introduction to A HisMarxism; Said, Culture and Rethinking C. L. R. James; Robinson, Black 116. Duberman, Paul Robeson, Imperialism, 245-61. 117. AmyAshwood Garvey, Marcus 74that production, and Amy Garvey'sexwife, was another of the amateur work for Ethiopia. Garvey was also active with James and Padmore actorsi in their in 118. Thomas Cripps sees the film as having been racism. "Robeson's Jones overawes the successful at conveying the tragedy of claims. "WhenJones dies in a revolt, he is picture and gives it heroic dimensions," " he the stairwell; he is a black king not a Pullman toady or a high-roller under Slow. 117. AmyAshwood Garvey, Marcus 74that production, and Amy Garvey'sexwife, was another of the amateur work for Ethiopia. Garvey was also active with James and Padmore actorsi in their in 118. Thomas Cripps sees the film as having been racism. "Robeson's Jones overawes the successful at conveying the tragedy of claims. "WhenJones dies in a revolt, he is picture and gives it heroic dimensions," " he the stairwell; he is a black king not a Pullman toady or a high-roller under Slow. Fade to Black, dying in pain and rage. at his demeaning fall." 216-17. Some viewers Cripps, study guide on the film, for example, contemporary William would have. agreed. In their lighted the ways in which the film established Lewis and Max J. Herzberg highthe integrity of Brutus Jones through NOTES TO PAGES 276-80 --- Page 380 --- in the score (by J. Rosamond scene in a church and the use of spirituals the character an early also to the contrast between that integrity and Johnson). They pointed "Harrington, a corrupt financier; Smithers, a of the three white men in the film, Compared to them,' s they noted, corrupt trader; and the brutal prison guard. Guide for the Screen sympathy. " Lewis and Herzberg, "Study BrutusJones' "compels * Production File: The Emperor/mnes, AMPAS. Production of the Emperor, Jones, 119. Marshall, The Story 0fHaiti, 7. 120. Ibid., 62. 121. Ibid., 46. Popo and Fifina, 1. 122. Bontemps and Hughes, 123. Ibid.,35. 124- Ibid.,78. the Edition, : in Bontemps, Black Thunder, X. Rampersad, "Introduction to 1992 125The Letters ofl Langston Hughes andAma Bontemps. 126. Bontemps and Hughes, Edition," in Bontemps, Black Thunder,xxvi. Bontemps, "Introduction to the 1968 127- 128. Jones, Renaissance Man. Edition,' " in Bontemps, Black Thunder, XXV. Bontemps, "Introduction to the 1968 written about Haiti and 129. Weldon Johnson and Arthur Schomburg had Both James the Haitian Revolution. Edition,' 11 in Bontemps, Black Thunder, xiii. Rampersad, "Introduction to the 1992 131.Jones, 130. Renaissance Man, 81. Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of On the Amis des Noirs, see David Brion 132. Revolution, 96-100. Bontemps, Drums at Dusk, 158. 133. 134- Ibid., 142. 135. Ibid., 200-201. 136. Ibid., 205. "Influence of Haitian Revolution on New York," 137. See, for example, Oakley, Johnson, " WPA Writers' Project, Schomburg Center for Research for "Negroes of New York," Research on Black Culture, New York. attracted the attention of the The large crowd outside the theater on opening night 138. Gill, White Grease. Paint on Black Performers, 26. in Billy Rose police. Christine Ames, Black Empire, act 3, p. 14- Unpublished playscript New York,N.Y. 139. New York Public Library for thel Performing Arts, Theatre Collection," (1893) and Christophe (1911); Leslie Hill, Toussaint 140. William Edgar Easton, Dessalines Daughter (n.d.); Allen C. Miller, Opener of L'Ouverture (1918); May Miller, Christophe's. the Daughter of L'Ouverture (1935). See Doors (1923); Helen Webb Harris, Genifrede, Evolution of the American' Theatre," xw,xvi. Belcher, "The Place of thel Negro in the Ouanga (1920). See VeVè Mathews and Clarence White also wrote an opera, on Haitian themes John Overture, * 36. Other 1930S plays focusing Clark, "Haiti's Tragic for African American actors, including two plays provided minor "opportunities" Scott, another (1932) by Kenneth Webb, which called Zombie, one (1929) by Natalie in New York, as well as Dance with Your Gods was performed at the Biltmore Theatre Theatre: Zombie, " Program, New York: (1934), by Laurence Schwab. See "Biltmore Scrapbook 4, Crumbie Papers; LuNew York Theatre Program Corporation, 1932, Schwab Offers a New Thriller, New York cius Beebe, "Invoking Aid of Voodoo Gods, Crumbie Papers; Scott, Zombie, Herald Tribune, September 30, 1934, Blue Scrapbook, American film makers also took in Isaacs, Plays of American Life and Fantasy. Southland African Pictures, copy available at the Haitian themes in Black Majesty (1932, up NOTES TO PAGES 281-86 Schwab. See "Biltmore Scrapbook 4, Crumbie Papers; LuNew York Theatre Program Corporation, 1932, Schwab Offers a New Thriller, New York cius Beebe, "Invoking Aid of Voodoo Gods, Crumbie Papers; Scott, Zombie, Herald Tribune, September 30, 1934, Blue Scrapbook, American film makers also took in Isaacs, Plays of American Life and Fantasy. Southland African Pictures, copy available at the Haitian themes in Black Majesty (1932, up NOTES TO PAGES 281-86 --- Page 381 --- Southwest Film / Video Archives, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, Tex.) and Drums O' Voodoo (1933, International Stage Play Pictures). See Jones, Black Cinema Treasures, 191-232; Cripps, Slow Fade to Black, 325-26. 141. O'Connor and Brown, Free, Adult, and Uncensored, 119. 142. William Dubois, "Complete Working Script of Haiti' by William Du Bois [sic)," Billy Rose Theatre Collection, New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, New York, N.Y. 143- Maurice Clark, quoted in O'Connor and Brown, Free, Adult, and Uncensored, 1 119. 144- Dubois, Haiti; and "Production Notes" for Haiti, Billy Rose Theatre Collection, New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, New York, N.Y. Dubois' S script also dispensed with the battle scene, in which the ex-slavesare victorious, in two minutes of dialogue. Maurice Clark rewrote the scene to put the emphasis on the victory Dubois had lamented. "Climactic Scene of a Big Battle Gave Him a Fight, " unidentified newspaper clipping, March 27, 1938, Scrapbook 4, Crumbie Papers. 145. Mitchell, Black Drama, 103. 146. Review of Haiti, Time, March 14, 1938. 147. Maurice Clark, quoted in O'Connor and Brown, Free, Adult, and Uncensored, 119. 148. Gill, White Grease Paint on Black Performers, 99. 149. Fenwick Library, Thel Federal Theatre Project, 31. 150. Gill, White Grease Paint on Black Performers, 31. 151. For other readings of Hurston's Haitian anthropology, see Mikell, "When Horses Talk,' and Hernandez, "Multiple Subjectivities and Strategies of Positionality." " A radically different account of Hurston's politics may be found in Delbanco, "The Political Incorrectness of Zora Neale Hurston." 152. Seabrook, No Hiding Place, 282. 153- Ibid., 283. 154. See, for example, Hurston's discussion of zombies, Tell My Horse, 179-98.All quotes from Hurston's manuscript are used with permission of the Estate of Zora Neale Hurston. 155. Van Vechten, Nigger Heaven. See also Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue, 184-89. 156. Rampersad, Life ofLangston Hughes, 135. 157- Hurston, TellMy Horse, 64158. Ibid., 221. 159. Ibid., 219. 160. Ibid., 223. 161. Ibid., 222. 162. Brown, Mama Lola, 206-7. 163. Ibid., 94-95, 235, 207, respectively. 164- Hurston, TellMy Horse, 65, 71, 72. 165. Ibid., 86, 87. 166. Ibid., 77,7 75, 204.and 91, respectively. 167. Hurston, ,Mules and Men. 168. Barbara, Johnson, "Thresholds of Difference, ' 317-28. 16g. Hurston, Mules and Men, 4-5, quoted in Barbara Johnson, "Thresholds of Difference," 325. 170. Hurston, TellMy Horse, 81, 83. 171. Ibid., 82. 172. Ibid., 65. 173- Ibid., 134. NOTES TO PAGES 286-92 86, 87. 166. Ibid., 77,7 75, 204.and 91, respectively. 167. Hurston, ,Mules and Men. 168. Barbara, Johnson, "Thresholds of Difference, ' 317-28. 16g. Hurston, Mules and Men, 4-5, quoted in Barbara Johnson, "Thresholds of Difference," 325. 170. Hurston, TellMy Horse, 81, 83. 171. Ibid., 82. 172. Ibid., 65. 173- Ibid., 134. NOTES TO PAGES 286-92 --- Page 382 --- 174- Ibid., 136. 175. Ibid., 137. 176. Helen Worden, "Voodoo Lore Is Brought Here from Haiti by Woman Who Was Converted after Worshipping with Natives, s New York World-Tilegram, October 1938. 177. Ibid. 178. Hurston, TellMy Horse, 6. 179. Ibid., 6-7. 180. Ibid., 8. 181. Ibid., 245. 182. Ibid., 246. 183. Ibid., 245. 184. Zora Neale Hurston, "Tell My Horse," unpublished manuscript, folder 27, Zora Neale Hurston Papers, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. Used with permission of the estate of Zora Neale Hurston. 185. Hurston, TellMy Horse, 246, 247. 186. Hurston, "Tell My Horse.' 187. Ibid. 188. Ibid. 189. Hurston, TellMy Horse, 246. 190. Hurston, "Tell My Horse" capitalization as in original). 191. Hurston, TallMy Horse, 246. 192. Ibid., 246, 248. 193. Ibid., 253. 194- Ibid., 253-54195. Syrians in Haiti faced resentment from native Haitians, especially during times of economic constriction. Plummer cites a Haitian exporter, Camille Devereux, who happened to bein New York when the Times swasreporting on anti-Syrian agitation in Haiti. Devereux "claimed the situation in Haiti was analogous to the anti-Chinese feeling in the United States. " Plummer, "Blackand White in the Caribbean," 1:176, and 155-89. The reference to Syrians is also interesting in light of the role Syrian merchants played, prior to the occupation, as sometimes "the sole representativesof American commerce" in Haiti. Plummer, Haiti and the Great Powers, 173- Plummer concludes that the "Syrians' activities in Haiti cannot be understood apart from the ambitions and interests of the diverse powers which supported and opposed them. The United States' decision to represent even those Syrians who were still Ottoman subjects and others of dubious nationality indicated a growing commitment to this group as an important link to American penetration of the country." Plummer, "Black and White in the Caribbean," 1:177. See also Plummer, "Race, Nationality, and Trade. 196. Hurston, TellMy Horse, 257. NOTES TO PAGES 293-99 --- Page 383 --- --- Page 384 --- BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES Manuscript Collections Beverly Hills, California Margaret Herrick Library, Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences Production Files The Emperor, Jones Ghost Breakers Island of Lost Souls I Walked with a Lombie Revolt of the Zombies Unconquered White Zombie Gainesville, Florida Caribbean Collection, University of Florida Library Frank Crumbie Papers Haitiana Collection Los Angeles, California Hearst Metrotone. 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BIBLIOGRAPHY --- Page 410 --- INDEX Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations. Acaau.jeanjaeques-49 downs, 131, 1 70; and violence, 162, Addams,Jane, 19 163, 164;and illegitimate children, 215; Adler, Felix, 191 in Port-au-Prince, 2 16; public condem- "Advanced Base Forces,' " 96,3 320-21 nation of versus private support for, 292 All-America.Anti-lmperialistLeague, 268- (n. 84) Africa:images of, 5:and paternalism, 16; and Haitian culture, 19, 242, 244,2 247, Altidor, Capsine, 14 148-49 274:and popular culture, 2 1; roots of "America' " (term), xvii, 7-8 Vodou in, 45, 274:colonialism: in,52, American Bible Society, 124 26g; associated with Haiti, 125, 236, American Communist Party (CP-USA), 237, 243, 250, 254, 262;and travel writ268-69, 273, 277, 278, 285 ing, 255: ;and. , Capsine, 14 148-49 274:and popular culture, 2 1; roots of "America' " (term), xvii, 7-8 Vodou in, 45, 274:colonialism: in,52, American Bible Society, 124 26g; associated with Haiti, 125, 236, American Communist Party (CP-USA), 237, 243, 250, 254, 262;and travel writ268-69, 273, 277, 278, 285 ing, 255: ;and. AfricanAmerican women, American-Haitian Benevolent Club, 265 American Negro Labor Congress, 26g African.Americans: and paternalism, 18, Americanness. See Identity, U.S. national 22,55,1 124, 263; and Haitian history, American Red Cross, 61 20, 25, 194, 276-82, 287-88; literature American Revolution, 60, 267.287 of, 20, 35, 209, 261, 268, 264, 275-84, Anderson, Benedict, 6 288, 305 (see also specific authors); and Anderson,Jervis, 210 American national identity, 22, 187, Annales Capoises, Les, 119 264, 265, 282, 288; and Haiti, 29-30, Anthropology, 231; and U.S. occupation, 49, 187, 196, 265, 291; and Cacos, 33; 12;and definition of culture, 23, 27; and racial politics, 35-36, 189, 287, and Vodou, 45-46, 213:and exoticism, 305:and marinesin Haiti, 53;and U.S. 263, 273-74:and Hurston, 288; and South, 54:and citizenship, 55, 110-11, American national identity, 304 264:and Ku Klux Klan,58; and mascu- Appy, Christian, 76 linity, 63, 264; Wilson's 's support from, Arabia, 21 109, 110, 332 (n. 102); and Reconstruc- Ardouin, Alexis Beaubrun,46 tion, 122; and rape, 163, 257-58; rising Arizona, 7 militancy of, 186; protest occupation, Arts, visual: and U.S. occupation, 12, 25, 188-89, 191; and O' Neill, 209, 210; 27,28; Haiti as subject in, 19, 217, 220, and racism, 264, 305; national organiza221, 278, 279, 280,313 (n. 32);in tions of, 264-65: and World War I, 272; Haiti, 274:and racial identity, 276; and Herskovits on, 274:folklore of, 292. See interracial cooperation, 285; and WPA, also Harlem Renaissance 285. See also specific artists Age, and paternalism, 15 Asia, 266 Agriculture, 47,48,49. 114,212,318 Athletics, 5, 11, 64, 212, 234, 256 (n. 48). See also Peasantry; Plantations Atwood, Charlotte, 266 and plantation system Aux Cayes, Haiti, 130, 147, 148, 229 Alcohol: Daniels attempts to proscribe, 70; Aux Cayes Massacre, 34, 221, 26g and saloon rituals, 72; and moral break- Azaka,45 --- Page 411 --- Baber, Zonia, 266 Bryan, William Jennings, 91, 94.96,97. Baheri, William,24 (n. 141) 98, 99, 100, 334 (n. wood, Charlotte, 266 and plantation system Aux Cayes, Haiti, 130, 147, 148, 229 Alcohol: Daniels attempts to proscribe, 70; Aux Cayes Massacre, 34, 221, 26g and saloon rituals, 72; and moral break- Azaka,45 --- Page 411 --- Baber, Zonia, 266 Bryan, William Jennings, 91, 94.96,97. Baheri, William,24 (n. 141) 98, 99, 100, 334 (n. 135) Bailly-Blanchard, Arthur, 94 Buenos Aires, Argentina, 196-97 Balch, Emily Greene, 191, 238, 266, 267, Buffalo Bill's "Wild West, " 64 Burks, Arthur, J. 18, 165, 173.175-78, Baldwin, Roger, 268, 26g 216, ,217,223, 225, 275 Balutansky, John, 138, 171 Burroughs, Edgar Rice, 64 Bankers, 12, 30, 97, 98, 99-100, 330 Burroughs, Nannie Helen, 191 (n. 43) Businessmen:: and modern corporation, Banque Nationale de la Republic d'Haiti, 11;and U.S. occupation, 12, 99, 1 120; 52,98, 99 and strikes, 34;and Panama Canal, Barker, Robert, 55-56 and U.S. government, 97, 99, 109; and 93; Barnett, George, 89, 160, 165 primitivism, 127, 128. See also United Bassett, Ebenezer, 30 States- -investments in Haiti of Batraville, Benoit, 33, 151, 166, 173 Butler, Ethel C. P., 91, 107 Beach, Edward, 30-31, 115, 116 Butler, Maud Darlington, 90-91 Beard, Daniel Carter, 65 Butler, Noble, 59 Bederman, Gail, 64 Butler, Smedley D.: memoirs of,4.7 71;and Beebe, William, 239, 313 (n.32) paternalism, 13, 16, 69,91, 101-2, Belloni, Heraux, 160 104-8, 115, 116, 118, 124, 129, 147, Bertol, Haiti, 142-43 207,302, 331 (n. 79); and U.S. Senate Bethune, Mary McLeod, 191 inquiry, 13,33, 8g, go, 126, 135, 137; Beveridge, AlbertJ., 66, 69 and Gendarmerie d'Haîti, 31-32, 9o, Bible, 229-31. See also Missionaries 101, 125, 129, 136, 147, 206; and racBlackface tradition, 198, 227,343 ism, 55, 101- -2, 104, 105, 124, See 136,331 (n. 173). also Cross-dressing: racial (n. 79); as Quaker, 58, 321 (n. 96); famBlaine, Mahlon, 217, 218 ily of,59, 62, 69, 102; roughneck image Bledsoe, Jules, 211 of, 61,71-72, 101; and homosexuality, Boas, Franz, 231 74;and U.S. Congress, 90, 103; letters Bobo, Rosalvo, 31, 80-84,115 from Haiti of, 90-91, 101, 103, 104-8, Bodies: white male, 16, 24.64, 69,71, 72, 116,125, 129; and Waller, 100, 101-2; 74, 176, 326 (n. of, 61,71-72, 101; and homosexuality, Boas, Franz, 231 74;and U.S. Congress, 90, 103; letters Bobo, Rosalvo, 31, 80-84,115 from Haiti of, 90-91, 101, 103, 104-8, Bodies: white male, 16, 24.64, 69,71, 72, 116,125, 129; and Waller, 100, 101-2; 74, 176, 326 (n. 182); black female, pre-Haiti military experience of, 101, 178, 200, 230, 257:black male, 205, 104, 106, 123.331 (n. 70); and identity, 207, 208, 210, 217,256 103, 206; medals ofl honor of, Bois 106-7, Caiman, 43,44:316 (n. 17) 146; and power, 123.antimperialism Bonaparte, Napoleon, 29, 44,4 47,50, 246 of, 321 (n. 96); and militarism, 324 Boni and Liveright, 209 (n. 141) Bontemps, Arna, 20, 276, 278, 281-83, Butler, Thomas S., 90, 91, 103, 104-6, 116 Button, William R., 171, 172, 173, 176, Borno, Louis, 33, 34, 213, 221 Boukman, 43, 52, 273 Boyer.Jean-Pierre, 48-49-51,319 (n.53) Cacos, 10, 11,142;a and marines in Haiti, Boyhood, 64-65. 66, 254 10,71-72, 136, 137, 140-45, 151, 165, Boy Scouts of America,5.65 173, 175, 1 79, 234;and Caperton's Broadway, 209 forces, 30; first phase of U.S. war Brokaw, Louis A., 159-60, 161, ,164 against, 31, 35, 139, 1 40-46, 147, 149, Brooklyn, N.Y., 71,329 (n. 21) 163, 179; second phase ofU.S. war Brown, Fitzgerald, 162 against, 32-33, 39,41, 139, 144, 150Brown, Karen McCarthy, 45, 290 64, 173;A American perceptions of, 41392 INDEX --- Page 412 --- 42,144-45:338 (n. 54); and conches, Catholic Welfare Association, 269-70 43:pre-1915 activities of, 52, 140;and Cayes Massacre, 34, 221, 26g Waller, 100; and S. Butler, 107; and Central America, 80, 113, 135, 196, 336 paternalism, 119, 136; and Haitian (n. 18) economy, 120; as plantation workers, Cercle Bellevue, 194 122; defeat of, 30; and discipline, Chaffin,A.) D.,55 135, 137, 156, 159, 179; marines kill, Challener, Richard, 95, 96 136, 138, 143, 145, 14 46, 151, 155-56, Chamberlain, Tamerlyn T., 120-21 158, 160, 161-62,340 (n. 90),341 Chauncey, George, 69-71,7 73-74.204. (n. 122); contrasted with peaceful 325 (n. 161),326 (n. 182) inhabitants, 137-38, 142, 158-59, 179, Chavannes, 52 236; description of, 1 40-42, 150-51; Chester, USS, 30 and corvée, 150-51;1 Haitian sympathy Chicago Defender, 163, 1 186 for, 151,340 (n. , George, 69-71,7 73-74.204. (n. 122); contrasted with peaceful 325 (n. 161),326 (n. 182) inhabitants, 137-38, 142, 158-59, 179, Chavannes, 52 236; description of, 1 40-42, 150-51; Chester, USS, 30 and corvée, 150-51;1 Haitian sympathy Chicago Defender, 163, 1 186 for, 151,340 (n. 87); leaders of, 152, Child, metaphor of: Haitians as wards, 13, 153, 155, 161, 162, 166, 173. See also 16, 89, 108, 191; Haiti as child nation, Corvée; Péralte, Charlemagne 13, 67, 102, 115, 118, 119, 179, 243, Campbell, Chandler, 42, 142-43, 145, 249, 299, 303; Haiti as adopted, or146 phaned, illegitimate, 16, 193, 243, 247, Canada, 29 254, 257:and U.S. occupation, 21, 42; Cannibalism: and Haitian elites, 52; RusAfrican Americans as wards, 110-11; sell's accounts of, 127, 128, 165-66; and Latin America, 1 13,333 (n. 123). marines fear, 157, 165, 166, 173, 175, See also Discipline; Paternalism 304,342 (n. 141);and travel writing, Children, 16, 67, 127, 128, 166,266, 297 China, 12, 21, 75,' 78, 79.86, 101, 268 Caperton, William B., 30-33, 80-81,90, Christophe, Henri: and Haitian Revolu91, 101, 116, 127, 141-42,144-46 tion, 46, 52-53, 140, 318 (n.50);and Cap Haîtien, 43,91, 105, 140, 213, 216, Haitian economy, 47, 48, 319 (n.52); and Citadel, 50-51; O'T Neill on, 187233, 239, 240 Capitalism: international, 10, 23; and U.S. 88, 197, 203, 211 1;J. W. Johnson on, occupation, 10, 116; and gunboat diplo193-94, 196, 208, 207, 263, 276-77; macy, 30; and Latin America, 92; and Vandercook' 's biography of, 216-17, economic development, 94:2 and Wilson, 272,349 (nn. 157, 158); and tourism, 97.113-14:and O'Neill, 205: and Haiti 217, 219, 237:and film, 226; Inman on, as commodity, 216; and CP-USA, 268 272;and Hughes, 282; and drama, 285, Carby, Hazel, 207 Caribbean: proximity to U.S. South of, 7; Churchstone-Lord, S. E., 163, 186 U.S. strategic interest in, 10, 96; and Citadel: and Christophe, 50-51;J. W. U.S. Navy, 30, 95.96; and American Johnson on, 193-94, 196, 203, 207, national identity, 62; militaryinterven263, 276-77:and masculinity, 203, tions in, 94;and U.S. policy, 97, 98, 115; 263, 264, 278; and tourism, 217, 237; and paternalism, 124; undeclared U.S. 96; and Citadel: and Christophe, 50-51;J. W. U.S. Navy, 30, 95.96; and American Johnson on, 193-94, 196, 203, 207, national identity, 62; militaryinterven263, 276-77:and masculinity, 203, tions in, 94;and U.S. policy, 97, 98, 115; 263, 264, 278; and tourism, 217, 237; and paternalism, 124; undeclared U.S. marine pamphlet on, 217, 219, 221, wari in, 232;1 missionaries in, 233, 237; 222;in newsreels, 221, 223; and travel andAfrican American women, 266; writing, 246;and Hughes, 263, 264, Inman on, 270; and identity, 294 282. See also Christophe, Henri; Savage, Carrier, Walter, 124, 180 Augusta Casualties, 10, 81, 145, 146, 151. See also Citadel of Christophe, 217, 219, 221, 222 Killing -by Haitians; Killing -by Citizenship: imperial, 6-7, 8, 21; U.S., 54marines; Violence 55, 110-11;2 and African Americans, 55, Catholicism, 45,50, 60, 317 (n. 29) 110-11,264:and Puerto Ricans, 61; INDEX --- Page 413 --- and masculinity, 62, 323 (n.121);and Communications, 104, 117 American women, 63; Haitian, 138 Conches, 42, 43-44.45, 156 Covlbzation:industrial. 1g:discoursesof, Congressional Medal of Honor, 106-7,146 52,119.125.128,154.187:in1 Haiti,61, Connecticut, USS, 79, 85 124:andmanliness, 64, 66, 194;and Constitutions. SeeHaiti- - -constitutions of; masculmnibyzeandiling by marines, U.S. Constitution Sg:andAmerican women, 19 33, 234.236; Cook, Mercer, 19 andmarinesin Haiti, 167;and horror Coolidge, Calvin, 213, 268 stories, 1 78;and identity, I 87:andblack Cooper, Anna, Julia, 204-5 manhood, 194;and exoticism, 195;and Corruption, 51, 160, 194 progress, zo6:andO"Neill,; 207;in film, Corvée: and U.S. occupation, 10; brutality 223, 226;infiction, 283-a4:andGreat of, 11, 149; and Gendarmerie d'Haiti, Depression, 225:andInman, 232, 233, 32-33, 1 48-49: compared to slavery, 270-71.873iandiravelwriting, 241, 53, 148, 193;and violence, 139, 149, 943-344-345.246.247-248.354 163;and public works, 148-50, 179; originsof, Es8Herskondison.374 Russell orders end to, 149-50; Wells Civil War, U.S., 60 continues, 150, 161; and Cacos,150Clark, Maurice, 286, 362 (n. -49: compared to slavery, 270-71.873iandiravelwriting, 241, 53, 148, 193;and violence, 139, 149, 943-344-345.246.247-248.354 163;and public works, 148-50, 179; originsof, Es8Herskondison.374 Russell orders end to, 149-50; Wells Civil War, U.S., 60 continues, 150, 161; and Cacos,150Clark, Maurice, 286, 362 (n. 144) 51; Barnett orders end to, 160;J. W. Class Johnson on, 193 -in Haiti: and paternalism, 16, 129; and Cotton, 121-22, 212, 216 economy, 114; and U.S. policy, 193;and Counterinsurgency, 134, 146, 154, 158, Christophe, 194;and primitivism, 195; Hughes on, 274. See alsol Elites, Haitian; Courlander, Harold, 275 Peasants Courrier Haitien, 49-50, 1 18-19 in United States: and Wirkus, 5;and Courts martial, 131, 150, 156, 159, 161 paternalism, 15; and culture, 25;and Craige, John Houston: Black Bagdad, 4, U.S.occupation, 28, 300; and U.S. 131, 133, 173, 175; Cannibal Cousins, 4, South.54-55:and race, 58, 180; and 133;and identity, 56, 82, 169, 170; and marines, 61, 123;and masculinity, 63, manhood, 65: explains violence, 13166-67, 69-74, 194;and homosexuality, 34, 1 180-81; and South, 1 48; and rape, 73,7 74,326 (n. 182); and U.S. policy, 163; and drums, 167-68, 213, 214;0 on 95:and rule of law, 115: and Haitian Hanneken and Button, 171, 173; on workers, 21 5;and Puritanism, 230-31; Morris, 173, 175; and Haitians as comand Garvey, 265, 277 modities, 214-15:0n Haitian women, Clifford,James, 206 Clothing: military uniforms, 24,72,75, Creole language: and marines in Haiti, 39, 82, 147, 167, 76-77. 207-8, 234,326 55, 162, 165, 171, 173, 175, 76, 177, (n. 182); significance of.55-56, 85, 304;and Gendarmerie d'Haiti, 48, 102, 121, 76; connotations of, 71, 84, 85, 167, 262-63, 356-57 (n. 14);in fic- Crisis, 19, 188, 193, 210, 262 tion and drama, 207. See also "UnderCroak,Jack, 197, 204 shirt diplomacy" Cross-dresing: gender, 173, 176; racial, Coffee plantations, 48, 108, 119, 120 173,176, 206,343 (n. 173) Colombian Line, 217, 219 Crumbie, Frank Resler, 213 Columbia Exposition of I 893, 64 Cuba, 12,21, 61, 78, 86, 101, 118, 268, Columbia University, 231, 273 351 (n. 179) Columbus, Christopher, 246 Cukela, Louis, 161, 164 Commodification, 35, 185-86, 187, 208, Cultural conscription, 17-18, 28-29, 66, 212-23,216, 217, 246, 305 123,301 INDEX Exposition of I 893, 64 Cuba, 12,21, 61, 78, 86, 101, 118, 268, Columbia University, 231, 273 351 (n. 179) Columbus, Christopher, 246 Cukela, Louis, 161, 164 Commodification, 35, 185-86, 187, 208, Cultural conscription, 17-18, 28-29, 66, 212-23,216, 217, 246, 305 123,301 INDEX --- Page 414 --- Cultural relativism, 231, 238, 271 Davis, Beale. Seel Davis, Robert Beale Culture: and imperialism, 1-5, 6, 8; and Davis, Harold Palmer, 2, 31 1 (n. 14) U.S. occupation, 9, 12, 15, 17-18, 20, Davis, Robert Beale: as chargé d'affaires, 27, 164, 231, 240, 303, 312 (n. 18);as 127; The Goat without Horns, 127, 223process, 20, 23, 25-26; and history, 25, 227, 254; and civilization, 128; and 22-29; defined, 28, 24-26; and meanmotherhood, 223-24-350 (n. 175); ing, 23,24-26, 29.314 (n. 50);and and power, 224,350 (n. 173);and national identity, 25, 29; and violence, Vodou, 275:2 and sexuality, 305 154, 164, 181 Debs, Eugene, 197 Haitian:andimperialism, 4, 6, 12, 21, Debt: and U.S. occupation, 10, 192241; and. American national identity, 93, 213; French indemnity from, 51, 17J. W.J Johnson on, 19, 228, 241;and African Americans, 20, 278, 287-88; Del Valle, Pedro, 61-62 and marines in Haiti, 42, 43-46, 84, Democratic Party (U.S.), 109, 1 10, 187, 171, 173, 179, 212-13, 217, 219, 242, 191, 285 245-301,304:amd) Haitian Revolution, Desire: for Haiti by Americans, 19, 185, 43-47:and Haitian elites, 52, 214;as 212,215, 216, 228; as racial and sexcommodity, 185-86, 187, 208, 212-28, ual, 213:in E. Taft, 280, 255,2 257:in 228;and primitivism, 214:and travel B. Niles, 243:in Seabrook, 255-Seealso writing, 241-42, 244, 245, 247.248, Exoticism 251, 252; and Hughes, 264; instability Des Moines, USS,95 in, 274 Dessalines,, JeanJacques, 45:47.48,50, - U.S.: and imperialism, 3, 4.7.8-9, 12, 52, 1 40, 203, 242, 245, 272 21; and mass media, 1 1;and paternalDessez, Lester, 166, 176 ism, 15:impact of U.S. occupation on, Development, economic: and U.S. policy, 17, 18-20, 21, 35, 127, 185, 301; popu1o;and Christophe, 47, 48,3 319 (n.52); lar, 21, 35, 185, 221, 231, 237,305 (see and peasantry, 50; and foreign capital, also Fiction; Film; Radio; Travel Writ51;and Wilson, 94, 95, 113, 117-18, ing);: and exoticism, 22, 208-9, 262; 334 (n. 18-20, 21, 35, 127, 185, 301; popu1o;and Christophe, 47, 48,3 319 (n.52); lar, 21, 35, 185, 221, 231, 237,305 (see and peasantry, 50; and foreign capital, also Fiction; Film; Radio; Travel Writ51;and Wilson, 94, 95, 113, 117-18, ing);: and exoticism, 22, 208-9, 262; 334 (n. 135); of African Americans, and race, 25,35,54, 180, 181; and 110-11;2 and paternalism, 116, 136; and Haiti, 185, 200, 217, 228, 28g; politics infrastructure, 117:and Haitian elites, of, 185-86; and drama, 198; and 118; and businessmen, 120, 128; and Hughes, 264:2 and African Americans, marines in Haiti, 179;1 pace of, 212. See 265; destabilization of, 306-7 also Economy Developmentalism, 111, 113, 114, 129; Dances: Haiti as subject of, 19; and Vodou, liberal, 114, 115 41;1 Inman on, 233, 270, 272; and tour- Devieux (poet), 243 ism, 237:and travel writing, 240, 241Dies Committee, 287 42, 251, 256; and Hughes, 262; study Diplomacy: and U.S. occupation, 12, 20, of, 278 101; gunboat, 12,9 30; and isolation of Daniels,Josephus: and alcohol, 70; and Haiti, 29, 50; by Caperton, 31, 90, 101, paternalism, 77-78, 116, 124:and mili141-42; by Van Orden, 81-82; and tarism, 96; and Monroe Doctrine, 96; Latin America, 92-93; Haitian, 93-94, and S. Butler, 104, 107:and Cacos, 141, 147.andGendarmetice d'Haîti, 103; 142, 144, 145, 146; and immorality of "undershirt,' - 125, 129, 135, 190; by marines, 163, 170;and naval inquiry, Russell, 130; and Johnson, 188, 194 Disciples of Christ, 232, 352 (n. 19) Dartiguenave, Philippe Sudre, 31, 32, 33, Discipline: and paternalism, 15, 16,55. 90, 116, 119, 126, 142, 190 78; metaphorsof, 16, 100, 1 179,303; INDEX --- Page 415 --- and violence, 55, 135-37, 138, 304;and Eaton, W.E E44 boyhood, 64:in USMC, 74-75:in U.S. Economy: international capitalist, 10, 23; Navy,95:and Cacos, 135, 137, 156, 159, and U.S.occupation, 22-28; Haitian, 179:and corvée, 148; and exoticism, 34,34-47-48-53. 114, 117-20, 144, 213; Inman on, 237 215, 260,319 (n.52); U.S., 63. See also Discourse: and imperialism, 6-9; on paDevelopment, economic ternalism, 15-17, 22; on Haiti, 17;deEducation:J. W.Johnson on, 19; under fined, 23-25, 26;and culture, 26, 27, U.S. occupation, 34, 122, 267;and Hai314 (n.53);and U.S. 144, 213; Inman on, 237 215, 260,319 (n.52); U.S., 63. See also Discourse: and imperialism, 6-9; on paDevelopment, economic ternalism, 15-17, 22; on Haiti, 17;deEducation:J. W.Johnson on, 19; under fined, 23-25, 26;and culture, 26, 27, U.S. occupation, 34, 122, 267;and Hai314 (n.53);and U.S. occupation, 28; tian elites, 52, 195:and national idenpsychological, 35, 207, 210, 224, 230, tity, 60, 68; and Voodoo, 128; and pater231, 240, 258, 259, 274, 306, 348 nalism, 136, 303; and race, 194 (n. 132);of civilization, 52, 119, 125, Elections: Haitian, 31, 49; U.S. (1920),33. 128, 154, 187; of manliness, 66; and vio89. 187, 198, 227-28; U.S. (1912), lence, 131-34, 158-59, 180-81 108-9, 1 10 Disease, 44, 196, 215.Sraholnsanity Eliot, Charles William, 93 Dize, William, 5, 9 Elites, Haitian: and U.S. occupation, 11, Domesticity: and paternalism, 16, 105-6, 1g2;and plantation system, 48; and Hai231; and men, 66-67, 6g; Protestant, tian economy, 49-51.52,53: and Hai231;and Toussaint L'Ouverture, 281; tian workers, 53, 117;and McDonald, as prescription for women, 302 98; and paternalism, 118; and Cacos, Dominican Republic, 33, 61, 97, 146, 232, 141;J. W.J Johnson on, 190, 194-95: 268, 290 and race, 247; and Hughes, 261, 262; Dorsinville, Roger, 85 Inman on, 272; and Guedé, 289 Douglas, Aaron, 200 Elliot, George F., 60 Douglas, Paul H., 191, 266-67,268 Emerson, Haven, 273 Douglass, Frederick, 30 Endore, Guy, 273, 275, 285 Drama: Haiti as subject of, 19, 198Enlightenment, 282, 283 212, 217, 225, 228, 278, 280; and Ethiopia, 278 U.S. occupation, 27, 28; and AmeriEthnology, 5, 28, 250, 274.288, 290 can national identity, 198, 200, 204, Europe: and Pan-African movement, 52; 206, 207, 286, 287.304:and African and American neutrality, 92; and CaribAmerican actors, 198, 210, 276, 278, bean ports, 96; and Latin America, 98; 280, 285, 287; and racial identity, 276; and developmentalism, 1 114: compared and Federal Theatre Project, 285-88, to Haiti, 194-95:and Haitian culture, can national identity, 198, 200, 204, Europe: and Pan-African movement, 52; 206, 207, 286, 287.304:and African and American neutrality, 92; and CaribAmerican actors, 198, 210, 276, 278, bean ports, 96; and Latin America, 98; 280, 285, 287; and racial identity, 276; and developmentalism, 1 114: compared and Federal Theatre Project, 285-88, to Haiti, 194-95:and Haitian culture, Drums: effect on marines of, 41 1-42, 131, European Americans: and paternalism, 133, 156-57, 167, 176; and Haitian his18; and citizenship, 1 1 1;and primitivtory, 43; confiscated by marines, 46, ism, 211;and civilization, 223, 246;and 213;and Craige, 167-68, 213, 214;and national identity, 305. See also Whiteness O'Neill, 197-98, 200, 203; and travel Evans, L. Ton, 149, 162, 171, 186,339 writing, 240, 241, 257:in Vodou cere- (n. 84), 340 (n. 87) monies, 241; and E. Taft, 259:and Exoticism: and paternalism, 19, 208-9, Inman, 271-72 237,307; and imperialism, 21, 22, 208; Du Bois, W.E. B., 19, 188, 210, 276,321 and U.S. occupation, 21, 187, 209; and (n. 89), 332 (n. 102) sexuality, 22, 281, 238, 243, 247, 260, Dubois, William, 286, 362 (n. 144) 273:in fiction, 127, 225, 237, 288; and Dudley, Taney, 4 primitivism, 187, 194, 196, 208, 262, Dunham, Katherine, 20, 213, 278 263, 288; critiques of, 194-95, 223, Duvalier dictatorships, 36 263, 273, 274, 275, 281; and race, 195, INDEX --- Page 416 --- 225, 231; and O'Neill, 21 10; and Haitian Film: and Voodoo, 6, 227,350 (n. 175); culture, 213, 305:and marines as auHaiti as subject of, 19, 217, 228; and thors, 216; and Haitian women, 234;in U.S. occupation, 28; and O'Neill, 209, travel writing, 237,240, 242, 246, 255; 280, 347 (n. 105), 348 (n. 124),360in U.S. newspapers, 237-38; and Voo61 (n. 1 18); horror, 216, 223, 225-27, doo, 246, 249:and Inman, 271;and 351 (n. 79); exoticism in, 237:and Hurston, 291, 293, 295, 300; and Amerrace and gender hierarchies,305 ican national identity, 304-5 Fish, Hamilton.Jr., 190 Expeditionary forces. See"Advanced Base Fisher, Sidney George, 267 Forces" Florida, 7.8, 258 Folk tales, 263, 275, 278, 292, 295, 298, Family, nuclear: and paternalism, 15-16, 299.359 (n. 79); exoticism in, 237:and Hurston, 291, 293, 295, 300; and Amerrace and gender hierarchies,305 ican national identity, 304-5 Fish, Hamilton.Jr., 190 Expeditionary forces. See"Advanced Base Fisher, Sidney George, 267 Forces" Florida, 7.8, 258 Folk tales, 263, 275, 278, 292, 295, 298, Family, nuclear: and paternalism, 15-16, 299.359 (n. 86) 179; as metaphor, 93, 108, 128, 243, Fonny, Dwight, 5 267; and father, 105, 297; and social Food, 44-45 order, 178, 241; and U.S. rise to power, Forbes, W. Cameron, 34, 350 (n. 167) 192-93, 306; in fiction, 223-25; and Forbes commission, 34, 213, 221, 350 Vodou, 275:and. African American liter- (n. 167) ature, 281 Foreign Policy Association, 191, 357 Farnham, Roger L., 99, 192 (n. 20) Farred, Grant, 278 Fort Liberté, 1 16-17, 142 Fatherhood: and paternalism, 13, 15, 16, Fort Rivière, 107 67.91, 105, 1 26-27, 128, 129, 145: and Fort-Whiteman, Lovett, 19, 189, 26g marines in Haiti, 13, 123, 136, 169, Foucault, Michel, 24, 137,314 (n.44) 254,303, 304;and paternal authority, France: and Hait'scillegitimacy, 16; U.S. 15, 67-69, 104,324 (n. 146);and masrelations with, 29; and Haitian Revoluculinity, 66, 69, 107;attitudes toward, tion, 43, 44, 46, 47,52; attempts to 66-67, 106-7; metaphors of, 67, 8gretake Haiti, 50-51, 193;and bank91,1 108, 126, 128-29; and U.S. occupaing, 52; civilization ofin Haiti, 61; and tion, 28-29, 193-94:Haitian, 193-94 Banque Nationale de la Republique Federal Theatre Project, 285-88,305 d'Haîti, 98,99, 100; and S. Butler, 106, Federal Writers' Project, 285 108; and Haitian education, 195;and Federation of British West Indies Negroes, Haitian culture, 242, 243, 250, 254;and Communists, 278; revolution in, 283;in Fellowship of Reconciliation, 267 drama, 286 Femininity, and paternalism, 16, 22 Frank, Benis, 61 Feminism, 128, 223-25, 256,302,305. Frankfurter, Felix, 191 335 (n. 155) Franklyn, Irwin, 72-73 Fiction: British, 65: Haitian, 165-66 Freeman,Joseph, 26g - U.S.: marines in, 4,5-6; Voodoo in, 4, French Revolution, 283 6, 127, 175, 177-78, 224, 236, 288, Frontier, images of, 204, 206 292; pulp, 18, 35. 127, 165, 216, 236, Fruit, 120, 212, 216 237; Haiti as subject of, 19, 21, 216, 223, 225, 228; and U.S. 26g - U.S.: marines in, 4,5-6; Voodoo in, 4, French Revolution, 283 6, 127, 175, 177-78, 224, 236, 288, Frontier, images of, 204, 206 292; pulp, 18, 35. 127, 165, 216, 236, Fruit, 120, 212, 216 237; Haiti as subject of, 19, 21, 216, 223, 225, 228; and U.S. occupation, 21, Galt, Edith Bolling, 100, 112-13, 116 28; adventure, 65; horror, 165, 175-79, Gannett, Lewis S., 191, 268 225:historical, 282-84:and national Garde d'Haîti, 293. See also Gendarmerie identity, 304:and race and gender hierd'Haîti archies, 305 Garvey, Marcus, 18g-go, 191, 216, 265, Field campaigns, 137, 143, 146, 156, 157272, 277,285 58, 163, 164 Gede, 289-93-300 INDEX --- Page 417 --- Geffrard, Fabre Nicolas, 29, 49 ican marines, 60; and railroads, 98; Geffrard, G. F., 118, 119 United States enters war against, 106; Gendarmerie d'Haîti: U.S. Marines in, 5, and rule of law, 114 10, 86, 102, 103, 104, 125, 131, 133, Gilmore, Glenda, 54 147, 180, 190, 244-46;and Wirkus, 5, Gilpin, Charles S., 198, 199, 207, 210, 226 155, 158, 168-6g; founding of,31-32, Ginzburg, Carlo, 26 9o, 1o1;and corvée, 32-33, 148-49; "Going native," 169, 170, 171, 181, 295, and strikes, 34:and ambiguity of national identification, 102, 103, 107- Goman (insurrection leader), 49 8, 126, 137, 165, 167, 180, 206; and Gomez, Manuel, 268-6g Haitian government, 102-6, 125-26; Great Britain, 47,51, 60, 65, 278 and paternalism, 125, 129, 136-37: Great Depression, 225, 261, 264,276, posts established by, 126, 147; authority 277, 288 of officers of, 137, 147-48, 158, 179;in Great Migration, 264 war against Cacos, 147, 151;and Creole Great Sioux Uprising, 58 language, 148, 171;and prisoner labor, Gruening, Ernest, 89, 191 150; prisoners killed by, 159, 161, 162; Guam,7 and rape, 163; and U.S. Marine legends, Guatemala, 97 166; and moral breakdown, 167;and Guedé, 289-93.300 military uniforms, 176; Haitian resistance to, 179, 244;J. W. Johnson on, Haiti: maps of, 2, 38, 139; U.S. uses of,4; and U.S.i imperialism, 7-8; finances of, Gender: and imperialism, 9; and paternal10, 141, 192-93, 213, 259-60, 267; SOVism, 15-16, 22, 129, 188, 301, 303;and ereigntyof, 11,31;a and popular culture, Haitian culture, 17,234, 237, 238, 241, 21; diplomatic isolation of, 29; and Afri243, 251, 2g0; and culture, 25;and U.S. 7-8; finances of, Gender: and imperialism, 9; and paternal10, 141, 192-93, 213, 259-60, 267; SOVism, 15-16, 22, 129, 188, 301, 303;and ereigntyof, 11,31;a and popular culture, Haitian culture, 17,234, 237, 238, 241, 21; diplomatic isolation of, 29; and Afri243, 251, 2g0; and culture, 25;and U.S. can Americans, 29-30, 49, 187, 196, occupation, 28, 29, 36, 137,300, 301, 265; presidents of,31, 51-52, 190, 306;and race, 28, 36, 306; and U.S. cul203; as American Africa, 36, 124-30, ture, 35:and Vodou, 45; and Haitian 232, 303-4: social divisions of, 48;intereconomy, 49; and U.S. South, 54:and national hostility toward, 50; foreign masculinity, 63; and identity, 66, 248; domination of, 51, 115; writers of, 85, and clothing, 71,84.85. 167, 262-63, 194, 240, 241, 243; U.S.: attitudes to356-57 (n. 14); for men, 73.74:and ward, 86, 187; civil disorder in, 95: and U.S. policy, 95: discourses on, 109, 111, USMC, 97; nationalism in, 98, 140, 144, 154, 299; and rule of law, 115:and vio173, 186, 1go, 267; ;associated with lence, 133;and horror stories, 165:poliAfrica, 125, 236, 237, 243, 250, 254, tics of, 185, 187, 198, 223, 225, 226, 262; press in, 129; as salable commod228, 302; and Christophe, 194:and ity, 185, 187. 212-23, 216, 2 46, 305; O'Neill, 198, 200, 207; and Haitian representations of, 206, 207, 21 1; acaworkers, 215, #41:organization of, 223; demic studies of, 231. See also Culture ideologies of, 225, 288, 302, 305-6; Haitian; Identity Haitian national; and Inman, 247, 271;and travel writWomen Haitian; Workers -Haitian ing, 260, 305: and African Americans, government of: as democracy, 11; 264, 288, 302; and slavery, 284:and pre-1915, 29-30; and U.S. occupation, Hurston, 294, 295, 299, 300. See also 30-31, 106, 116, 119, 125, 134, 140, Fatherhood; Manliness; Masculinity; 349 (n. 152) centralized power of, 36; Motherhood and Haitian Revolution, 47; corruption Germany: and Haitian affairs, 30, 52,99; in, 51; and McDonald, 98; and U.S. polmerchants from, 51 1; and GermanAmericy, 99; and Gendarmerie d'Haiti, 102398 INDEX --- Page 418 --- 6,125-26; U.S. control of, 28-29; and account of, 26g; and visual arts, 278; in peasants, 14 40; and Cacos, 142, 144-45; drama, 285-87:and, African Americans, bonds of, 193 history of: as told by U.S. officials, 11, Haiti-Santo Domingo Independence 13, 15, 21, 135; and Haitain historiograSociety, 191 phy, 11, 17, 16, 2 53, 85:Jordan on, Hall, G. of, 26g; and visual arts, 278; in peasants, 14 40; and Cacos, 142, 144-45; drama, 285-87:and, African Americans, bonds of, 193 history of: as told by U.S. officials, 11, Haiti-Santo Domingo Independence 13, 15, 21, 135; and Haitain historiograSociety, 191 phy, 11, 17, 16, 2 53, 85:Jordan on, Hall, G. Stanley, 65, 77, 321 (n. 89),324 16;J. W. Johnson on, 19; and. African (n. 144) Americans, 20, 25, 194, 276-82, 287Halperin, Edward, 226-27 88; and culture, 22-29; and marines in Halperin, Victor, 226-27 Haiti, 42,43-46, 79, 86, 316 (n. 22); Hanneken, Herman, 161-62, 171, 172, and travel writing, 241, 242, 243, 245; 173, 176, 177 and Hughes, 264: and Federal Writers' Harding, Warren G., 33, 89, 187, 191, 265 Project, 285-88 Harlem Renaissance, 265, 270, 272, 277, -land of: prohibition on foreign owner278, 282, 289.348 (n. 132) ship of, 32, 47,5 51, 52, 1g1;and peasHarmon Foundation, 261 ants, 48, 49, 14 40, 318 (n. 48); and HASCO, 39, 120, 212, 339 (n. 84) McDonald, 98; investigation of, 267. See Haverstock, Gordon, 5 also Haitian Constitution - of 1918; Hawaii, 7, 118 Railroads Hazing, 77 military of. See Gendarmerie d'Haîti Henty, G.A, 65 regions of: and violence, 33: and peasHerskovits, Melville, 231, 273-74.275. ant rebellions, 49:and marines in Haiti, 288,359 (n. 86) 71,143;and McDonald, 97; and remap- Heterosexuality, 66, 69, 74,227, 230, ping ofHaiti, 139, I 39; and Cacos, 140, 231, 255-56. See aboHomosexuality; 145:and corvée, 148, 149-50, 193;and Marriage Haitian Revolution, 318 (n. 50) Hibben, Paxton, 268 Haitian American Sugar Company Hinche, Haiti, 142, 150, 159, 162, 175, (HASCO), 39, 120, 212, 339 (n.84) 338 (n.42) Haitian-American treaty of 1916,31,90, Hispaniola, 79 102, 125, 126, 127, 129, 192 Holly, Theodore, 30 Haitian Congress, 31 Homosexuality, 72, 73.74-326 (nn. 1 176, Haitian Constitution 182); and homosociality, 70; and -of 1918:and U.S. occupation, 10, 31homophobia, 74; female, 290. See also 32; and FDR, 8g: and "undershirt diploChauncey, George; Masculinity macy," ' 190 Honduras, 101, 196, 205, 206 pre-1918: prohibits foreign land owner- Hoover, Herbert, 34, 213, 221, 350 ship, 32, 47,51, 52, 191; and monarchy, (n. -of 1918:and U.S. occupation, 10, 31homophobia, 74; female, 290. See also 32; and FDR, 8g: and "undershirt diploChauncey, George; Masculinity macy," ' 190 Honduras, 101, 196, 205, 206 pre-1918: prohibits foreign land owner- Hoover, Herbert, 34, 213, 221, 350 ship, 32, 47,51, 52, 191; and monarchy, (n. 167) Hoover commission, 34, 213, 221, 350 Haitian Independence Day, 44 (n. 167) Haitian Revolution (1791-1 1804): Ameri- Horror: fiction genre of, 165, 175-79, can merchants' contributions to, 29; 225:film genre of, 216, 223, 225-27, and U.S. culture, 36; and Haitian cul351 (n. 179). See also Cannibalism; ture, 43-47:and Christophe, 46, 52Zombies 53, 140, 318 (n.50);a and race, 47, 263, House, Edward Mandel,94 318 (n.. 45);and Haitian historiography, House Un-American Activities Committee, 52, 203; and Cacos, 1 40; and O'Neill, 197, 203; in fiction, 224, 228; E. Taft Howe, Walter Bruce, 126, 135, 137-38 on, 257; and African American literaHughes, Langston:J. W. Johnson influture, 263, 264, 276-85, 305:antiracist ences, 19, 261; Haiti as subject for, INDEX --- Page 419 --- 20, 262, 274, 278, 281-83, 286; and 288;and U.S. occupation, 28, 35, 61, O'Neill, 211;in Haiti, 261-64;and rac175,301, 304, 306; and perceptions of ism, 262, 305: and anti-imperialism, Haiti, 36; and marines in Haiti, 53-54, 26g; and white publishers, 276; and U.S. 56,5 59, 62, 82, 154, 164, 165, 1 79, 304; occupation, 291 and race,54.58; and regional identities, Hundertmark, C., 78 56,58, 298-99; and ethnic differences, Hunton, Addie, 191, 266 59, 60-62; and Gendarmerie d'Haiti, Hurston, Zora Neale: Haiti as subject for, 102, 103, 107-8, 126, 137, 165, 167, 20, 278, 288-300; Tell My Horse,36, 180, 206; ambiguity of, 124, 219, 221, 264, 288-300, 306, 307:and paternal224, 297, 305; subjective investments in, ism, 36, 291, 293, 294-95, 300; and cul165;and military uniform, 176; ture politics and personality, 231; and race relaof, 185, 228; and drama, 198, 200, 204, tions, 264;and white publishers, 276; 206, 207, 286, 287, 304:and PuritanMules and Men, 292; and racial politics, ism, 230-31; family as construct of, 243; 306; and individual subjectivities, 307 and Hughes, 263; instability of, 300; and exoticism, 304-5 ICW, 265, 266 île de la Gonave, 5, 254-55, 292-93 Identity: and marines, 3. 204, tions, 264;and white publishers, 276; 206, 207, 286, 287, 304:and PuritanMules and Men, 292; and racial politics, ism, 230-31; family as construct of, 243; 306; and individual subjectivities, 307 and Hughes, 263; instability of, 300; and exoticism, 304-5 ICW, 265, 266 île de la Gonave, 5, 254-55, 292-93 Identity: and marines, 3. 75-76, 77, 82, Illegitimacy: and Haiti as illegitimate, 123, 137, 46, 154-55, 85 ;and white16, 257; and violence, 158-59, 180;of ness, 3-4, 2 N : 53-54, 59, 108, 36, 137, Haitian children, 215, 233, 250;and 148, 164, 79, 287, 305,306-7, 821 Hurston, 294, 297 (n. 8g); and U.S. occupation, 3-4, 29, Immigrants 74, 86, 26, 164; and subjectivity, 8, Haitian: AfricanAmerican, 29-30, 49, 136-37, 155, 165; U.S. regional, 9, 56, 265; Syrian, 297,298, 299 61; and Haitian history, 20; and culture, U.S.:and paternalism, 15, 122;and 23; fragility of, 25, 164, 166-71, 173, USMC, 54, 59, 164; European, 60; and 175, 77, 79, 185; ethnic, 58, 59, 62; fatherhood, 68; and masculinity, 69-70, and race, 58, 123, 211, 224, 276,321 71;Haitian, 263, 265 (n. 8g); racial, 62, 175, 211, 247, 248, Imperialism: and American national iden249, 276; and mastery, 66, 123, 48; tity, 3. 6, 8, 9, 21 22, 305; violence of, and gender, 66, 248; and sexuality, 74, 4, 5, 6-7,9, 15, 135, 151, 180; and Hai230, 241, 247; and paternalism, 129, tian culture, 4, 6, 12, 21, 241;and cul168-69, 173;and violence, 155, 181; ture, 4-5, 6; and citizenship, 6-7, 8, 21; and O'Neill, 21 1; and Haitian culture, discourse on, 6-9; and U.S. occupation, 215, 242; and dances, 241; and drama, 12,21,28-29, 36, 267, 3o1;a and exoti286-87; Caribbean, 294;and paternity, cism, 21, 22, 208; and paternalism, 21, 129, 136, 208, 231, 303;and travel writHaitian national: and marines in Gening, 35, 259-60; and Spanish-American darmerie d'Haiti, 102, 103, 107-8, 126, War,54:and masculinity, 64-65; Brit137, 165, 167, 180, 206; and patriotism, ish, 65: and U.S. 294;and paternity, cism, 21, 22, 208; and paternalism, 21, 129, 136, 208, 231, 303;and travel writHaitian national: and marines in Gening, 35, 259-60; and Spanish-American darmerie d'Haiti, 102, 103, 107-8, 126, War,54:and masculinity, 64-65; Brit137, 165, 167, 180, 206; and patriotism, ish, 65: and U.S. Navy, 96; and U.S. pub242-43; represented as unstable, 250, lic opinion, 124, 1 186; as economic 274, 295, 297:in fiction, 291-92, 295 exploitation, 187;i in drama, 1 188; and national: and culture, 25, 29; blurring anti-imperialism, 1 89. 191, 232, 263, of, 124, 219, 221;and Hurston, 291a8y-70.301;0-Neill on, 197, 200, 204, 92, 294, 297-300 205-6;J. W.J Johnson on, CP- - 243;and U.S. nadonobandimpcrialiam, 3, 6, 8, USA, 268; Inman on, 273; Hughes on, 9, 21-22, 305:and Haitian culture, 1 7; 274:critiques of, 278; extension of,302; and paternalism, 18, 22, 113, 123,304; and subjectivity, 307. See also United and African Americans, 22, 264, 282, States - Haitian occupation by INDEX --- Page 420 --- Ingram, Rex, 287 Haitian culture, 19, 228, 241;and Inman, Samuel Guy: and missionary Hughes, 19, 261;and cultural commovement, 232-33, 272, 352 (n. 19); modification, 35:and U.S. occupation, Through Santo Domingo and Haiti, 23289, 189, 190-91, 291; and interpreta38; and marines in Haiti, 233, 247; and tion of violence, I 8o;journalism of, Voodoo, 248, 271;and primitivism, 255, 185, 88;investigative trip to Haiti by, 270-71;and paternalism, 259:and U.S. 187, 190-91;i influence of, 187, 276; occupation, 270, 362 (n. 18); Trailing and diplomacy, 188, 194; and NAACP, the Conquistadores, 270-73; and racial 188-8g, 276; and marines in Haiti, 190, ideology, 275 247; and Harding, 191; on Christophe, Insanity: and marines in Haiti, 86, 132, 193-94, 196, 203, 207, 263, 276-77; 180; as legal defense, 131-33, 160, 164; and O'Neill, 198, 205:and Burks's ficreports of, 1 48, 166-67; fears of, 164tion, 216; and masculinity, 223;and 65:in The Emperor Jones, 1 87;and Haiti as orphan, 243; and U.S. ophe, Insanity: and marines in Haiti, 86, 132, 193-94, 196, 203, 207, 263, 276-77; 180; as legal defense, 131-33, 160, 164; and O'Neill, 198, 205:and Burks's ficreports of, 1 48, 166-67; fears of, 164tion, 216; and masculinity, 223;and 65:in The Emperor Jones, 1 87;and Haiti as orphan, 243; and U.S. culture, Hurston, 297, 299 264;and Bontemps, 283 Intelligence, military, 83, 86, 130, 141, Johnson, Walter E., 159-61 173,315 (n. 70) Jones Act of 1917, 8 Intercollegiate Socialist Society (ISS), 268 Jordan, Wilhelm F., 16, 118, 124-25, 192, International Council of Women (ICW), 232,303-4 265, 266 Journalism:and U.S. occupation, 1, 12, International Council of Women of the 187, 221;and marines in Haiti, 18, 186; Darker Races, 266 and paternalism, 18-19; and marines, Internationalism, liberal, I 13, 117-18, 77:and Wilson, 100; and violence, 134; 129,302 andJ. W.Johnson, 1 185, 188; military Investigations, official: of violence, 33; censorship of, 1 186; and travel writing, Forbes commission, 34, 213, 221, 350 246, 247:and national identity, 304.See (n. 167);and Moton, 34:1 newspaper, aksoNewspapers; Newsreels 8g; Mayo Court of Inquiry, 119, 129, 132, 180, 191; of corvée, 150, 160; of Kelly (Gendarmerie officer), 167, 168 marines killing prisoners, 161;andJ. W. Kelly, Francis Patrick "Pat,' 175 Johnson, 187, 190-91; and WILPF, 238, Kennan, George, 114-15,302 266-68. See also U.S. Senate -inquiry Kennedy, Selden, 150 by Kenney, Charles E., 162 Investment. See United StatesKilling investments in Haiti of -by Haitians: representations of, 79-80, ISS, 268 127;of prisoners, 80, 81; as savagery, Italy, 278 138. See also Cannibalism; Horror; Primitivism; Zombies Jacmel, 149, 229 -by marines: and U.S. invasion of Haiti, Jamaica, 1 8g, 272, 288, 28g, 294,300 81,83; and charges of "indiscriminate James, C. L. R., 276, 278, 280-81, 286, killing" 89, 156, 158, 159, 160; repre355 (n. 30) sentations of, 131, 221;of Cacos, 136, Jefferson, Thomas, 29,50 138, 143, 145, 1 46, 151, 155-56, 158, Jérémie, 84, 229 160, 161-62,340 (n. go), 341 (n. 122); Johnson, Barbara, 292 terminology for, 136, 155, 156, 161, Johnson, Charles S., 283 337 (n. 21);in military campaigns, 146, Johnson,James Weldon: "Self158;and Gendarmerie d'Haîti, 148; as Determining Haiti,' " 19, 188-96, 198; partofcorvée, 149, 150; of prisoners, and paternalism, 19, 191-94, 267;and 159-60, 161, 162,337 (n. 292 terminology for, 136, 155, 156, 161, Johnson, Charles S., 283 337 (n. 21);in military campaigns, 146, Johnson,James Weldon: "Self158;and Gendarmerie d'Haîti, 148; as Determining Haiti,' " 19, 188-96, 198; partofcorvée, 149, 150; of prisoners, and paternalism, 19, 191-94, 267;and 159-60, 161, 162,337 (n. 21),340 INDEX --- Page 421 --- (n. go);and rape, 163:J. W.J Johnson Literary Guild, 6, 9, 19, 217, 246 on, 190. See also Casualties; Violence; Little, Louis McCarty, 126 Wars Livingston, Lemuel, 97 King, Alexander, 209,253 Lodge, Henry Cabot, 191 Kinsey, Alfred, 73 Logan, Rayford, 276, 278 Kirchwey, Freda, 268, 26g London, England, 278, 280 Knapp, H.S., 121-22 Long, Boaz W., 97,99 Kock, Bernard, 30 Louisiana, 7 Ku Klux Klan, 58 L'Ouverture, Toussaint. See' Touissant L'Ouverture, François Dominique Labor: waged, 66, 68, 108-9, 117, 119, Lovett, RobertMorss, 26g 122, 148, 303; forced (seeCorvée; Lugosi, Bela, 226-27 Slavery) Lwa, 45. See also Guedé; Legba; Ogou; Haitian: resists U.S. occupation, 11, Vodou 84.85: pattern of, 48-49; and U.S. Lynching, 186, 194,257.258, 259, 264, investments, 121-22; prisoner, 1 50; and violence, 150, 339 (n. 84); female, Machias, USS, 30 Laleau, Leon, 85 McCormick, Medill, 191 Langston,John Mercer, 30 McDonald,James P., 97-98, 118 Lanoue,Joseph, 49, 119 McDonald contract, 52, 140 Lansing, Robert, 31, 100, 1 16, 186,334 McFadden, Bernarr, 64 (n. 135) McGowan, Kenneth, 210 Latin America: and diplomatic isolation Mackandal, 246, 272 ofHaiti,50; U.S. relations with, 92-93, McMillen, Fred, 84, 122 94-97.98, 108, I 12-13, 115:and U.S. McQuilkin,J JohnJ, 159-61 Navy, 95; and child metaphors, 113, Madiou, Thomas, 46 333 (n. 123); and rule of law, 1 114;and Mahan, Alfred Thayer, 96 paternalism, 124; compared to Haiti, Maine, USS, 60 194;Inman on, 232, 270, 352 (n. 19); Malaria, 44, 196 and CP-USA, 268 Manhood: and paternalism, 16, 68, 69, Law, martial, 31, 119, 129 102, 3og:changing concept of, 63; chalLawrence,jacob, 20, 278, 279 lenges to, 64;and marines, 65, 69, 78, League of Nations, 11 128, 136, 175; assertion of, 66; ideoloLeClerc, Charles Victor Emmanuel, 47 gies of, 67. and CP-USA, 268 Manhood: and paternalism, 16, 68, 69, Law, martial, 31, 119, 129 102, 3og:changing concept of, 63; chalLawrence,jacob, 20, 278, 279 lenges to, 64;and marines, 65, 69, 78, League of Nations, 11 128, 136, 175; assertion of, 66; ideoloLeClerc, Charles Victor Emmanuel, 47 gies of, 67. 6g; and homosocial conLee, Canada, 287 texts, 70; and sexual violence, 73;and Left, radical, 263, 267-68, 269, 273, 276, Butler, 106; and violence, 154:and hor281, 282, 283 ror stories, 165:J. W.J Johnson on, 194; Legalism, 114-15.302 and O'Neill, 200, 207; and VanderLegba, 259 cook' 's Christophe biography, 217,349 Lejeune,John.A., 100-101, 104-5 (nn. 157, 158); ;and lynching, 277:and Lespinasse, Beauvais, 243 African American literature, 282; and Lewis, David Levering, 210 slavery, 284. See also Manliness; Lewis, Gordon K.,46 Masculinity Liberalism, 109-10, 113, 114, 115, 117Manliness: and citizenship, 62; and civili18, 129, 302 zation, 64, 66, 194; and fatherhood, Liberia, 18g 67: and sexuality, 73; and sociability, Lincoln, Abraham, 29-30,58 74:and Wilson, 93, 111; challenges to, Link, Arthur S., 118, 151,333 (n. 123) 206; and O'Neill, 208; of Haitian men, INDEX --- Page 422 --- 233;and marine indoctrination, 327 Military campaigns: punitive approach (n. 200). See alsol Manhood; Masculinity to, 100, 143, 146, 331 (n.57),336 Mann,James R., 103 (n. 18); in Haiti, 143, 144, 146, 158, Marines. See U.S. Marine Corps179. See also Field campaigns; War: members of; U.S. Marine Corpsagainst Cacos members of in Haiti Military orders, 135, 143, 146, 148, 151, Marriage: between Haitian women and 158, 159, 179 German men, 51; between Haitian Military patrols, 143 women and marines, 86, 138, 165, 170, Miller, Adolph: memoirs of, 4;and Ger171,215-16; versus sexual disorder, man citizens, 60; and moralism, 70; 192, 233;as value, zz3:interracial, 258 arrives in Haiti, 79-80, 82-84:observa- "Marronage, 84 tions of, 86; and paternalism, 116-18, Marshall, Harriet Gibbs, 265, 278, 281 303; and military hierarchy, 123; and Marshall, Napoleon, 265 Haitian cooperation, 142; and GendarMasculinity: and paternalism, 16, 22, 302, merie d'Haiti, 147, 148, 180; and pros306; and militarism, 62, 64, 66, 323 titution, 215 (n. age, 84 tions of, 86; and paternalism, 116-18, Marshall, Harriet Gibbs, 265, 278, 281 303; and military hierarchy, 123; and Marshall, Napoleon, 265 Haitian cooperation, 142; and GendarMasculinity: and paternalism, 16, 22, 302, merie d'Haiti, 147, 148, 180; and pros306; and militarism, 62, 64, 66, 323 titution, 215 (n. 121); and breadwinning, 63, 66-67, Miller, Helen, 5-6 6g; and class, 63, 66-67, 69-74, 194; Miller, Holly, 79 and race, 64, 69, 198, 223; cultivation Miller, Ivan, 67,7 77,154 of, 65;and violence, 66, 69, 107, 154; Missionaries: and U.S. occupation, 12, 18, and paternal responsibilities, 66-67, 33, 162, 18 186, 26g;and paternalism, 16, 324-25 (nn. 144, 148); rough versus 18, 24, 118, 237; withholding of, 50; respectable, 69-74:and hazing, 77:and and corvée, 149;and Inman, 232-33, marines in Haiti, 123, 137, 234; subjec272, 352 (n. 19);in Caribbean, 233, tive investments in, 165; and military 237; and images of African exploration, uniform, 176; black, 194, 207:and Cit236; interpretations of, 241 adel, 203, 263, 264, 278;a and O'Neill, Modernism, 200, 206, 210, 270 204, 208, 223; and prostitution, 215; Modernization, 10-11, 117, 118, 212, andJ. W.Johnson, 223; of Cacos, 234; 213,244 and E. Taft, 256; and Inman, 271-72. Molas, Nicholas de, 217 See also Fatherhood; Homosexuality; Môle Saint Nicholas, 30, 96 Manhood; Manliness; Sexuality Monroe Doctrine, 80, 94.96,97 Mason, Charlotte Osgood, 261 Montana, USS, 30 Massacre River, 270-71 Montgomery, David, 122 Mayo, Henry' T., 132, 191 Moralism: and U.S. occupation, 1g;and Mayo Court of Inquiry, 132, 180, 191 marines in Haiti, 61, 70-71, 155, 157; Melling, 29-30, 335-36 (n. 178) and homosexuality, 74;and USMC Memory: and identity, 3, 60, 76, 168; in training, 77; and paternalism, 91; and Haitian culture, 45, 46; in E. Taft, 229, Wilson, 93-94, 110; and legalism, 114230, 258-59:in) B. Niles, 243-44, 245, 15;and Inman, 233-34.237 246, 258; in Seabrook, 252, 258, 259 Morris, Mike, 173, 175 Merman, Ethel, 19 Motherhood: in Davis, 223-24,350 Messenger, 19, 189, 210, 26g (n. 175); in Seabrook, 249, 252, 253, Métraux, Alfred, 213 B5d:representations of, 253, 294,300; Mexico:and U.S. , 233-34.237 246, 258; in Seabrook, 252, 258, 259 Morris, Mike, 173, 175 Merman, Ethel, 19 Motherhood: in Davis, 223-24,350 Messenger, 19, 189, 210, 26g (n. 175); in Seabrook, 249, 252, 253, Métraux, Alfred, 213 B5d:representations of, 253, 294,300; Mexico:and U.S. Southwest, 7; and popuand Africa as mother of Haiti, 254 lar culture, 21 1; and marines, 78; and Moton, Robert Roussa, 34 USS Washington, 8o;and Wilson,94-97. Mrozek, Donald, 77, 326 (n. 182),327 98, 113;and S. Butler, 101, 104;and (n. 200) Inman, 232;anda ant-imperialism, 268 Muth, Lawrence, 161, 166, 173, 175 INDEX --- Page 423 --- NAACP. See National Association for the Newsreels, 221, 223 Advancement of Colored People New York,N.Y., 58, 73, 209, 265, 325 NACW, 265, 266 (n. 161) Nation, 19, 89, 186, 188, 191, 198, 205, New York Times, 109 268, 291 Nicaragua, 12, 61, 78,97, 101, 188, 331 National Association for the Advance- (n. 70),336 (n. 18) ment of Colored People (NAACP): Nicholls, David, 140 and U.S. occupation, 19.33:andj.W. Niles, Blair Rice: travel writings of, 232, Johnson, 1 188-89, 276; and U.S. policy, 238-46, 247; Black Haiti, 238-46, 270, 190; and Patriotic Union, 191;a and 275;1 memory in, 243-44.245. 246, lynching, 258; and Hughes, 261; and 258;and France, 250; and race, 255, anti-imperialism, 263, 264-65:and 275:and paternalism, 259;2 and unconInman, 272; and Great Depression, 277; scious, 260; and peasants, 262; and civiand Vincent, 291 lization, 271 National Association of Colored Women Niles, Robert, 239 (NACW), 265, 266 Noble, Alfred H., 88 National City Bank of New York, 98, 99, Norfolk, Va., 56, 58, 71 190, 192-93 Nationalism: in Haiti, 98, 140, 144, 173, Occupation, defined, 20. See also United 186, 190, 267; black nationalism, 187, States-Haitian occupation by 265. See also Identity - Haitian national; Ogé, M., 52 Identity national; Identity-U.S. Ogou, 290 national Oil, 216 National Negro Press. Association, 265 Oklahoma, 7 Native Americans, 7,58, 64, 134, 154, O'Neill, Eugene:J. W.J Johnson influences, 200;reservations for, 15 19; as colonial adventurer, Neal, Claude, 258 (n. 186, 190, 267; black nationalism, 187, States-Haitian occupation by 265. See also Identity - Haitian national; Ogé, M., 52 Identity national; Identity-U.S. Ogou, 290 national Oil, 216 National Negro Press. Association, 265 Oklahoma, 7 Native Americans, 7,58, 64, 134, 154, O'Neill, Eugene:J. W.J Johnson influences, 200;reservations for, 15 19; as colonial adventurer, Neal, Claude, 258 (n. 67); as socialist, 197, 205: 196-97-346 Hairy. Ape, Nearing, Scott, 26g The, 204.206-7, 210-11, 226 Negro World, 18g Emperor Jones, The: and cultural comNeuhaus, Philip, 167, 168 modification, 35, 217: and appeal of Neverdon-Morton, Cynthia, 266 Haiti, 185, 187; writing of, 187, 197-98; New Deal, 277, 278, 285.287 and paternalism, 1 188, 200, 205; Gilpin New England, 68, 229-32 in, 198, 199, 207, 210, 226; opening New Mexico,7 night of, 198, 209; ambiguities in, 198Newspapers 212;A. Douglas illustrates, 200, 201, Haitian: censorship of, 33, 267;and 202;and primitivism, 204, 206-7, 209, peasants, 49-50; and U.S. occupation, 210, 212, 226, 348 (n. white I 132);and 18-19:and official press, 129; and killaudiences, 205-6, 208, 209, 210, 211; ing by marines, 131;and Cacos, 143; Robeson in, 207, 209, 278, 280; puppet and Forbes commission, 213 production of, 208, 209; as opera, 209; U.S.: and U.S. occupation, 33, 186;and stage productions of, 209; and African Spanish-American War, 60; investigaAmerican audiences, 209, 211;on film, tions by, 8g; and marinesin Haiti, 146, 209, 280,347 (n. 105),348 (n. 124), 157, 160; censorship of, 1 86; and zom360-61 (n. 118);and critics, 210-11, bies, 225:and exoticism, 237-38;and 348 (n. 132);influence of, 225:and travel writing, 246; and antiracist activracial politics, 306; and individual subism, 263 (see also Chicago Defender; Crijectivity, 307 sis); and anti-imperialism, 26g; on Open Door, 96 Hurston, 293 Overley, Homer: memoirs of, 4, 42;as INDEX --- Page 424 --- enlisted man, 39, 41, 123; photo237,307; and imperialism, 21, 129, graphed, 40, 41; and U.S. regional 136, 208, 231, 303; and Hurston, 36, identity, 56; and relationship with Hai291, 293, 294-95. 300; and U.S. South, tians, 88; and undeclared war, 136; and 54-56;of officers toward enlisted men, violence, 156; and U.S. newspaper 72.77-78;and political ends, 9o; of reports, 157:and sense ofhumanity, Wilson, 91, 93, 95, 100, 108-13, 124, 164, 171;and Cacos, 236; and milita129, 302, 333 (n. 293, 294-95. 300; and U.S. South, tians, 88; and undeclared war, 136; and 54-56;of officers toward enlisted men, violence, 156; and U.S. newspaper 72.77-78;and political ends, 9o; of reports, 157:and sense ofhumanity, Wilson, 91, 93, 95, 100, 108-13, 124, 164, 171;and Cacos, 236; and milita129, 302, 333 (n. 333); and McDonald, rism, 324 (n. 141) 98;1 Haitian resistance to, 104, 116;and Owen, Chandler, 18g promise of mastery to white men, 105; of T. Roosevelt, 108-9; and primitivism, Padmore, George, 276, 278, 280 116, 124, 126-28; ofJordan, 124-25: Painting. SeeArts, visual and identity, 129, 168-6g, 173; and Pan-African movement, 50, 52, 269, 270, O'Neill, 188, 200, 205, 208; and Inman, 272, 276, 357 (n. 20) 233, 259; cultural superiority underlyPanama: andimperialism, 7; Paning, 238; and Haitian culture, 24412 and American talksin, 50; and marines, Seabrook, 247, 254, 255, 259; logic of, 78; and' T. Roosevelt, 94, 97:and 249.254:and E. Taft, 257, 259; and S. Butler, 101, 104, 106, 123;and women's movement, 267; and Hughes, race, 112-18, 124 Panama Canal, 92, 93, 104 Paternity, metaphor of, 16, 193, 249, 294Paris, France, 52 97,299 Parris Island, S.C., 58, 75 Patriotic Union, 150, 191, 265, 269, 272 Parsons, Elsie Clews, 231, 359 (n. 86) Peasantry, 48-49, 190, 318 (n. 49),319 Paternalism: and marines in Haiti, 13, 14, (n.54) 17,18, 21, 22, 67, 69, 105, 123, 137, Peasants:J. W.J Johnson on, 19, 190, 195146, 151, 171, 79, 233-303,335 96; and corvée, 32, 148, 163; rebellion (n.1 152);and fatherhood, 13, 15, 16, of, 36, 49, 14 40; and conches, 43;and 67.91, 105, 26-27, 128, 129, 145:and Haitian land, 48, 49, 140, 318 (n.48); violence, 13, 5, 19, 35, 55, 111, 135and Haitian economy, 49, 53, 119-20, 37,146, 155, 56, 79-81;and U.S. 144:and liberty, 51; and McDonald conoccupation, 13, 16, 7, 21 27, 28, 35, tract, 52; and marines in Haiti, 55, 62, 108, 115-24, 125, 135, 137, 139, 145, 120, 303; and McDonald, 98; and sub146, 156, 165, 175, 179-80, 181, 209, sistence agriculture, 114; and child met301, 302- 8; ofS. 144:and liberty, 51; and McDonald conoccupation, 13, 16, 7, 21 27, 28, 35, tract, 52; and marines in Haiti, 55, 62, 108, 115-24, 125, 135, 137, 139, 145, 120, 303; and McDonald, 98; and sub146, 156, 165, 175, 179-80, 181, 209, sistence agriculture, 114; and child met301, 302- 8; ofS. Butler, 13, 16, 69, 91, aphor, 1 15:and U.S. occupation, 1 16101-2, 104-8, I 15, 116, 1 18, 124, 129, 17, 119-20, 192, 193, 291; and public 147, 207, 302, 331 (n. 79); of USMC, works, 116-17, 150;and paternalism, 13, 77:2 and age, 15;and Native Ameri122;as Cacos, 140, 150-51; and Gencans, 15;and racism, 15, 22, 105, 111, darmerie d'Haiti, 148; fears of, 165; 156, 188; defined, 15, 312 (n. 17);as O'Neill on, 196, 205; and travel writing, gendered construct, 15-16, 22, 129, 241, 247, 250; and Hughes, 262-63; 188, 301, 303; and missionaries, 16, 18, Inman on, 270, 272. See also Class --in 24, 118, 237; and femininity, 16, 22; Haiti industrial, 16, 68-6g; and domesticity, Penn, William, 59, 112, 113, 124 16, 105-6, 231;0 contradictory nature Péralte, Charlemagne: assassination of, 11, of, 17, 21, 146, 156, 165.304:and.Afri31,33, 161, 173, 174; capture of, 11, can Americans, 18, 22,55, 124, 263; 171, 176; and Cacos, 33, 151, 154;and and. American national identity, 18, 22, peasants, 49; motto of, 14 40; and road 113, 123, go4:andJ. W.Johnson, 19, building, 192 191-94.207:and exoticism, 19, 208-9, Perkins,J.I L., 130 INDEX --- Page 425 --- Peru,97 22; structures of, 23;and culture, 24, Peters, Frederick, 227 25; Foucault on, 24, 137,314 (n.44); Pétion, Alexandre, 48,318-19 (nn. 50, and Toussaint L'Omerture.47:and 51,52) U.S. territorial expansion, 92; and U.S. Pfister,Joel, 197, 207 policy,95: and U.S. Navy, 96; and faPhiladelphia, Pa., 71 therhood, 107, 1 128; and Wilson, 108; Philippines: and imperialism, 7,8, 12, 86; and O'Neill, 200; and Haitian culture, and marines, 78; and Waller, 100; and 212-18, 216; and R. .47:and 51,52) U.S. territorial expansion, 92; and U.S. Pfister,Joel, 197, 207 policy,95: and U.S. Navy, 96; and faPhiladelphia, Pa., 71 therhood, 107, 1 128; and Wilson, 108; Philippines: and imperialism, 7,8, 12, 86; and O'Neill, 200; and Haitian culture, and marines, 78; and Waller, 100; and 212-18, 216; and R. B. Davis, 224, S. Butler, 101; and paternalism, 118; 350 (n. 173); and zombies, 225:and and CP-USA, 268 Herskovits, 274:2 and slavery, 284;and Phillips, Charles, 268-6g Guedé, 28g; domestic relations of, 302; Photography, 120-21, 239-40 and U.S. culture, 307 Pickens, William, 26g Presidents, Haitian, 31, 51-52, 190, 203 Pifer, Donald, 5 President's Commission for the Study and Pignon, 142 Review of Conditions in the Republic of Plantations and plantation system: and Haiti, 34, 213, 221, 350 (n. 167) paternalism, 15: and slave revolution, Price, Hannibal, 239 43;and Haitian Revolution, 47;and Price-Mars.Jean, 53, 250-51, 252, 275 Haitian workers, 48; and Rural Code, Prichard, Hesketh, 203, 207, 260 48-49:and McDonald, 98; and peasPrimitivism:and imperialism, 8; and ants, 119-20; and U.S.i investments, drums, 46;a and masculinity, 64-65:and 122; and anti-imperialism, 269-70.See Haitian killing, 80; and S. Butler, 103; aboAgriculture and paternalism, 1 16, 124, 126-28;and Plummer, Brenda Gale, 98, 186, 265.312 peasants, 120; and civilization, 125, 128; (n. 18) and violence, 154;and Craige, 167;and Poisoning,56 Burks, 178; and exoticism, 187, 194, Policy. Seel United States -policy of 196, 208, 262, 263, 288; ofJ. W.JohnPolynesia, 21 son, 195; and O'Neill, 204, 206-7, 209, Pomerene, Atlee, 149 210, 212, 226, 348 (n. 132);1 modernist, Popular Government League, 191, 357 206, 210; and sexuality, 207;and rac- (n. 20) ism, 21 1; and Haitian culture, 214; Poritz, Norman, 130 and Vandercook, 21 17:and R. B. Davis, Port-au-Prince: and V. G. Sam's assassina223;in fiction, 225;i in film, 226, 351 tion, 19, 127; and Caperton, 30-31; (n. 179); and travel writing, 247, and strike of 1929, 34:and marines in 49, 251, 255: and Inman, 255, 270-71; 248Haiti, 43, 46, 79, 80-82, 85. 105;and and Hughes, 261; and Van Vechten, 289 Haitian elites, 52; and public works proj- Prisoners: under V. 351 tion, 19, 127; and Caperton, 30-31; (n. 179); and travel writing, 247, and strike of 1929, 34:and marines in 49, 251, 255: and Inman, 255, 270-71; 248Haiti, 43, 46, 79, 80-82, 85. 105;and and Hughes, 261; and Van Vechten, 289 Haitian elites, 52; and public works proj- Prisoners: under V. G. Sam, 80, 81; under ects, 117; Cacos in, 141;and rape, 163; U.S. occupation, 83, 151, 157, 236; andJ. W.J Johnson, 190; European inmarines kill, 83, 59-60, 161, 162,337 fluence in, 194;P prostitution in, 215, (n. 21),340 (n. 9o);s workers, 149, 216; in newsreels, 221;in fiction, 224; in E. Taft, 229, 256; and tourism, 237- Prisons, 149, 151;and torture, 162 38, 240; Hughes in, 261, 262 Progress, 5, 119, 192, 206, 210 Port-de-Paix, 142 Progressivism, 16, 66, 114 Power: and imperialism, 6-7, 11, 187;and Prosser, Gabriel, 282, 283 paternalism, 15, 24,5 54, 6g, 104, 108, Prostitution, 171, 215, 216, 257,259 124, 127,129; and marines in Haiti, 17, Protests: in U.S.34. 186-87, 191, 212, 123,137,212-13:and U.S. occupation, 228, 263, 265, 268; in Haiti,34-35. 8321, 29, 86, 185, 221, 267;and gender, 84, 85, 221; of marines in Haiti, 86. See INDEX --- Page 426 --- also United States occupation of Haiti - politics of, Haitian, 194, 223 by: criticism of politics of, U.S.: and African.Americans, Psychology, 231. See also Discourse: 35-36, 189, 287, 305; and paternalism, psychological 122, 302; and Haiti as means of Public works: road building, 10, 11, 117, tiating, 185: changes in, 18g-go; nego- and 148, 149, 150, 179, 192;and paternalThe Emperor Jones, 198, 207; and Great ism, 13; and Gendarmerie d'Haîti, 104, Depression, 225; and drama, 226, 287; 147;and. A. Miller, 1 16-17:and corvée, and Haiti'sappeal, 228; and E. Taft, 48-50, 1 79; prisoner labor on, 150; 258; and Bontemps, 276; and U.S. and marines in Haiti, 212; and travel occupation, 293; and gender, 306. See writing, 247 alsoLynching Publishing, 216, 276 Racism: of marines in Haiti, 1 1, 17,46, Puerto 83, Rico, 7, 8, 12, 61, 118, 268,322 136, 155-56, 180, 189, 190, 247,: 254, (n. 113) 265; paternalism as form of, 15, 22, Puller, Louis B. "Chesty," 4, 150, 151,1 156, 105, 111, 156, 188;and U.S. occupa157, 161, 164, 166 tion, 29, 188, 190, 288; and Citadel,51; Pumpkins, 44-45 and S. Butler, 55, 101-2, 104, 105, 124, Puritanism, 229-32, 258 136,331 (n. , 15, 22, Puller, Louis B. "Chesty," 4, 150, 151,1 156, 105, 111, 156, 188;and U.S. occupa157, 161, 164, 166 tion, 29, 188, 190, 288; and Citadel,51; Pumpkins, 44-45 and S. Butler, 55, 101-2, 104, 105, 124, Puritanism, 229-32, 258 136,331 (n. 79); U.S. regional, 58; and Puryear, Bennett, 150 Waller, 100; and Wilson, 109-15, 124, 332 (n. 102);and Irule oflaw, 115;in ficQuakers, 59, 90, 266-67 tion, 127, 175, 223;and corvée, 148; and U.S. amusement park games, 156; Racesandimperialism, 9;and riots, 11,58; and rape, 163;and O'Neill, 200, 210, andp paternalism, 15, 16, 22, 129,301, 211; and primitivism, 211;2 and white gog:andHaitianculture, 17,228,243. power, 224, 350 (n. 173);and femi245.247:andU.S.culture, 25,35,54, nism, 225:and cannibalism, 239; exoti180,1 B8iandt'S.ocopation, 28, 29, cism as form of, 239-40, 293; and travel 36, 86, 137.300,301:andHaitian Revowriting, 256; in Haiti, 258; and Hughes, lution,47, 263,318 (n.45);and U.S. 262,305: and antiracist activism, 263; South, 54-55,320 (n. 69);and marines, and African Americans, 264, 305; 58,62;andi identity, 58, 123, 211, 224, within ICW, 266; and U.S. whites, 270230, 276, 321 (n.89);and evolution of 76; and Inman, 271; and lynching, 277; racial codes,58,321 (n. 8g);and mascucritiques of, 278; and Haitian culture, linity, 69, 198, azsandtis.policy.og: and Wilson, 1og;and fatherhood metaRadicals, leftist, 263, 267-68, 269, 273, phors, 128;a andviolence, 133, 258,259: 276, 281, 282, 283 diecouneaon.131.33gandhoror 165; Radio, 6, 19, 209, 216, 217, 228 and whitening blackrace, 170; DarwinRailroads, 30,52, 97-98, 99, 192 ian concept of, 1 80-81;and exoticism, Rampersad, Arnold, 283 195, 225, 231;and O'Neill, 198, 200, Randolph, A. Philip, 1 89 207, 209; and Haitian workers, 215:ide- Rape, 73, 163, 190, 234, 257-58, 264, ologyof, 225, 375-30ssandzombies, 283, 284,326 (n. 174).355 (n. 130) 227:and) Puritanism,agieessentialism Rara, 84 of, 238; Haitian consciouneswof.zy0: Raymond, Zacharias, 229-30, 259, 352 andtravelwriting. 207, 209; and Haitian workers, 215:ide- Rape, 73, 163, 190, 234, 257-58, 264, ologyof, 225, 375-30ssandzombies, 283, 284,326 (n. 174).355 (n. 130) 227:and) Puritanism,agieessentialism Rara, 84 of, 238; Haitian consciouneswof.zy0: Raymond, Zacharias, 229-30, 259, 352 andtravelwriting. 252, 26o;andsexual- (n. 7) ity, 255:andrape, 257:and.African Reconstruction, 122 Americans, 264.goz:culturale definitions Redfield, Robert, 251 of, 275.293:andinterracialalliance, Redman, Paul, 5 277.282,284.285. , 287:pridein, ,282 Redpath,James, 29 INDEX --- Page 427 --- Regions. SeeHaiti - regions of; United Schomburg.Arthur, 20, 283 States - regions of Schuyler, George, 210 Religion. See Catholicism; Missionaries; Scott,Joan, 23 Quakers; Vodou Scottsboro trial, 283 Remner, Lawrence, 210-11 Seabrook, William B.: The Magic Island, 4, Republican Party, U.S., 109, 187, 191 5-6,8, 19, 196, 246-55, 288, 292; and Reser, Dr., 294-99 Wirkus, 4.5-6, 254-55, 295; travel writRevolutions: in Haiti, 16, 29.31.51,141; ing of, 4, 232, 246-55, 259, 260;J. W. in Latin America, 1 13;in O'Neill'sletJohnson influences, 19, 196, 276; and ters, 197;in fiction, 228, 273, 281, 282. zombies, 225, 226;and memory, 252, See also American Revolution; French 258, 259:and Hughes, 261; and Inman, Revolution; Haitian Revolution; Russian 270;and Haitian identity, 274;and Revolution Hurston, 288-8g, 292, 296-97:and Robeson, Paul, 207, 209, 278, 280 sexual and gender Roosevelt, Franklin disorder,305 D., 89 Seligman, Herbert, 89, 186, 187 Roosevelt, Theodore: and national idenSensationalism: of marines' memoirs, 4;of tity, 59; and boyhood, 64, 65:a and U.S. fiction, 21, 236; and Haitian elites, 52; policy, 93, 97;and Panama, 94.97:and of R. B. Davis, 223;and zombies, 225; of paternalism, 108-9; andJ. W.Johnson, travel writing, 286; of Seabrook, 247, 187, 190; O'Neill on, 206 250, 252, 28g; of E. Taft, 255:chalRoy, Eugene, 34 lenges to, 274,281 Rubber, 216 Servants, 215, 216, 28g Rule of law, 100, 113,114-15.1 128, 302 Service d'Hygiène, 44, 129 Rural Code, 48-49,51 Service Technique de TAgriculture,34. abrook, 247, 187, 190; O'Neill on, 206 250, 252, 28g; of E. Taft, 255:chalRoy, Eugene, 34 lenges to, 274,281 Rubber, 216 Servants, 215, 216, 28g Rule of law, 100, 113,114-15.1 128, 302 Service d'Hygiène, 44, 129 Rural Code, 48-49,51 Service Technique de TAgriculture,34. Russell,John H.: andU.S-occupation, 20, 129, 212 33, 119.127-28,130;camnibalism: acSeton, William Thompson, 65 countsof, 127.128,165-665-68;andcorvée, Seward, William H., 30 149-50;and' "indiscriminatekilintgs" Sexuality: as trope, 9; and paternalism, 15, 158-59.andkilling of prisoners, 160 16; and exoticism, 22, 231, 238, Russian Revolution, 189 247, 260, 273:2 and U.S. occupation, 243, 28, 29, 237,300, 301, 306; and travel writSaid, Edward, 9 ing, 35, 233, 256, 257,258, 259, 260; Saint Domingue, 43-47.50, 51, 229, 230, and linking of race and promiscuity, 55, 273, 286. See also Haiti 78-79, 237, 238; and masculinity, 69, St.J John, Spencer, 260 70, 71, 73-74;and violence, 73, 154, St. Marc, Haiti, 148, 150, 162, 229 163, 255, 257, 284;and identity, 74, St. Michel, Haiti, 121- -22, 131-32, 133 230, 241, 247:and Voodoo, 178; politics Saint Remy,, Joseph, 46 of, 185, 228; and primitivism, 207; and Salnave, Sylvain, 49, 140 Haitian workers, 215: and feminism, Salomon, Louis Lysius Félicité, 49,51-52 223-25:and psychological discourse, Sam, Simon, 52 224, 231;and zombies, 227; and doSam, Vilburn Guillaume, 19, 80, 81, 127, mesticity, 231;and Haitian culture, 197, 204, 211 241, 242, 243, 252, 274.281,3 306; and San Francisco, Calif., 196 unconscious, 249;and) Haitian women, Santo Domingo. Seel Dominican Republic 251;and race, 255;1 interracial, 259;and Savage, Augusta, 278, 280 African.Americans, 264, 288.. See also Schmidt, F. W., 56, 57,7 70 Heterosexuality; Homosexuality; MarSchmidt, Hans, 72, 134, 173,312 (n. 18), riage; Masculinity 331 (n. 79), 339 (n. 80) Shannon, Magdaline W., 53 INDEX --- Page 428 --- Shepard, Lemuel C., 154 8; and travel writing, 240-41, 244;and Shipman, Charles, 268-6g imperialism, 307 Silverthorn, Merwin Hancock, 59, 144, Suffrage, woman, 11, 63,323 (n. 121) 147,148,321 (n.96),338 (n. 54) Sugarcane,. 48, 120 Simon,Antoine,; 52 Swarthmore College, 112 Simpson, George Eaton, 231 Sweden,97 Singer Sewing Machine Company, 197 Sylvain, Georges, 191 Sisal, 212 Syrians, 297, 298, 299, 363 (n. 59, 144, Suffrage, woman, 11, 63,323 (n. 121) 147,148,321 (n.96),338 (n. 54) Sugarcane,. 48, 120 Simon,Antoine,; 52 Swarthmore College, 112 Simpson, George Eaton, 231 Sweden,97 Singer Sewing Machine Company, 197 Sylvain, Georges, 191 Sisal, 212 Syrians, 297, 298, 299, 363 (n. 195) Slavery: U.S., 7.29, 54-55:Haitian, 4345.46,52, 242, 281; and Vodou, 45; Taft, Edna: A Puritan in Voodoo Land, 19, Haitians fear return of, 47, 119, 14 42, 231, 255-60,352 (n. 7);travel writing 173:and international relations, 50; of, 229-32, 255-60 corvée seen as, 53, 148, 193; and Taft, William Howard.g3.94.98 O'Neill, 210; and zombies, 227:and Tait, Agnes, 19, 229 slave trade, 229-30; and rape, 257;and Talbert, Mary, 266 Inman, 272; in fiction, 282, 283-84:in Tennessee, USS, 15, 80, 84. 85 drama, 287 Terrell, Mary Church, 191, 266 "Small wars,' 133-35 Theatre. Seel Drama Socialist Party, 268 Thomas,J.1 Parnell, 287 Socialists, 189, 197, 205, 267 Thomason, John W.,Jr., 76 Sociology, 231 Topeka, USS, 30 Songs: Haiti as subject of, 19; and Haitian Tourism, 216, 221, 223, 237-38, 240, 262 protests, 84; popular, 217; Inman on, Toussaint L'Ouverture, François Domi233; marines', 233-34, 303; and tournique: and U.S. government, 29:and ism, 237:and travel writing, 240, 241, marines in Haiti, 46; and Haitian Revo242, 253;and wakes, 262 lution, 47; and Pan-African movement, Soulouque, Faustin, 203 52; Price-Marson, 53;and Garvey, 190; SoupJoumou.44-45 and O'Neill, 197; and Burks, 216;and South, Lieutenant, 131-32, 133, 136, travel writing, 246; Inman on, 272; and 148, 167 Lawrence, 278, 279; and drama, 278, South America, 80, 239 286; Marshall on, 281; Bontemps on, Soviet Union, 278 282, 283, 284 Spanish-American War,54-59-60, 61, 62 Trade, free, 113 Spear, Frederick, 137-38, 154, 160, 166, Transportation, 11, 117 Travel writing: of Seabrook, 4, 232, 246Speyer and Company, 98 55, 259, 260; and U.S. occupation, 18, Spingarn, Arthur, 261 28, 238, 247; Haiti as subject of, 19, Stabler, Jordan H., 97,98, 147 225, 229-60; and imperial consciousStatehood, 7 ness, 35.231-32; of E. Taft, 229-32, Stoddard, Lothrop, 203 255-60; of B. Niles, 232,2 238-46, 247; Storey, Moorfield, 189, 191 ofInman, 232-38; exoticism in, 237, Strikes: U.S. , 247; Haiti as subject of, 19, Stabler, Jordan H., 97,98, 147 225, 229-60; and imperial consciousStatehood, 7 ness, 35.231-32; of E. Taft, 229-32, Stoddard, Lothrop, 203 255-60; of B. Niles, 232,2 238-46, 247; Storey, Moorfield, 189, 191 ofInman, 232-38; exoticism in, 237, Strikes: U.S. labor, 1 1; Haitian student, 240, 242, 24 46, 255:and national iden34:1 1929 general, 34, 221; marines' sit tity, 304;and racial and gender hierdown, 86 archies, 305 "Structures of feeling, 11 27-28 Tropics:andi imperialism, 7; sense ofcomSubjectivity: and U.S. occupation,. 4, 181, munityin, 13; and disease, 44:represen303; and identity, 8, 136-37. 155, 165, tations of, 127, 206, 20g; beliefs about 302; and paternalism, 91 1; marines white men in, 132-33, 206; and unstruggle with, 136, 137, 164, 180, 207declared wars, 134 INDEX --- Page 429 --- Trotter, William Monroe, 110-11, 124, 137,300, 301, 306; and racism, 29, 188, 332 (n. 102) 190, 288; reorganization of, 33, 212; Turner, Thomas C., 161 international condemnation of, 34; withdrawal of,34, 88, 228; process of Unconscious, 26, 27, 249, 260. See also Disestablishing, 80-88; andJ. W.Johncourse: psychological son, 89, 189, 190-91, 291; decision to "Undershirt diplomacy," 125, 129, 135. undertake, 96; and rule of law, 1 15:and peasants, 16-17, 119-20, 192, 193, Unemployment, 70, 273 2gi;and fatherhood metaphors, 128UNIA, 189-90, 263, 264-65 29, 193-94;1 Du Bois on, 188-8g; and Uniforms. Seeclothing prostitution, 215:and African AmeriUnion Patriotique, 150, 191, 265, 269, cans, 264, 265; and WILPF, 266-67; and Inman, 270, 362 (n. 18); and United Fruit Company, 98 Hurston, 291 1-92, 293 United States: invasion of Haiti by (July -policy of: infrastructure created by, 101915), 10, 11, 23, 30,31, 81-86; 11;1 marines implement, 12, 82,302-3; acquisitions of, 12, 92; Latin American and U.S. culture, 15, 22, 301-2;and investments of, 92 culture, 18, 23;and U.S. occupation, government of: and U.S. occupation, 20, 22, 86, 116; and , structures of feel20, 21, go; institutional forms of, 22, ing, 28; and Haiti's transformation, 36; 94-95:relations with Haiti of, 29,50, Monroe Doctrine, 80, 94.96, 97;1 pur319 (n. 62); and U.S. 15, 22, 301-2;and investments of, 92 culture, 18, 23;and U.S. occupation, government of: and U.S. occupation, 20, 22, 86, 116; and , structures of feel20, 21, go; institutional forms of, 22, ing, 28; and Haiti's transformation, 36; 94-95:relations with Haiti of, 29,50, Monroe Doctrine, 80, 94.96, 97;1 pur319 (n. 62); and U.S. investmentsin poses of, 82; and Caperton, gi;and Haiti, 30; and businessmen, 109 Latin. America, 93; and T. Roosevelt, investments in Haiti of: and U.S. 93-97:institutional. contexts of,94occupation, 10,51, g8, 120, 122-23; 1o1;and U.S. Navy, 95-96; Open Door, and infrastructural improvements, 1096; and bankers,97-98, 99-100, 330 11, 117, 179;i in late nineteenth cen- (n. 43);idealist tradition of, 1 114:and tury, 30; and economic development, paternalism, 128-24, 129, 303; Utley 94, 212; pamphlet promoting, 120-21, on, 134J. W.J Johnson on, 187, 188, 121; and paternalism, 122-23; and 191, 192;and NAACP, 190; and 1920 primitivism, 212 election, 191;and Haitian family, 192; occupation of Haiti by (1915-34):and and Haitian finances, 193; Inman on, identity, 3-4, 29, 74, 86, 126, 164pur237, 273; and NACW, 266; and national pose of, 4, 10, 20;and culture, 9, 12, 15, identity, 300; and liberal international17-18, 20, 27, 164, 231, 240, 303, 312 ism, 302 (n. 18);and U.S. investments, 10, 51, regions of: Southwest, 7; South, 7.8, 98, 120, 122-28; overview of, 10-12, 29.54-56, 63, 67, 109, 190, 264.320 20, 29-34:attitudes of Haitian elites (n. 70); North, 7.8, 56, 63, 109, 263, toward, 11, 192; and paternalism, 13, 264, 265; and identity, 9, 56, 61;and 16, 17,21, 27, 28, 35, 108, 115-24, marines in Haiti, 53-54, 180; Midwest, 125, 135, I 37, 139, 45, 146, 156, 165, 175, 179-80, 181, 209,301, 302-3; "U.S.American" (term), xvii criticism of, 18, 19, 34, 8g-9o, 119, U.S.A Army, 59.95-96,97. 123.329-30 129-30, 160, 86, 227 234, 236, (n. 21) 237, 244, 263, 264-70; and travel writ- U.S. Congress, 8, 29, 30, 9o, 103,335-36 ing, 18, 28, 238, 24 U.S. public opin- (n. 178) ion on, 3- 19, 27, 8g, 124, 146, 157, U.S. Constitution, 8, 95, 111 186, 188-8g; and race, 28, 29, 36, 86, U.S.Marine Corps (USMC): training and 137, 300, 301; and gender, 28, 29, 36, indoctrination of,3.58,7 71,74-80, 82, INDEX 24 U.S. public opin- (n. 178) ion on, 3- 19, 27, 8g, 124, 146, 157, U.S. Constitution, 8, 95, 111 186, 188-8g; and race, 28, 29, 36, 86, U.S.Marine Corps (USMC): training and 137, 300, 301; and gender, 28, 29, 36, indoctrination of,3.58,7 71,74-80, 82, INDEX --- Page 430 --- 303,327 (n. 200); Gendarmerie d'Haîti 327 (n. 204);and. American national modeled after, 10; paternalism of, 13, identity, 53-54:56, 59, 62, 82, 154, 77:E pre-1915 Haitian landings of, 29, 164, 165, 1 79.304;and peasants, 55, 30, gi:recruitment by, 60, 65. 219; 62, 120, 303; pacificism among, 66; legand U.S.Navy, 61, 76, 78, 95, 329-30 ends about, 72, 164-79; shipboard (n. 21); roughneck ethos of, 70, 71;and instruction of, 78-80; intelligence opercivilian world, 70, 77; as elite fighting ations of, 83, 86, 130, 141, 173,315 force, 75, 76, 82;1 legends circulated in, (n. 70); as authors, 131- 34, 216; fear 76, 78, 79; and hazing, 77:and U.S. polcannibalism and being skinned alive, icy, 95,9 96-g7:institutional history of, 138, 157, 165, 166, 173, 175, 176, 304, 95-97.329-30 (n. 21); and bankers, 342 (n. 141); and corvée, 149; Haitians 99:and cross-national playacting, 126, blamed for violence of, 151, 154J. W. 206; counterinsurgency tactics of, 135; Johnson on, 190, 247:and O'Neill, public relations efforts by, 217,219, 207; entertainment of, 212;and exoti221, 222 cism, 213; Haitian servants of, 215:and - members of: memoirs of, 4, 70, 77, 212, Inman, 233, 247:and tourism, 238; 216, 3og;and Haiti invasion, 10; racism and travel writing, 244-45-247:and of, 1 1; and relations between enlisted Hughes, 262 men and officers, 12, 39, 41, 72, 73-74, U.S.Navy: participates in U.S. occupation, 77-78, 123; enlisted, 12, 60, 70, 72, 12, 82, 129; and paternalism, 24,42; 123, 147, 163; officer, 12, 60, 72, 123, North Atlantic Fleet, 30; and USMC, 61, 147, 163; NCO, 39, 105; ethnic identi76, 78, 95, 329-30 (n. 21); views of ties of, 53-54:5 59, 60; urban and rural officersin, 72; and hazing, 77; and U.S. 12, 82, 129; and paternalism, 24,42; 123, 147, 163; officer, 12, 60, 72, 123, North Atlantic Fleet, 30; and USMC, 61, 147, 163; NCO, 39, 105; ethnic identi76, 78, 95, 329-30 (n. 21); views of ties of, 53-54:5 59, 60; urban and rural officersin, 72; and hazing, 77; and U.S. backgrounds of,56, 67-68; U.S. immipolicy, 95-96; and U.S. South, 320 grants as, 59, 60-61;in fiction, 224 (n.70) members of in Haiti: identity of, 3, 74, U.S.Navy Medical Corps, 10 123, 137, 146, 154-55, 185: serving in U.S.Senate: and woman suffrage, 11; and Gendarmerie d'Haiti, 5, 10, 32, 86, 102, Haitian-American treaty, 102 103, 104, 125, 131, 133, 147, 180, 190, -inquiry by: and S. Butler, 13, 33, 89,90, and 244-46; and Cacos, 10, 71-72, 136, 126, 135, 137:and Caperton, go; 137, 140-45, 151, 165, 173, 175, 179, violence, 132, 137-38, 154, 160-61; 234racism of, 11, 7,46, 33, 136, 155and Cacos, 143:and corvée, 14 148-50; 56, 180, 189, 190, 247,254, 265:and and killing by marines, 160, 161;and U.S. policy, 12, 31; and paternalism, marines' fears, 166; and.J. W.J Johnson, 13, 17, 18, 21, 22, 67, 6g, 105, 123, 1g1;and McCormick, 191; prominent 137, 146, 151 , 71, 79, 233,303, 335 lawyers review, 270 (n. 152); and cultural conscription, 1 17- U.S. State Department, 20, 42, 97.98, 18, 128, 301, 303; and Haitian govern115, 147 ment, 32; and strikes, 34. 86; relationUnited West Indies Corporation, 1 121-22, ships with Haitians of, 39, 55, 71, 83, 85, 86, 88, 105, 144, 148, 163, 167, 171, Universal Negro ImpromementAsociation 233, 236, 304,320 (n. 80); initially (UNIA), 189-90, 263, 264-65 encounter Haiti, 41 42,53, 80-83;and Upshur, William P. "Deacon," 79-80 Haitian history, 42, 43-46, 79, 86, 316 Cley,Harod.81-82.133-34-538(m.52) (n. , 163, 167, 171, Universal Negro ImpromementAsociation 233, 236, 304,320 (n. 80); initially (UNIA), 189-90, 263, 264-65 encounter Haiti, 41 42,53, 80-83;and Upshur, William P. "Deacon," 79-80 Haitian history, 42, 43-46, 79, 86, 316 Cley,Harod.81-82.133-34-538(m.52) (n. 22); and Haitian culture, 42,43- -46, 84, 171, 173, 179, 212- 3, 217, 219, Vandegrin.Archet,34. 65, 335 (n. 152) 242, 245, 301, 304:prior knowledge of Vandercook,John W.:J. W.J Johnson's Haiti of, 42,53, 78, 79-80; previous influence on, 19; Black Majesty, 196, expeditions tours of duty of, 42, 78, 216-17.218, 246, 270, 272, 276, 283 INDEX --- Page 431 --- Vanderlip, Frank A., 98 ches, 44, 157:African roots of, 45, 274; Van Doren, Carl, 3, 6-8, 21, 62, 260,305 and Catholicism, 45,317 (n. 29); proVan Orden, George, 81-82, 123 hibited by occupation, 213;and drums, Van Vechten, Carl, 289 241; distinguished from Voodoo, 250Vastey, Pompée Valentin, baron de, 46 51,317 (n. 28); and Legba, 259; CourVenezuela, 188, 194 lander on, 275; and Hurston, 289, 295; Versailles, France, 11, 33, 186 and Guedé, 289-93. 300; and Ogou, Vietnam War, 154 Vieux, Constant, 49, 119 Voodoo: in fiction, 4, 6, 127, 175, 177-78, Villa, Pancho, 79 224, 236, 288, 292; in film, 6, 227, 350 Villard, Oswald Garrison, 186, 332 (n. 175); and marines in Haiti, 41, 79, (n. 102) 1 170, 212;and Haitian elites, 52, 214, Vincent, Stenio, 34, 291 292; Russel'saccount of, 128; and colViolence: of imperialism, 4,5, 6-7,9, 15, lections, 213; and maternal role, 224135, 151, 180; and paternalism, 13, 15, 25,350 (n. I 75);in travel writing, 236, 19,35.55. 111, 135-37, 146, 155, 156, 246-54:257.2 273; exoticist accounts of, 179-81;0fU.S. occupation, 13,33, 246, 249; and Inman, 22 48, 271; distin131, 138, 142-43, 145, 14 46, 159, 162, guished from Vodou, 250-51,317 163, 179, 290, 301; and U.S. culture, (n. 28) 18; and discipline, 55, 135-37, 138, 304; and white U.S. boys, 64-65, 107; Waller, Littleton W. T., 31,32,33, 100and masculinity, 66, 69, 107, 154:and 102, 126, 331 (n.5 57) sexuality, 73, 154, 163, 255, 257, 284; Walling, William English, 58 and] hazing, 77; and prisoners, 80, 81, Waring, Mary F., 266 159-60, 161, 162, 337 (n. 64-65, 107; Waller, Littleton W. T., 31,32,33, 100and masculinity, 66, 69, 107, 154:and 102, 126, 331 (n.5 57) sexuality, 73, 154, 163, 255, 257, 284; Walling, William English, 58 and] hazing, 77; and prisoners, 80, 81, Waring, Mary F., 266 159-60, 161, 162, 337 (n. 21),340 Wars: "Indian," 7,134. Cacos, 154:against (n. 9go); and "indiscriminate killing,' 10, 11,9 31, 32-33-35-39-41, 138, 139, 8g, 156, 158, 159, 160, 208; and rule of 140-46, 147, 149, 150-64, 173, 179; law, 114 15, 802; R. B. Davis reports, Spanish-American, 54, 59-60, 61, 62; 127; defended as insanity, 131-33, 160, World War 1,92, 96, 106, 114 189, 225; 164; Craige explains, 131-34, 180-81; in Philippines, 100; and rule of law, individual, 132, 137, 1 46; and race, 114-15; Utley on, 133-35,338 (n. 52); 133. 258, 259; Utley explains, 133-35; Vietnam, 1 154;and civilization, 223 and corvée, 1 39, 149, 163; of Cacos, Washington, Booker T., 189 144, 151;and Haitian labor, 150, 339 Washington, Margaret M., 266 (n. 84); routines of, 150-64; marines Washington, D.C., 29 reflect on, 151, 154, 155, 164-65: as Washington, USS, 15, 80, 81, 127,224, 291 part of military campaign, 158; leWatson, Grace, 267 gitimate versus illegitimate, 158-59, Weed, Helena Hill, 191 180; and burning of homes, 160, 341 Weiss, NancyJ. 277 (n. 110); and moral breakdown, 167; Welles, Orson, 19, 216, 276, 285 in fiction, 177, 224, 282; and Haitian Wells, Clarke H., 150, 161, 162 Revolution, 284:in drama, 287. See also Wertz, Adam, 8 Corvée; Killing; Rape; Wars Westinghouse Electrical Company, 196Virgin Islands, 7 Virski, Ivan, 131, 132-33, 136, 167, 170, White, Walter, 261 Whiteness: and identity, 3-4, 22,53-54, Vodou: foreigners' misconceptions and 59, 108, 136, 137, 148, 164, 179, 287, stereotypes of, 19,317 (n. 28); dances 305, 306-7.321 (n. 8g); and manhood, of, 41;and Haitian history, 43; and con64;and violence, 154:and horror sto412 INDEX --- Page 432 --- ries, 165. 176-78; in fiction, 224-25; Wise, Frederick May, 70, 71, 72, 84, 160, and white superiority, 270,305 Willard, Frances, 265-66 WithdrawalofU.S.occupation,34. 88, 228 Williams, Alexander S., 125-26,340 Wittek,John, 68 (n. 41;and Haitian history, 43; and con64;and violence, 154:and horror sto412 INDEX --- Page 432 --- ries, 165. 176-78; in fiction, 224-25; Wise, Frederick May, 70, 71, 72, 84, 160, and white superiority, 270,305 Willard, Frances, 265-66 WithdrawalofU.S.occupation,34. 88, 228 Williams, Alexander S., 125-26,340 Wittek,John, 68 (n. 9o) Women Williams Lavinia, 278 Haitian: and slave resistance, 45:and Williams, Raymond, 27,314 (n.50) Haitian Revolution, 46; and Haitian Williston, Samuel, 158, 167, 168, 171, 176 economy, 49; andi lintermarriage, 51, 86, WILPF, 215-16, 238, 266-67, 270 165, 1 170, 171,2 215-16; marines' obserWilson, Woodrow: and League of Nations, vations and stereotypes of, 80, 175,234: 11;and Haitian affairs, 30, 31,91, 96, photographs of, 87, 169, 235;and vio113;and rights of small nations, 33, lence, 132-33, 162, 18o;and Cacos, 114, 129, 186, 198; as Southerner, 143:and rape, 163, 234, 257-58;and 54 speeches of,91, 92,93.98, 108, intercultural contact, 171;in U.S. writ109, 112, 129; paternalism of, 91, 93, ings on Voodoo, 177-78, 252-53:in fic95, 100, 108-13, 124, 129,302, 333 tion, 18g: elite, 195:and primitivism, (n. 333);and U.S. occupation, 91-92, 195-96; and O'Neill, 200; "illegitimate 99, 116, 139, 221; on concessions verchildren of," 215, 233, 250; and race, sus investments, 92; on U.S. territorial 23o;and E. Taft, 230; manual labor of, feminism, expansion, 92, 93; on trusteeship, 92, 233;and sexuality, 251;and 108; on Latin American/U.S. relations, 256; statusof, 266 92-93, 94.98, 108, 112-18; familial U.S.: suffrage for, 11, 63,323 (n. 121); metaphors of, 93; on diplomatic service, and paternalism, 22; and citizenship, 93-94:and moralism, 93-94, 1 10; and 63;and boyhood, 64; as wives of maeconomic development, 94, 95, 113, rines, 79, 148, 245, 246, 320 (n. 80), 117-18,334 (n. 135);and institutional 327 (n. 207); civilizing influenceof, contexts, 94-100; and USMC, 97:Afri133, 234, 236; and feminism, 228-24; can.American support for, 109, 110, and tourism, 238; and desire, 255:and 332 (n. 102); and racism, 109-15, 124, rape, 257,355 (n. 130);African Ameri332 (n. 102); and Haitian newspapers, can, 257-58, 265-66, 302 119:and constitutional government, Women'sInternational League for Peace 128;and Du Bois, 88-8g;and] U W. 236; and feminism, 228-24; can.American support for, 109, 110, and tourism, 238; and desire, 255:and 332 (n. 102); and racism, 109-15, 124, rape, 257,355 (n. 130);African Ameri332 (n. 102); and Haitian newspapers, can, 257-58, 265-66, 302 119:and constitutional government, Women'sInternational League for Peace 128;and Du Bois, 88-8g;and] U W. and Freedom (WILPF), 215-16, 238, Johnson, 191;1 legalism of, 802 266-67, 270 Wirkus, Faustin: and identity, 3-4,7 78; Women's movement, international, 263, memoirs of, 3-6, 13, 18, 70-71, 76, 78, 265-67 155:and Seabrook, 4,5-6, 254- 55, Women's Peace Party, 19 295; and Gendarmerie d'Haiti, 5, 155, Woollcott, Alexander, 21 10 158, 168-6g; citizenship of, 8, 9; and Workers U.S. regional identity, 56; and homoHaitian: resist U.S. occupation, 11,84, sexuality, 74:and indoctrination, 80; re215:and marines in Haiti, 39, 84, 215; acts to Haiti, 84-85:and withdrawal of and plantation system, 48; and Haitian occupation, 88; and primitivism, 103; economy,, 50, 117-18, 215:and Citadel, and Cacos, 141, 143-45, 155-56; ;and 51;and Haitian elites, 53: and public violence, 155; and field conditions, 157, works, I 17, 150; prisoners as, 50; as 158, 164;and marines in Haiti, 66-67; servants, 215, 216, 28g; and gender, photographs of, 168, 169; and moral 215, 241 breakdowns, I 170-71;and military uniU.S.: and Boyer, 49; transient, 56, 69forms, 76;and Hurston, 292-93, 29570,325 (n. 161); and masculinity, 6396; and Haitian culture, 304 64.69-72;and paternalism, 109 INDEX --- Page 433 --- Works Progress. Administration, 285 Young Men's Christian Association World War I, 92, 96, 106, 114 189, (YMCA), 163.352 (n. 18) Woyshner, Paul, 13, 14 Zamor, Oreste, 91 W. R. Grace Company, 98 Zombies, 19, 216, 223, 445-47.454-288, Wright, Richard, 283 351 (n. 72;and paternalism, 109 INDEX --- Page 433 --- Works Progress. Administration, 285 Young Men's Christian Association World War I, 92, 96, 106, 114 189, (YMCA), 163.352 (n. 18) Woyshner, Paul, 13, 14 Zamor, Oreste, 91 W. R. Grace Company, 98 Zombies, 19, 216, 223, 445-47.454-288, Wright, Richard, 283 351 (n. 179) INDEX --- Page 434 --- GENDER G AMERICAN CULTURE Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the States, 1885-1920, by Mary E. Odem Culture of U.S. Imperialism, 1915-1940, (1995) by Mary A. Renda (2001) U.S. History as Women 's History: New. Feminist Bejore) Jim Crow: The Politics of Race in Essays, edited by Linda K. Kerber, Alice Postemancipation Virginia, by, Jane Dailey Kessler-Harris, and Kathryn Kish Sklar (2000) (1995) CaptainAhab Had a Wife: New England Common Sense and a Little Fire: Women and Women and the Whatefishery, 1720-1870, Working-Class Politics in the United States, by Lisa Norling (2000) 1900-1965, by Annelise Orleck Civilizing Capitalism: The National (1995) Consumers' 'League, Women 's Activism, HowAm I to Be Heard?: Letters of Lillian and Labor Standards in the New Deal Era, Smith, edited by Margaret Rose by Landon R. Y.: Storrs (2000) Gladney (1993) Rank Ladies: Gender and Cultural Hierarchy Entitled to Power: Farm Women and in American Vaudeville, by M. Alison Technology, 1913-1963, by Katherine Kibler (1999) Jellison (1993) Strangers and Pilgrims: Female Preaching in Revising Life: Sylvia Plath sAriel Poems, by America, 1740-1845, by Catherine A. Susan R. 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